Negotiators fail to end Zimbabwe cabinet impasse

Yahoo News

By Fanuel Jongwe AFP - Friday, September 19 04:42 pm
HARARE (AFP) - Negotiators for Zimbabwe's political leaders failed Friday to
agree on key ministries, with the main opposition saying it will not be
"mere accessories" in another ZANU-PF government.

"The negotiators met but they could not come to an agreement," Nelson
Chamisa, spokesman for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), told AFP,
saying there was no shift of position on the part of the longtime ruling
party.

"They are insisting on having all the key positions and we are saying let's
have genuine inclusive power-sharing (...) We will not allow ourselves to be
mere accessories in another ZANU-PF government."

He said discussions between the negotiators would continue. "It's a
negotiation and we will continue to discuss issues until we carve out a
deal."

President Robert Mugabe, MDC leader and prime minister-designate Morgan
Tsvangirai, and deputy prime minister-elect Arthur Mutambara failed Thursday
to agree on the cabinet posts and referred the matter to their negotiators.

The spokesman for Mutambara's breakaway MDC faction, Edwin Mushoriwa, told
AFP that a decision on the cabinet posts would now be on hold until Mugabe
returns from next week's United Nations General Assembly.

"It won't be possible to resolve the issue in the absence of one of the
principals, President Mugabe, who is leaving for the UN assembly in New
York," he said.

Although Mugabe's party has not yet officially announced that he will be
going to the UN, the veteran leader travels annually to the general
assembly, which on Monday will hold a debate on African development.

Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara signed last Monday a power-sharing deal
that set out a framework for a multi-party government in order to break an
electoral deadlock.

ZANU-PF was allotted 15 portfolios in the new cabinet, Tsvangirai's MDC 13
and Mutambara's faction three.

Political analysts said Friday that ZANU-PF's leaders were not used to
sharing power.

"This is also an indication that Mugabe's hardliners are trying to throw
spanners in this deal as they are afraid that they will lose out in the
deal. They have been used to getting almost anything for free," said Charles
Mangongera, an independent analyst based in Harare.

But Mangongera believed this would not derail the deal, adding that the
50-50 power-sharing arrangement should reflect the agreement and not allow
the MDC to get "Mickey Mouse ministries".

Bornwell Chakaodza, a political commentator and columnist in the
privately-owned Financial Gazette newspaper, also told AFP that the deadlock
was temporary.

ZANU-PF still wanted to cling on to powerful ministries such as defence,
home affairs, finance and information.

"But they must know that they cannot have their cake and eat it. They must
be prepared to share. They must realise this is a matter of give and take."

Mugabe told the ZANU-PF central committee on Wednesday that party divisions
during elections in March had cost him a winning majority in the first round
of the presidential election.

"One keeps asking if only we had not blundered in the harmonised election we
would not be facing this humiliation," he said.

But the veteran leader, in an address broadcast live on television, went on
to assure his party that it remained in "the driving seat" and "will not
tolerate any nonsense from our new partners."

The 84-year-old also called on ZANU-PF leaders to explain to Zimbabweans
that the new deal meant former opponents were now political partners.

ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time to Tsvangirai's
MDC in March elections, while Mugabe failed to win presidential elections
outright.

However the veteran president kept his job in June after Tsvangirai pulled
out of a run-off poll, saying his supporters were in danger from violent
attacks blamed on ZANU-PF.

Country's Economy Goes Past Tipping Point

Financial Gazette (Harare)

OPINION
20 September 2008
Posted to the web 19 September 2008

Tony Hawkins
Harare

IT is obvious to just about everyone -- with the apparent exception of the
government of President Robert Mugabe,--that Zimbabwe's economy has passed
"tipping point".

Inflation escalated from 7,500 percent a year ago to 100,000 percent in
January and 11.2 million percent in June.

Current estimates put the annual rate at around 30 million percent for
September. But because no one is able to measure prices accurately, the
precise figure is not known.

In the past two weeks alone, the Zimbabwean dollar has collapsed from 300 to
the US dollar to 15,000, on some occasions, losing half its value in a day.
Last week, the rate collapsed from 7,500 to 15,000 to the dollar.

Production in agriculture, mining and manufacturing has more than halved
since the political crisis started in 2000, and a recent industrial survey
shows that manufacturing industry is operating at less than 20 percent of
capacity.

The shops are empty. More and more people are resorting either to crude
barter -- a cabbage for an egg, or a few tomatoes for a loaf of bread -- or
to under-the-counter deals in foreign currency.

New business areas have opened up, especially in Harare's plush northern
suburbs, where informal shops sell a wide range of products, both imported
and locally-manufactured, but also for US dollars or South African rands.

Still further evidence of accelerating collapse came last week from Gideon
Gono, the Central Bank governor, when he "legalised" the use of foreign
currency for paying for goods and services.

A defensive Gono insisted that he was not "dollarising" the economy -- in
fact that has happened already -- but merely making it easier for shoppers
because local currency is scarce due to his monetary policies.

The "reform" will help the fortunate few with access to foreign currency
while enabling the government to exercise its political patronage in giving
foreign currency licences to favoured retailers and wholesalers.

Gono made no mention of industrialists, farmers and mining companies who,
presumably, will be forced to use the local currency.

This burgeoning informal sector is unlikely to survive for long, since once
there is a political agreement-- and so rapid is the pace of economic
decline that this cannot be too far off - the formal economy will revive.

Accordingly, informal traders are making as much hay as possible while the
sun shines.

As a result, US dollar inflation (about five percent in the US) easily
exceeds 50 percent in Zimbabwe. It is a sellers market and the traders are
exploiting their short-lived opportunities to the full.

While economic collapse is a heaven-sent opportunity for Zimbabwe's
enterprising traders, it is a disaster for the poor, the elderly and the
sick.

Basic social services have collapsed in high-density urban areas. Teachers
do not report for work; government doctors are on strike, and while private
medicine operates relatively efficiently, it is too expensive for the vast
majority of the population and doctors and dentists prefer payment in
foreign currency.

The middle class, once the bedrock of this economy has diminished -- 
doctors, teachers, nurses, engineers, artisans and lawyers have left the
country.

Zimbabwe is now a highly polarised society economically, with a thin veneer
of very prosperous entrepreneurs, including government ministers and
officials, policemen and military officers and well-connected
businesspeople, known generically as "the chefs".

They have never had it so good, but their prosperity depends on their
political connections.

At the other extreme are the poor -- an estimated 80 percent of the
remaining population of some 10 to 11 million live on less than one US
dollar a day.

No one knows how many people have emigrated, mostly to South Africa,
Botswana, the UK and Zambia, but estimates put the figure at a minimum of
two million people.

Today, most Zimbabwean families depend on Diaspora income to stay alive.
Without remittances from relatives and friends living abroad, many
Zimbabweans would simply not survive.

It is unlikely that any business, outside the informal traders,
money-changers, and of course, banks, is operating at anything like full
capacity.

Even simple consumer items, Coca-Cola or local beer, have disappeared from
the shelves. One leading upmarket clothing retailer says its main
money-spinner these days is the sale of enamel pots, pans, plates and mugs."

"That's a measure of income and living standards in Zimbabwe," says a
manager.

Each time the political parties meet for talks about forming a unity
government to fill the present vacuum, there is no shortage of business
optimists, predicting a massive boom, fuelled by billions of dollars of
foreign aid and foreign private investment.

Thousands, even millions, of Zimbabweans will rush home to cash in on the
post-Mugabe bonanza.

But will they? One methodical research study suggests that the more skilled
Zimbabweans will stay in the Diaspora, rather than giving up good jobs for
the uncertainty of a long and painful economic recovery.

Some economists reckon it will take 10 to 15 years for incomes to return to
pre-crisis levels.

Economic recovery will be seriously constrained by the country's
infrastructure "deficit" especially electric power.

Foreign currency will be scarce during a period when the country will need
billions of US dollars to finance food imports (already a third of the
population is being fed by international donors) and another crisis year
looms for agriculture.

Emergency assistance will be needed to rebuild the health and education
systems and to finance fuel and electricity imports. Most serious of all is
the void so often overlooked by businesspeople, investors and diplomats.

That void is the country's "soft" infrastructure -- the institutions that
keep a country functioning, the judiciary, the police, the public service
rule of law, the public service, the media, the schools and health
providers.

These have been systematically undermined and corrupted by the ZANU-PF
government.

Ten years ago, when President Mugabe set out to "empower" his people by
seizing privately-owned farmland and instructing his central bank to print
trillions, quadrillions, of local dollars to foot the bill, Zimbabwe was
blessed with above-average institutions for an African country.

Today, much of that institutional fabric has gone. It will take decades to
revive and replace.

Tony Hawkins is Professor of Economics at the graduate School of Management
at the University of Zimbabwe.

Victims Get Short Shrift in Power-Sharing Deal

allAfrica.com

GUEST COLUMN
19 September 2008
Posted to the web 19 September 2008

Comfort Ero and Howard Varney

The power-sharing agreement which sets up a coalition government for
Zimbabwe offers little scope for dealing with past human rights abuses,
denigrating the role of civil society and making only tentative mention of a
mechanism to achieve national healing, write Comfort Ero and Howard Varney
of the International Center for Transitional Justice.

Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal raises hopes that years of political
turbulence, violence and harsh economic decline can now be addressed in a
comprehensive manner. The immediate priority is to hold the government
together, but durable peace will also require justice for victims of
political violence and accountability for perpetrators-both of which get
short shrift in the agreement.

For the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe - many of whom have been
dispossessed, imprisoned or injured for exercising their right to vote - the
political balance of power is inextricably linked to the process of
addressing their years of grievance and pain. For them, President Robert
Mugabe and his security chiefs appear to have gotten away with serious
crimes, at least for now.

The agreement gives the impression that the door is being left open for
justice. The preamble accepts of the values of justice and fairness and the
need to respect human rights, as well as committing the parties in principle
to the rule of law.

In reality, the agreement offers little scope for dealing with the past and
mentions no formal transitional justice mechanisms such as a truth
commission or a reparations plan. An unspoken de facto amnesty for human
rights violations seems to have been allowed, particularly for senior
perpetrators. Acknowledgement and accountability are not high on the agenda.

Article 7 of the agreement is the closest it comes to addressing the rights
of victims. It says that "consideration" should be given to the "setting up
of a mechanism to properly advise on what measures might be necessary and
practicable to achieve national healing, cohesion and unity in respect of
victims of pre and post independence political conflicts."

This is extremely tentative; even the creation of an advisory mechanism is
optional. Here and throughout the agreement, the role of civil society is
entirely denigrated. Considering how crucial it has been in holding the
political parties to their noble but unsubstantiated commitments, this is a
critical flaw.

While the agreement recognizes rights and freedoms, it is thin on
enforcement. Article 6 recognises the right of free political activity, yet
there is no provision for independent monitoring to ensure it is enforced.

Article 12 mentions freedom of assembly, but does not direct the government
to permit and promote this right; it only mandates training programmes for
law enforcement agencies so that their members can understand security
legislation. Neither does the article require a review of security
legislation that inhibits the right to free assembly.

Article 13 on state organs and institutions also stipulates that members of
the security services receive human rights training, and requires strict
adherence to laws and regulations. There is, however, no requirement for the
overhauling of laws and regulations that currently serve to deny human
rights, nor any requirement for the reform of the security services
themselves.

Security sector reform appears to be left in the hands of the particular
department's political masters, with no reference to the critical need for
civilian oversight and monitoring-or the necessity of barring those
responsible for serious human rights violations from public office.

Article 15 calls for national youth training programmes but does not require
the disbanding of youth militias and war veteran paramilitary groups and
their reintegration into society.

There are encouraging provisions in Article 18 on security and prevention of
violence. Article 18.5 (c) states: "The government must apply the law
impartially in bringing all perpetrators of politically motivated violence
to book."

But these notional commitments will be worth very little if they apply only
to junior offenders on the ground and not to senior perpetrators who
orchestrated the violence from behind the scenes. Indeed, in Article 20.1.3,
the agreement specifically highlights the president's power to grant
pardons, which he may use to neutralize prosecutions. All perpetrators
should be held to account: senior offenders should not be allowed to hide
behind the political deal.

Article 20 discloses other opportunities for abuse of power by the
president. He can proclaim martial law and public emergencies without having
to consult with the prime minister. This would allow Mugabe to act alone in
suspending key rights including the right to personal liberty and freedoms
of expression, assembly and movement. The constitution prevents the courts
from overturning the president's decisions to declare public emergencies.

It is Mugabe, not Prime Minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai, who is
authorised to "make key appointments" under the constitution. Mugabe also
retains the power to dissolve parliament. These powers have to be exercised
"in consultation" with Tsvangirai, yet it is curious that the agreement does
not specify what "in consultation" means. It ought to have read "in
concurrence with" or "with the consent of."

While the day-to-day survival of millions of Zimbabweans must be the
immediate priority of the coalition government, in the longer term Zimbabwe
needs to hold to account those who perpetrated serious crimes, and to
deliver equitable land reform and comprehensive reparations to victims.

Morgan Tsvangirai said at the signing ceremony for the agreement that "only
through a public acknowledgement of past wrongs can we begin the process of
national healing." Civil society should hold him to his word.

Comfort Ero is director of the International Center for Transitional
Justice's South Africa office and deputy director of ICTJ's Africa program.
Howard Varney is an advocate at the Johannesburg Bar and director of ICTJ's
truth-seeking program.

Leaders must unite and deliver on promises

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4440

September 19, 2008

By Morgan Tsvangirai

(Speech by Morgan Tsvangirai at the signing ceremony on Monday, September
15, 2008.)
PRESIDENT Mbeki, Heads of State and Government, Your Excellencies, Members
of the Diplomatic Corps, President Mugabe, Professor Mutambara, Mr. Speaker
of Parliament, Madam President of the Senate, Parliamentarians, Senators and
Parliamentarians, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.

Today, I want to thank all those whose tireless work has brought us to the
signing of this agreement.

I salute President Thabo Mbeki, facilitator of the negotiations, for his
efforts to find a solution to the Zimbabwe crisis that is acceptable to all
parties.

I applaud the role played by SADC in working with all parties involved to
resolve this crisis. I would like to pay particular tribute to the late
Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, who worked tirelessly towards this
agreement and it will serve as an enduring part of his legacy.

I thank Jakaya Kikwete, president of Tanzania and Chairman of the African
Union, and Jean Ping, Chairman of the Commission of the Africa Union for
understanding how important resolving the Zimbabwe crisis was to our entire
continent.

I recognize United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who acknowledged
that the world cannot stand idle while a member nation slides into famine
and chaos.

I thank the democratically elected Members of Parliament-all of them,
Zanu-PF, members of the MDC and the independent parliamentarian. Already you
have shown a willingness to work across party lines to get things done. You
are a model for the executive branch created out of today's agreement to
follow.

Lastly, and most importantly, I would like to thank the people of Zimbabwe,
for adhering to the principles of peaceful, democratic change and for not
wavering from these principles even in the face of hardship. I salute you.

Our nation looks towards us, the leadership, to deliver on the commitments
contained in this agreement. We had two options: To put aside our
differences and unite in order our people real hope, or continue to let the
impasse plunge our country in to the abyss of a failed state.

People may ask how we, who have been opponents for so long, can possibly
work together in government. On this I ask all Zimbabweans to hear these
words.

I have signed this agreement because I believe it represents the best
opportunity for us to build a peaceful, prosperous, democratic Zimbabwe. I
have signed this agreement because my belief in Zimbabwe and its peoples
runs deeper than the scars I bear from the struggle. I have signed this
agreement because my hope for the future is stronger than the grief I feel
for the needless suffering of the past years.

Today, every one of us has a decision to make. Shall we be driven by the
feelings we have towards those we blame for the suffering we have endured,
or shall we be driven by the hope of a new, better, brighter country. The
hope of a new beginning.

The world has too many examples of what happens when people are driven by
past wrongs rather than the hope of future glories.

I have chosen to be guided by hope and if you join me in this, we will not
fail to witness the rebirth of our nation.

This does not mean we must forget about the past decades of hardship and
struggles. It is essential that we remember the sacrifices made by our
comrades, colleagues, families and friends, from the time of our liberation
struggle until today, that have made this historic opportunity possible.
Only through a public acknowledgement of past wrongs can we begin the
process of national healing.

Looking back provides me with the energy to move forward. Looking back, I am
filled with enormous pride over the way we Zimbabweans have conducted
ourselves. We deserve to stand tall and be proud of what we have achieved
and be excited about what we can now achieve.

The agreement we sign to day is a product of painful compromise. It does not
provide an instant cure for the ills that pervade our society and our
country. The road ahead is long and will not be easy. Indeed, the partners
in this new, inclusive government cannot alone provide the solutions to the
problems facing the country. All we can do, and we will do, is to work
together to establish the environment where every Zimbabwean has the
opportunity to contribute to solving the problems we face.

This agreement sees the return of hope to all our lives. We have been
motivated in our struggle by the belief that we deserve democracy, that we
deserve a better life,  that we deserve to live free from fear, hunger,
poverty and oppression.

It is this hope that provides the foundation of this agreement that we sign
today. It is this hope that will provide us with the belief that we can
achieve a New Zimbabwe. It is this hope that will provide us with the energy
to build a New Zimbabwe. It is this hope that must unite all Zimbabweans as
we move forward.

But hope alone will not deliver our New Zimbabwe. In this we all have an
essential role to play. In this new struggle for a new beginning, we will
require the support, perseverance and patience of the people.

In turn, I pledge that this new inclusive government will introduce a new
way of governing, where we serve the people and respond to the needs of the
people. I acknowledge the debt that we owe to the courage and support of the
people and I commit myself and this new, inclusive government to honour that
debt.

As Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, I call on the supporters of both Zanu-PF and
the MDC to unite with all Zimbabweans, to put the interests of our nation
and our people first and to work together for a New Zimbabwe. Divisions,
polarization and hatred belong to the past.

With the commitment of this new government to build a better country, with
the commitment of all Zimbabweans to work together for a brighter future our
success is guaranteed.

However, a new beginning will be built more quickly with support from the
international community. We are grateful for the support you have shown us
over the past nine years and we appeal to our regional neighbours, our
African brothers and sisters and the international community, to assist us
in rebuilding our nation. To assist us to address the problems facing our
society, our education and health care systems and our economy.

As a sovereign, peaceful state we ask that you work with us to return
Zimbabwe to its rightful place as a proud, democratic, prosperous member of
the family of nations.

The agreement we are signing today creates a transitional authority that
will govern Zimbabwe until a new democratic constitution can be put in place
and genuinely free and fair elections can be held. We do not today set a
date for those future elections. But we must not use the current crisis,
desperate as it is, to delay the lasting solution to our underlying problem.

This negotiated settlement can only be a temporary measure, a candle in a
dark dungeon that enables our people to see the way forward to the bright
sunshine of freedom and prosperity.

Zanu-PF and MDC are brands rich with meaning and proud history. Zanu-PF is
the party of our national liberation; the party of the creation of the
modern Zimbabwe; the mother party of many liberation movements across the
whole continent of Africa.

The MDC is a people's party. Born from a people's convention, drawing people
from all walks of life, but representing those for whom life every day is a
struggle; and who look for something better for their future, and their
children's future.

For too long we have allowed the differences between these two parties to
divide us, to the detriment of our nation, rather than unite us, for the
betterment of our nation.

Party divisions and party brands no longer matter to the people of Zimbabwe.
We must all unite to solve to the problems facing the nation.

Our new Government recognizes the hardships faced by the people today and
addressing these will be our main priority.

First we will stop the devastating food shortages.

The policies of the past years have made Zimbabwe a nation where the healthy
flee and the sickly die.

Warm-hearted and generous people from around the globe have come to Zimbabwe
to bring food to our starving people-And they found our door was locked.

The first priority of the government is to unlock the food already in our
country and distribute it to our people.

We need doctors and medicines back in our hospitals; teachers back in our
schools. We need businesses that can grow and provide jobs to the people. We
need electricity again to power our businesses and homes. We need water that
is safe and accessible. We need affordable food in our shops, crops in our
fields, and petrol back in our vehicles. We need to be able to access our
own cash from our banks.

We need to stabilize our economy and restore value to our currency.

Peace and safety must be restored to our communities. Our state institutions
must serve the needs of all the people, not just Zanu PF or the MDC.

Under my leadership, this unity government will let business flourish so our
people can work and provide for their families with pride.

With the signing of this deal the door to freedom and democracy has been
unlocked. The transformation of our lives begins now. How quickly and how
successfully that happens will depend on the commitment of every Zimbabwean
as an agent for positive change.

The hand with which I sign this agreement is the hand I extend to President
Robert Mugabe - for the well-being of our nation - in my pledge to work with
all the leaders of Zimbabwe to bring our nation back to life. Let us not be
divided by our past, but united by our hope for the future.

And so, In the sight of the world, with the hopes of our people, praying for
the wisdom from almighty God, I sign this agreement and enter a new
government and a way forward to new era of prosperity and democracy for all
Zimbabweans.

Zimbabwe must not have dominant ruling party

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4431

September 18, 2008

By Silence Chihuri

WHEN Dr Simba Makoni announced his bid to stand against Robert Mugabe under
the Mavambo/Dawn banner in the March presidential poll, I was one of the
very first people to analyse his bid and came up to the conclusion that was
very harsh and blunt. In short, I described Dr Makoni's project as a
potential political carpet under which a lot and I meant a great lot, of
Zanu-PF dirty could be swept.

My reasoning for that conclusion was simply on the basis of the initial
outlook of the bid and especially some of the names that were being put
forward as the people behind the Mavambo/Dawn project. I know Simba Makoni
quite well and I was convinced that he was genuinely looking for something
new for Zimbabweans. However, I was not quite equally convinced that with
that kind of backers breathing down his neck he could be able to effectively
and comprehensively deliver what exactly Zimbabweans needed at that crucial
hour. I just could not buy that at least by then.

I have seen Zimbabweans being short-changed for nearly thirty years by a
government that has so self-indulging and arrogant in its pursuits. I have
also seen the suffering of the Zimbabwean people being prolonged needlessly
and to some extend due to ineffective opposition that was largely unaided by
the work of a cabal of individuals whose very reasoning for entering
politics was self aggrandisement rather than national duty. And for another
defective project to be launched on the eve of such a crucial election and
potentially thwart an outright victory for the opposition was just too much
to stomach for me. So I said no but no thanks to the Mavambo/Dawn project in
the first instance.

One thing I have always said I will not do during my political exploits is
to rigidly tie myself to a certain school of thought or line of thinking or
let alone fail to adjust my political reasoning to the dictates of the daily
changing life of our people. I have always vowed to follow an adaptive way
of political thinking, speak my mind without shame or fear, and to make
decisions to do with my political activities that I will always base on what
I think is in the best interests of my country. In short, I have always
followed what I call my personal guiding principles and most of my decisions
are based on these.

It was on the basis of these personal guiding principles that I joined
politics. I am not in politics for anything otherwise and I like politics
that deliver on the people's expectations. I also believe very strongly that
people should put the national banner before the party political banner.

That way you remain flexible in decision making and adaptive in thinking. It
was that kind of approach that brought me to the most remarkable about-turns
in my political thinking leading on to my backing of Dr Makoni after
initially rejecting his bid. It was not as simple as that however, but
rather a culmination of events and discussions.

There was a lot of buzz around the Kusile project and there were a lot of
people who thought it was a great development right from the start because
Zimbabweans had been searching for a long time for the so-called reformed
Zanu-PF politicians. These could either reform the rotting party from within
or like in Dr Makoni's case take a much more drastic route of setting up
shop just outside the Zanu- PF mall. It was a brave move on Dr Makoni's part
but one that still left a lot of Zimbabweans unfazed though, because of the
mistrust they held for someone like him who had been in Zanu- PF for his
entire political career.

There are certain people who tend to personalise politics forgetting that it
is a national game that everyone is entitled to partake in without
manipulation or patronisation. I have seen this kind of attitude tending to
hamper progressive and fruitful politics. There is a tendency to label
everything that is not mainstream MDC as either the work of Zanu-PF or a
ploy by those behind it to derail the people's movement. People must never
forget however, that the days of Zanu-PF will be over and the MDC will be
the main party. When people start to oppose the MDC for shortcomings there
will be similar jibes that will be thrown around, that is anything other
than whatever party will be there to oppose the MDC being labelled the work
of the MDC to thwart effective opposition to it!

I strongly believe that there should always be a period of effective
analysis that would be followed by due acceptance or rejection. There should
also be room for benefit of the doubt rather than perennial denial and
rejection. This was why after my lengthy and critical analysis of the Dr
Makoni bid, and a very close look at some of the very essential aspects of
it that did not come out as initially alleged, I chose to support it in the
end. Firstly, I spoke to the people very close to the bid to get it first
hand and people like Major Kudzai Mbudzi for instance, made it very clear
that only credible and genuinely committed people were behind the bid.

People like Dumiso Dabengwa a very roundly respected politician and liberal
minded Zanu-PF figure would be among the key backers and to me there could
be no fitting persona more than Dabengwa.

I have in the past expressed some misgivings towards Dabengwa for giving
Mugabe and Zanu-PF too much leeway thereby leaving all the work to the likes
of Welshman Mabhena to try to keep them in check. Therefore, when Dabengwa
threw his weight behind the Makoni bid that gave it a lot of credibility
because Dumiso is one of our very well respected leaders. He is neither a
tribalist nor a Zanu-PF ideologue. Dabengwa saw in the Dr Makoni bid what a
lot of other Zimbabweans did not see in the initial stages and this was the
great potential to effectively undo Zanu-PF and to un-wrap the MDC as the
clear people project.

A lot of people questioned our wisdom for supporting Dr Makoni while it was
the MDC that was poised to take over in Zimbabwe but some of us could see
that from the way things were going there was an urgent need for another
major play to help shake Zanu-PF. For some of us it was not about
positioning or hedging against an MDC that would be a future government. It
was about principles and seeing what Zimbabwe needed at that time as a
catalyst to a stalled process. This is why I for one will continue to shift
my political allegiance as long as this is in the interest of my country.

The history and nature of our politics shows a culture of flexibility and
this is why most of the current politicians leading the country today
started with one political movement or another.

The Dr Makoni bid actually gave Zimbabweans a reality check on their
politics and the politicians behind it. It gave Zimbabweans three stuck
choices in Mugabe and his Zanu-PF, Dr Makoni and Mavambo/Dwn and Tsvangirai
and the MDC. There could only be one clear winner in that contest and that
was Tsvangirai. Tsvangirai's win was both historical as it was symbolic
because Mugabe had proven in the preceding 27 years that he was just simply
a power obsessed ideologue who did not exercise what he perennially
preached. And regardless of the in-house problems that had plagued the MDC
in the runner up to the March polls, Zimbabweans came out in full force to
vote for the party because it presented the clear choice.

The MDC is riding high at the moment, both on loyal as well as protest
support. How ever, this might change with time as is the nature with
politics. As for Dr Makoni well, the man has acquitted himself exceptionally
well so far. Despite the undue insinuations by some critics that Dr Makoni
would adulterate himself with Zanu-PF during and after the polls, the
learned doc has stuck to his word. Also, Dr Makoni was one of the very first
people to propose a government of national unity or a power-sharing
arrangement of some sort with Mugabe and his Zanu-PF as a way of ending the
impasse. Again he was castigated as simply trying to prop up Zanu- PF when a
hard line stance seemed then to be the toast of the day. Dr Makoni had the
vision to see what sort of solution was needed to end our political
situation that had dragged on for years. To his credit, Dr Makoni steered
completely clear of the protracted talks while certain amateur politicians
were prostituting themselves left right and centre to gain an undeserved
shot at the centre of Zimbabwean politics.

The very people who were labelling Makoni a ZANU PF protégé were the ones
who ended with Mugabe at the high table. It is this kind of purposelessly
hard line politics that prolonged the situation in our country. While
everyone was busy blaming Mbeki and his failure to 'solve' the Zimbabwean
crisis Zimbabwean politician were far from seriously courting each other to
find a solution.

Zimbabweans must have never had to die and suffer in this manner simply for
a dot on the line. The MDC long lost the edge to win an outright victory so
as to unseat ZANU PF regardless of the insaneness of the latter. A serious
look at negotiation rather than grand-standing must have been explored long
way back.

Now that the agreement has been signed it will be time to see how the MDC
will carry the day for Zimbabwean especially in the face of a ZANU PF whose
head has not been completely smothered. The agreement is neither clear nor
decisive when it comes to the consignment of Zanu-PF to the dustbins of
politics. What it has done is rather throw a much needed lifeline to an
ailing political monster that is Zanu-PF. Time will also tell if the British
and US governments will stick to their word and make available the promised
billions for economic and social redevelopment because a lot of time was
wasted and many opportunities missed in resolving the Zimbabwean crises.
Sadly this supposedly historic agreement has now coincided with very testing
times in the history of world economics. Most of the western nations that
could have come in handy with money to turn Zimbabwe around are all reeling
under the credit crunch.

As for Dr Makoni well, he has demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that he
is a man of principles and integrity. Zimbabwe needs politicians of
integrity and consistency and not flip-floppers who go with the tide. This
is why I will continue to support Dr Makoni unless he throws in the towel. I
am sure Dr Makoni will now get down to serious organisational business that
he wouldn't have done without taking the limelight out of the talks.
Zimbabwe can never again afford to have a dominant ruling party and
lightweight opposition as what happened to Zanu-PF for years. This is the
time to lay the strongest ever foundation for opposition politics in a
Zimbabwe were repression and retribution will surely be a thing of the past.

(Silence Chihuri is a Zimbabwean writer who lives in Scotland. He is the
director of the Africa Good Governance Lobby Group (AGGLG).)

Mugabe still scares the hell out of Zanu-PF politicians

http://www.sowetan.co.za

19 September 2008
Bill Saidi

Amid the welter of Zanu-PF gaffes and double-speak, one is still able to
make the bold statement that there are still wise people in its hierarchy.

This is a difficult conclusion to come to after a cursory examination of the
party's performance in the lead-up to this week's agreement with the MDC.

The logical assessment would be that the geriatric element in the party is
incapable of pronouncing rational strategies to safeguard Zimbabwe's most
vital interests.

As Robert Mugabe has been its chief spokesman since the talks started, we
must conclude none of them has had the guts to stand up to him.

His closing remarks last Monday signalled that he has been the main spanner
in the works towards an early resolution of the political and economic
crisis his party created.

To hark back to Cold War rhetoric was vintage Mugabe, the context smacking
oddly of an old man stuck in a rut in the past.

What Zanu-PF must recognise, as we enter the implementation phase of the
agreement, is to have enough cojones to tell the old man: "Gushungo, it is
time for you to go. Let someone else take this ship to port."

Mugabe's remarks must have grated on the nerves of every Zimbabwean
listening. That he still has any role to play in the next phase of salvaging
the country from his disastrous policies must rate as a pyrrhic victory for
him.

The next logical step for his party is to ask him to step down as president
of the country and of his party, while he still has some of his dignity
intact.

Any further delay could result in utter humiliation and disgrace. The wise
people surrounding him must ram this point home, by whatever means
necessary, if they are to salvage a shred of dignity for their party.

At the beginning of the talks, there was a powerful argument in favour of
providing Mugabe with an exit package. The monetary element was not the most
important, though some of the figures would have bankrupted an economy
already in terminal mode.

This was inspired by his role in the struggle. Mugabe did not deserve a
kicking and screaming departure, his usually immaculate suit in tatters,
half his moustache shaved off, wearing only one shoe with greasy smudges.

Many Zimbabweans, though itching to avenge the departed souls of murdered
relatives, would have preferred a serene exit to what Zanu-PF is almost
forcing the MDC and its supporters to resort to - a snarling, booing and
cat-calling march to State House.

Morgan Tsvangirai struck a conciliatory note but was visibly disappointed
when Mugabe ignored all that and stuck to his old script: Everybody - you
can go to hell!

Most people engaged in the talks had once spoken of providing Mugabe with a
dignified exit from power. That they all failed might not be due to any
feebleness in their powers of persuasion, but to Mugabe's misguided grasp of
the Zimbabwean political psyche after 2000.

He had let hired thugs kill people, bash them and terrorise them. Yet when
the time came for them to decide who to vote for, they rejected him.

His response to Tsvangirai's speech showed that whatever faults the MDC had
committed in welcoming Western political support, the impediment was one
man, who had scared the hell out of his party.

a.. The writer is deputy editor of The Standard in Zimbabwe

What did Mbeki pull out of his hat?

http://www.businessday.co.za

19 September 2008

Aubrey Matshiqi

PRESIDENT Thabo Mbeki went back to Zimbabwe on a visit that
turned out to be the final phase of his mediation efforts. He pulled a furry
animal out of his hat to the delight of Robert Mugabe and the leader of one
of the factions of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Arthur
Mutambara.

Television images of the signing ceremony suggest that Mugabe
and Mutambara saw Mbeki pulling out a rabbit, but the leader of the other
MDC faction, Morgan Tsvangirai, must have seen something else if his "sour
aspect" at the ceremony is anything to go by. But it is possible also that
he was just trying to look like a prime minister.

The demeanour of the three leaders aside, do Zimbabweans have
any reason to be joyful about the fruit of Mbeki's negotiating skills? Do
they have reason to be hopeful about the future of their country?

My view is that our northern neighbours have good reasons to
rejoice and be hopeful about the potential of the political settlement to
deliver peace and prosperity for Zimbabwe. This should be the case despite
the shortcomings of the agreement between Zanu (PF) and the two formations
of the MDC. Without doubt, the political settlement has delivered more to
Mugabe than he deserves and much less to Tsvangirai than he would have
liked. This and other imperfections of the settlement notwithstanding, hope
can spring from an imperfect political agreement.

Furthermore, it is very difficult to win around the negotiating
table what you could not on the field of political battle. Clearly, the MDC
had to settle despite the misgivings of its leaders because the balance
still favoured Zanu (PF) five months after Mugabe and the Joint Operational
Command intimidated Tsvangirai out of the June runoff elections. Despite all
of this, the outcome of Mbeki's mediation process presents opportunities for
national healing, the amelioration of Zimbabwe's socioeconomic conditions
and the creation of conditions conducive to the holding of free and fair
elections at some point in the future.

HOWEVER, this is easier said than done. It is going to be
difficult for Tsvangirai and Mugabe to work together given the fact that
there is no chemistry between the two men. Despite how the power-sharing
agreement has carved up state power and functions between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai, the new prime minister, we should not preclude the possibility
of impediments being placed in Tsvangirai's way by Zanu (PF).

It is possible that an attempt will be made to undermine the
prime minister's capacity to perform his functions. Further, being part of
the government has political implications for Tsvangirai and the MDC. As it
will take a long time to turn Zimbabwe around, especially in economic terms,
the MDC will share the blame if social, political and economic deficits are
not addressed at a pace desired by ordinary citizens. This is exactly what
Zanu (PF) needs in relation to the imperatives of party renewal and
reconnecting with a disaffected, and therefore shrinking, rural support
base.

Am I suggesting that Mbeki should not be congratulated for
negotiating the Zimbabwean political deal?

There are two ways of gauging the success of any mediation
process: first, has it delivered a settlement, and second, has it delivered
a lasting solution? On the first count, it would be uncharitable not to
congratulate the president. But it is too early to tell whether the
settlement will deliver a democratic order antithetical to the presettlement
situation.

For this reason, it is incumbent on Zimbabweans and
non-Zimbabweans to ensure that a stable democracy results from the political
settlement. One hopes that the Southern African Development Community and
the African Union will commit themselves to the adoption of measures that
seek to build on Mbeki's achievement.

Matshiqi is a senior associate political analyst at the
Centre for Policy Studies.

Zim deal hanging by thread

http://www.iol.co.za

    September 19 2008 at 09:52AM

By Stanley Gama and Hans Pienaar

Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal was in trouble on Thursday night after
the three principals to the agreement deadlocked on the allocation of five
ministries during a meeting in Harare.

Serious differences are said to have emerged between President Robert
Mugabe of Zanu- PF, Movement for Democratic Change leader and prime
minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai and deputy prime minister-designate
Arthur Mutambara of the smaller faction of the MDC.

Nelson Chamisa of the MDC said afterwards that Mugabe's party "is
claiming all the powerful ministries".

"That is why there couldn't be agreement, and it's being referred back
to the negotiators. The principals want more time to deliberate."

In Pretoria, Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad, speaking
before the meeting at his weekly briefing, said the problems in forming a
cabinet were "technical" and not a task for the facilitation anymore.

"It has political connotations but it is something even the
facilitation cannot now be overseeing, unless there is a delay. Zimbabwe
should be given time to resolve the impasse."

Chamisa said Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara would meet again after
Mugabe attends the UN General Assembly meeting next week.

According to highly placed sources, the three principals would have
faced few problems in allocating the other 26 ministries, but when serious
problems over five key ministries emerged, the meeting had to be aborted.
The five ministries are Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs, Local Government,
Finance and Justice.

Edwin Mushoriwa, the spokesperson for the smaller faction of the MDC,
confirmed the deadlock.

"There seemed to be no problems in the bulk of the ministries. It must
be understood that the process can never be easy.

"We are talking of three people who want key ministries, and it takes
time, but the bottom line is they will meet again soon," Mushoriwa said.

Mugabe, under pressure from his Zanu-PF hardliners not to give in too
much to the MDC, is said to be refusing to budge on the ministries, forcing
the three principals to abandon the meeting for "further consultations".

Mugabe was shown on state TV on Wednesday telling his party's central
committee that he was still in charge and that the party would still be "in
the driving seat".

Reports on Thursday indicated that Mugabe and Tsvangirai did not agree
on the allocation of provincial governors either.

Mugabe appointed them before the signing of the power-sharing deal and
is now faced with the prospect of removing some governors to accommodate
those from the MDC.

It has been established that the principals did not devote much time
to discussing the rest of the ministries. The ministries they are fighting
for are key in terms of their strength in the all-inclusive government.

Said an MDC official: "It's back to the drawing board in Zimbabwean
politics. We faced serious problems in the allocation of ministries and it
was so serious that the power-sharing deal might completely collapse.

"Remember, senior Zanu-PF officials are not happy with the
power-sharing deal as they have lost a lot of power. They are putting
pressure on Mugabe not to give in too much in the allocation of ministries
as they feel they have already given a lot of power to the opposition.

"People must read into why Mugabe had to meet the politburo three
times in five days. They were obviously planning to neutralise the influence
of the MDC in the government, and one of the ways was to make sure they get
all the important ministries."

Pahad said South Africa was ready to assist in Zimbabwe's economic
recovery, but could do nothing while the ministers remained unappointed.

This article was originally published on page 6 of The Star on
September 19, 2008

Cash Shortages

State of emergency in Zimbabwe

http://kubatanablogs.net/kubatana/?p=798

Yesterday I spent close to 2 hours in and out of a bank queue trying to
withdraw my $1000 for the day. I stood so long I began to shiver slightly
from both hunger pangs and exhaustion. Soon as I got my one leaf, I
proceeded straight to Libby's and bought myself hot chips for exactly $1000.
They were the cheapest meal on the menu. I told my partner and since then he
won't stop making fun of me. He says it's a whole new meaning to the term
hand-to-mouth. It's simply ridiculous and defeats logic that I spent so long
to get such little cash and when I did, I immediately used it all on lunch.
The reasoning was had I not spent so long in the queue, I wouldn't have felt
faint in the first place. Which makes me think of the way South African
politics work. When they feel someone is not doing their job properly, they
shout from the rooftops if they have to and actively advocate having that
person removed with immediate effect. Currently, that is what's happening to
President Mbeki, despite his so-called victory on the Zimbabwe mediation.

Recently the ANC mass mobilized to demand that all charges against Jacob
Zuma be dropped citing unfair treatment by the NPA. They went out of their
way to demonstrate in front of the courts, they even threatened to 'crush'
anyone who blocked Zuma's path to the presidency. Frankly it was my first
time to witness a group of people actually advocate for a criminal to be set
free. The courts probably gave in and acquitted Zuma, and now the heat has
been turned onto Mbeki. The ANC is blatantly and unashamedly using the ANCYL
President Julius Malema to communicate the fact that Mbeki is no longer
wanted within the ANC and to demand his resignation. Although Malema does
this under the banner of representing the position of the youth league even
those with half a brain can figure out that the silence of the ANC
whiteheads speaks of their collective opinion.

Although I do not completely subscribe to the ANC strategy of doing things I
sometimes wish we had similar kinds of behavior in Zimbabwe, more so within
the ruling party. That's the way a democracy should be, for the people, and
not the individual to be in control of things and to decide who stays and
who goes. But in Zimbabwe, it is taboo and even if some members of the
politburo were disgruntled about the leadership, they would never dare to
explicitly register their disapproval. I guess it's a question of
socialization and this culture of inherent resignation threatens to prevail
over all deliberations in this country as long as Bob lives.

Right now barely 48 hours after the contentious signing of the agreement,
another deadlock has been reported over the allocation of Ministries and who
gets what portfolio. Those clowns squabbling about whether or not the key
ministries of Finance, Agriculture, Foreign affairs, Local government,
Justice and Information should still be under Zanu PF patronage or not is
the last thing we need. It has been as plain as day that the previous
cabinet, which by the way, Mugabe himself called the worst ever, failed to
run this country and its clear that for any economic progress to prevail,
such posts must exchange hands into those of younger, more capable ones.

As long as Mugabe and his people retain these key positions, this will not
only be egg in Tsvangirai's face but there is absolutely no way this country
will turn around. The international community has indicated it is not
prepared to inject any funds where there is a likelihood of them being
squandered again by the chefs in their insatiable appetite for
self-enrichment while intended beneficiaries, who are ordinary Zimbabweans,
continue to live in abject poverty. I would suggest that as long as selfish
interests still prevail over practicality and simple humanity, Tsvangirai
must just call it quits. If he decides to give in to Zanu PF's impossible
demands, then we know we've got ourselves another wolf out to fatten his
stomach - at the expense of the poor taxpayer.

It worries me how people can spend so much time arguing over what obviously
needs to be done when the country is at an advanced state of emergency and
needs serious economic rehabilitation. Haven't these ruling party
politicians made enough hay while the Zanu PF sun still shone brightly,
especially in the years they looted from the whites under the banners of
land reform and reclamation of sovereignty? Have they not stolen enough,
even from the mouths of the poor - to last them a lifetime? We desperately
need a change of tactics and Tsvangirai and his people are our only hope so
far. Only the selfishness of an egotistic few now stands between Zimbabweans
and the road to economic renewal. This arrangement will only work when
individuals involved are prepared to do without unnecessary opulence and to
work together for the benefit of the majority.

This entry was posted on September 19th, 2008 at 11:48 am by Natasha Msonza

Withdrawal Limit - Force Behind Price Distortions

Financial Gazette (Harare)

20 September 2008
Posted to the web 19 September 2008

Tapiwa Gumbo
Harare

AFTER a long struggle to make ends meet, it has become apparent to me why we
need economic policy makers.

A closer analysis will reveal that it is the welfare of the society that
matters. With or without money, the well-being of the society has become
worse by the hour.

The withdrawal limit set by the central bank is causing more social harm
than good and one wonders where the potency of policies that do not address
social ills lies.

Without even performing a rigorous cost-benefit analysis, even a primary
school student can give a fair appraisal on social ills caused by the cash
withdrawal limit.

Against a near vertical inflation trend, the withdrawal limit has become a
deadly blow from the policymaker's hand. This is the pain citizens are being
subjected to, and I have finally thrown my weight behind the assertion
"necessity is the mother of invention".

To suit and fit well into the system, some venturous business people have
used this policy loophole to tap foreign currency from the market.

The transfer rate of foreign currency is just but a market innovation that
followed stringent controls on cash withdrawals.

Illegal as it is, it has gained popularity as if it was legal and has become
an avenue for instant wealth for some people. The transfer rate, a more evil
twin brother to the black market exchange rate, has depreciated the
Zimbabwean dollar worse than the latter.

The Central Bank has possibly two explanations as to why it has limited cash
withdrawal to a mere $500 for this long.

First, is the issue of the currency paper squeeze. The central bank should
have been proactive and designed coins of a higher denomination.

Second, the central bank position may be to poison and destroy black market
foreign currency dealings so as to preserve the value of the local currency.

It has since noticed the leak (the transfer rate) that depreciates the
Zimbabwean dollar worse than the black market and is reluctant to reverse
its position.

Through observation, one will realise there is an inverse relationship
between the transfer rate of foreign currency exchange and the withdrawal
limit; the limit influencing the transfer.

What is more worrisome is the chain reactions or ripple effects of the cash
withdrawal limit, that is, illegal activity and wild pricing systems.

Most, if not all, businesses have adopted tiered pricing formulae or what we
can simply call the swipe price. Prices follow the transfer rate up the
ladder to the extent that inflation, our number one enemy, has defeated us
and taken over our kingdom.

It is heart-rending to note that a degreed civil servant's net salary cannot
'swipe' a small tin of baked beans. Given the two scenarios, that is, limit
on withdrawals and cyber cash pricing, what then can those without foreign
currency afford? The answer is: Absolutely nothing.

My concern also lies in the purchasing power of the maximum withdrawal
amount. It is a fact that not all shops have the swiping facility and are
cyber cash priced.

The majority could be benefiting from these shops but the central bank has
not been rational enough to enhance welfare. Welfare should be the concern
of this institution.

Most economists believed that controlled markets are inefficient and
Zimbabwe has provided best laboratory experiments to prove the validity of
this philosophy.

The society is totally divided into two main groups -- the elite and the
poor. The elite being those who earn United States dollars constituting the
customer base of most prominent retail outlets.

The other group comprises mere objects of poverty that watch helplessly as
things happen.

What it means is that the central bank has totally lost control of money
supply since there is creation of unproductive cash in the economy through
transfers. This further exerts pressure on the price levels and this feeds
back to the exchange rate and the cycle continues.

Until the central bank accepts reality and take bold steps towards
rationality, we expect nothing good from the current cash withdrawal limit
but suffering.

l By Tapiwa Gumbo, economist and a member of the Zimbabwe Economics Society

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the
author and not of the Zimbabwe Economics Society. Zimba-bwe Economic Society
articles are coordinated by Mr Lovemore Kadenge.

He can be contacted on Cell 0912 732 873, email lovemore.kadenge@gmail.com

Hope in Zimbabwe, or will things fall apart?

http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/09/19/africa/letter.php

By Alan Cowell Published: September 19, 2008

PARIS: It is not too often that the world is made aware of even halfway good
news out of Africa, so it is worth celebrating when hope appears to outpace
despair, however briefly. But, this week, it seemed the world was looking
the other way when a shaft of tremulous light broke through the gloom.

On Monday, in Harare, Zimbabwe, President Robert Mugabe signed an agreement
in which, formally at least, he offered to share power with his nemesis,
Morgan Tsvangirai, who became prime minister-designate.

In theory, this was an epochal moment - the end of 28 years of
uninterrupted, increasingly autocratic power for Mugabe, the triumph of an
excruciating effort of mediation by Thabo Mbeki, the South African
president, and the culmination of years of perilous campaigning by
Tsvangirai, who endured beatings and detentions to prevail.

"My belief in Zimbabwe and its peoples runs deeper than the scars I bear
from the struggle," Tsvangirai declared. In other times, his sound bite
might have resonated. Instead, it was a mere footnote to the history being
written in the dealing rooms and executive suites of Wall Street and in the
conclaves of Washington as the global financial crisis trampled the world's
markets.

That, it sometimes seems, is Africa's curse. However much lip service is
paid to its needs - so basic and so urgent - when the crunch comes, the
priorities move closer to home, to pocketbooks and mortgage repayments,
pensions and stock portfolios.

Those reflexes are understandable: all news is local and so is all
self-interest.
But, in these events, the ironies would have been delicious if they were not
so cataclysmic.

So often in the past, Western aid donors have urged African governments to
embrace the principles of the market to seek solutions to their own
problems.

Yet when those principles failed - as they did so glaringly with
Washington's bailouts of great American corporations - then those same
dispensers of capitalist wisdom reached for solutions that were once derided
as feeble-minded socialism. Public ownership, long disparaged in Western
economic prescriptions for Africa, became the panacea for failing American
institutions.

Not surprisingly, compared to such a massive redrawing - or perhaps
destruction - of the world's financial architecture, Africa's narrative
paled into insignificance, as did the monies deemed important to the
continent's revival.

The Bush administration has promised to increase American multilateral and
bilateral aid to Africa to $8.9 billion by 2010 - double the 2004 level. But
that is for an entire continent. The bailout of the insurer American
International Group cost U.S. taxpayers 10 times as much.

As he signed the agreement in Harare on Monday, Mugabe seemed in a
curmudgeonly mood, revisiting his complaints about purported Western
interference in the affairs of his land, bemoaning the desire of African
political oppositions "to want to be the ruling party" - as if political
oppositions anywhere had a different agenda than the rotation of power that
forms the bedrock of democracy.

His body language as much as his words - his sulking demeanor and slouching
manner - suggested the same reluctance to settle as he showed almost 30
years ago when he was the political figurehead of nationalist guerrillas
fighting white minority rule in the former Rhodesia.

At that time, African leaders grouped in the so-called Frontline States
supporting Zimbabwe's "chimurenga" - the liberation struggle - counseled him
insistently to make peace by compromise with his adversaries. But he dreamed
of an absolute military victory in the name of Maoist revolution, and
accepted their advice only under extreme pressure, particularly from
neighboring Mozambique - the rear base for his guerrilla forces.

Signing the power-sharing agreement, Mugabe referred to some of those same
nations once again to describe their role in bringing about the deal with
Tsvangirai.

This time, he thanked them for their help, speaking in a rambling address
that provided as much a psychological glimpse into the soul of a tyrant at
bay as a statement of political intent. Indeed the two seemed to fuse a man
who still saw the world in much the same terms as he did when he took power
in 1980.

"The problem we have had is a problem that has been created by the former
colonial power. Why, why, why the hand of the British? Why, why, why the
hand of the Americans here? Let us ask that," Mugabe said.

Yet the lands that Mugabe cited as the authors of his woes could scarcely
have been less interested in events beyond their failing banks and plunging
stocks markets.

Indeed, there was scant prospect that the travails of a small and failing
African country whose formal economy has all but disappeared would figure
among the priorities of a world grappling with systemic financial
catastrophe.

With Zimbabwe's inflation running at 11 million percent - a statistic so
staggering as to be beyond understanding - and the nation held afloat
largely by the remittances from the millions of its citizens who have fled
the country, the deal struck on Monday had little immediate effect for
hungry, jobless people. As has happened so often, many ordinary Africans
seemed to have been assigned the role of a mute audience witnessing, but not
influencing, the events shaping their lives.

After he signed the agreement, Mugabe made another appeal for outsiders to
stay away, urging "African solutions for African problems." It was an
appropriate point to make: no one else, ultimately, will rescue Africa,
particularly when the outsiders themselves are fighting for the survival of
their exalted prosperity.

Toward the end of the week, Zimbabwe's language and imagery seemed to have
reverted to default mode. The Red Cross was feeding hungry people. Mugabe
labeled the deal with Tsvangirai a "humiliation." There were reports that
negotiations between government and opposition on the sharing of cabinet
positions - the spoils of power - were deadlocked. The glimmer of light
seemed brief indeed.

"Will it hold or will it not?" Jakaya Kikwete, the chairman of the African
Union, said in reference in the Monday agreement. "That is the question."

Listen to what the people are saying

"Double-ups" not packing for home

Photo: Anthony Kaminju/IRIN

Wheels of commerce

JOHANNESBURG, 19 September 2008 (IRIN) - Zimbabwe's political agreement is yet to reverse the flow of migrants looking for a better life in South Africa; smuggling people in and food out remains a thriving business, with long-distance drivers competing for a slice of the action.

Pick-up trucks are being marketed as the preferred mode of transport for undocumented migrants, referred to as "double-ups", the euphemism for the high fares food parcel couriers charge to bring "illegals" into South Africa from Zimbabwe.

The drivers argue that it easier for them to smuggle people along with goods, but business, which is based on a high level of trust, has been slow to pick up.

"We deliver door-to-door, all along the way from here to Harare [the Zimbabwean capital]," a tall tout calls out, trying to persuade a woman carrying a brightly coloured hold-all not to use the bus to send her parcel. Zimbabwean shoppers with bulging hold-alls are a familiar sight on Johannesburg's inner-city streets.

"Don't let relatives go hungry when you can send food home easily," he yells again, but the woman ignores him.

As truck drivers call out the names of Zimbabwean destinations, Leyds Street in Johannesburg's city centre can easily be mistaken for the main bus terminus in Harare.

Pick-up trucks hug the length of the street, all carrying cardboard notices advertising destinations where Zimbabweans exiled in South Africa's financial capital can send food parcels to relatives and friends back home. "We deliver door-to-door", echoes a banner pasted on a cab's window.

Still setting up

"We are still trying to establish a reputation, and to cultivate trust from the people here who want to fend for their relatives, but we face stiff competition from buses," said Freddy Chiwerera.

If you can fit as many as 15 people in a double-cab vehicle with a canopy, like mine, you make a killing - but that depends on how much you spend bribing police patrolling the highway. It's part of the risk

"Most Zimbabweans who cannot return home - because their 'papers' are not in order, or don't have any at all - prefer buses to us," he adds.

Resting his gaze on the fading letters of his notice, Chiwerera said the customer base was growing in tandem with the rising number of people who have fled economic and political problems back home and find their way into South Africa illegally.

"At first they did not trust us, fearing that if they lost their goods they would not be able to trace them," Chiwerera admitted. "Our major customers are relatives that send urgent medicines and drugs."

The seemingly harmless trade belies a serious people-smuggling practice, which appears to have escaped the notice of law enforcement agencies.

Lots of money

Chiwerera says motorists can charge undocumented immigrants as much as R2,000 (about US$250) for the journey of more than 500km from the Zimbabwean border to Johannesburg. However, most couriers charge R1,500 (about $189) compared to the R300 (about $38) a ticket on an ordinary cross-border bus.

"That is where good business is," he says with a beaming smile. "Carrying 'double-ups' and transporting furniture items such as refrigerators, television sets and beds back home is another profitable business."

Zerrubabel Mupinha, another food parcel courier on Leyds Street, told IRIN: "One good trip can give you R15,000 ($1,875)," because "double-ups" don't mind travelling in vehicles packed to the roof.

"If you can fit as many as 15 people in a double-cab vehicle with a canopy, like mine, you make a killing - but that depends on how much you spend bribing police patrolling the highway. It's part of the risk," he chuckles. "That is why we choose to travel at night."

Hard to get a passport

Getting a travel document in Zimbabwe has become a nightmare. The Registrar General's Office can take up to a year to issue a passport, forcing hard-pressed Zimbabweans to travel undocumented. 

Photo: IRIN

Mupinha says couriers draw most of their customers from the South African border town of Musina, in northern Limpopo Province. "It is safer to carry those that would have crossed the border [from Zimbabwe] on their own."

The South African media recently reported that hundreds of Zimbabweans were camping outside the refugee offices in Musina, hoping to obtain temporary permits.

South African Home Affairs officials are not sure where the people who queue for the permits are living, "but they arrive very early in the morning to be first in line," said spokeswoman Siobhan McCarthy. She said as many as 800 people, mostly Zimbabwean nationals, queue every day for temporary permits.

Police spokesperson Superintendent Ronel Otto said the asylum seekers were peaceful, despite claims by municipal officials that the border town had experienced an upsurge in criminal activities due to the influx.

However, the political settlement between the rival political parties in Zimbabwe on 15 September could affect Mupinha's and Chiwerera's business plans. The agreement calls for policies to be put in place that will attract Zimbabwean migrants to return home.

A dying economy and an unemployment rate of more than 80 percent have forced Zimbabweans to seek jobs outside the country; more than three million are estimated to have left the country in recent years.

Trade unionists and leaders of commerce and industry are optimistic that the agreement will bring about an economic revival.

"A huge millstone has been removed from industry's neck," said Mara Hativagone, former leader of the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce. "The signing of the deal is like a new lease of life for industry that was on its knees." 

"The truth must prevail"

http://www.radionetherlands.nl

by Pieternel Gruppen*

19-09-2008

The terms of the power-sharing deal signed on Monday in Zimbabwe made little
mention of justice and reconciliation. Human rights lawyer Saki Otto
believes that this is one of the painful compromises the opposition must
make.

'Freedom' is written in large letters on Saki Otto's T-shirt. However the
human rights activist wants to see with his own eyes if Zimbabweans really
have more freedom. Otto has just arrived from the capital Harare for a quick
tour of Europe.

On Monday he attended the signing of the accord between President Robert
Mugabe and the leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
Morgan Tsvangirai. Outside supporters of President Mugabe's ZANU-PF clashed
with followers of the opposition party.

I want to give it a few more weeks to see how sincere they are. Will
humanitarian organisations be allowed to do their work? Will there be more
political freedom? Will they stop prosecuting people for expressing their
views? Will they allow journalists to operate freely without registering for
a special license? These are some things that will show whether the
agreement is genuine.

Justice
Violence, which in recent years has been committed mostly by Mugabe's
security forces and his supporters, has left its mark on Zimbabweans.
However, the deal makes no mention of prosecuting those responsible. However
he sees a number of bright spots. It admits for the first time that the
state did not protect its citizens. Otto says the admission would - at least
in theory - allow citizens to sue the state.

However the lawyer is also well aware of the fact that the first things
Zimbabwe need are a roof above their heads, food and water. He is also not
afraid that the perpetrators will get off scot-free because there is no
mention of an amnesty in the accord.

Proper medication
Could Otto live with an amnesty for Mugabe and his supporters? He says this
would depend on a number of factors.

"This would be very difficult First and foremost, you have to consider the
terms of amnesty. Will it be a blanket amnesty? Will the truth be told, and,
for that matter how do you know if they are telling the truth?"

He says that it is imperative that the truth be told.

You cannot treat a disease if you don't know what is making you ill. First
of all you have to identify the cause of the ailment.

Otto would like to collect the testimonies of the victims.

However, looking at the history of Zimbabwe does not provide one with hope
that justice will prevail. In the 1980s, 20,000 people were slaughtered in
Matabeleland as part of a power struggle between Mugabe and his former ally
Joshua Nkomo. It took years before the outside world received details of the
slaughter. The perpetrators were never punished; many still hold high
positions.

Reconciliation
Otto says the perpetrators must take responsibility for their actions. This
could play an important role in the healing process. "Then we will look for
the best means of reconciliation, such as a truth commission, financial
consideration, or local customs."

People in one region might demand one thing, while in another region people
have a different need. However the first step, taking responsibility, takes
the longest. Otto says: "You see in other countries that it can take up to
five to ten years."

The morning after

Photo:

Still laughing

BULAWAYO, 19 September 2008 (IRIN) - Zimbabweans woke up to frustrating news on 19 September that the country's main political parties - ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) - were deadlocked over the allocation of four key cabinet posts in a new power-sharing government.

Under intense diplomatic pressure, President Robert Mugabe signed the political agreement on 11 September with the two factions of the MDC, led by Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, to end an eight-year political and economic crisis.

The new agreement, negotiated by South African President Thabo Mbeki, caps cabinet at 31 ministries, with 15 earmarked for ZANU-PF, 13 for Tsvangirai, and the balance held by Mutambara's smaller breakaway MDC faction. Under the deal, Mugabe retains his position as head of state, while a new post of prime minister is created for Tsvangirai.

Mugabe met with Tsvangirai and Mutambara on Thursday to try to agree the split of portfolios, but the talks ended abruptly after the parties failed to agree on which party would control the powerful ministries of home affairs, information, finance, foreign affairs and local government.

Zimbabweans have reacted angrily. "We do not care who controls what ministry, what we want is for the ministries to work effectively and provide a change that Zimbabweans desire; the faces and the parties behind the ministries are irrelevant," fumed George Bongani Ncube, who works for a local tyre manufacturer.

The euphoria that we are witnessing is based on people not having a clear interpretation of the power-sharing deal. Many people believe that Tsvangirai is the head of government, when he is not

Political analysts point out that control of key ministries would determine who wielded power in the new government. "If [the MDC] control information, foreign affairs, finance, local government and home affairs, then they are in charge of government," said constitutional lawyer and political activist Lovemore Madhuku.

He added that it would send an important signal to MDC supporters that they had not lost out by agreeing to an interim government, even though they won a majority in parliamentary elections in March, and Tsvangirai was victorious in the first-round presidential poll before withdrawing from the second round, citing the level of political violence against his supporters.

Control of the four ministries would also give that party a significant advantage in elections scheduled for 2012. "Whichever party controls the home affairs ministry will control the police [and] the Registrar-General's office, which is responsible for voter registration," said political analyst Eldred Masunukure.

"That party will cleanse the voter's roll to its advantage, and the same applies for the party which controls the ministry of finance - it will control the general running of the country."

Balance of power

But the collapse of the talks has generated concern that the power-signing deal may have been premature, and was to the MDC's disadvantage. "The starting point is that Mugabe will remain head of state and government - if the power-sharing deal is to be interpreted correctly - while Tsvangirai is not the head of government but a mere supervisor of ministers," said Madhuku.

He added that the planned amendment to create a prime minister would not affect section 27 of the Constitution, which stipulates that the president be head of state, of government, and commander-in-chief of the defence forces.

"The only amendments that will be affected are in section 31, which deals with the executive functions of the president. In other words, Mugabe still remains a creation of the constitution, while the post of prime minister is the creation of an agreement," Madhuku noted.

He said the excitement generated by the signing of the deal was because people had not fully understood the implications of the pact. "The euphoria that we are witnessing is based on people not having a clear interpretation of the power-sharing deal. Many people believe that Tsvangirai is the head of government, when he is not."

He said there was a possibility that the deal could be rejected by his supporters when they realised that he did not have real power. "Based on such a weak foundation, I doubt that it [power-sharing] will take off smoothly unless one party is absorbed by the other."

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights issued a statement saying the authority to govern should come from the people. "The power-sharing arrangement in itself is a negation of the fundamental requirement that assumption to ... national political leadership must be anchored in credible electoral processes."

Zimbabwean police allegedly beat students

http://www.upi.com

Published: Sept. 19, 2008 at 2:06 PM

HARARE, Zimbabwe, Sept. 19 (UPI) -- Three students arrested during a protest
at Zimbabwe's Bindura State University have accused police of beating them
while in custody.
Chiedza Gadzirayi, 22, said after being detained this week by police
following the university protest, police allegedly assaulted her and accused
her of being a member of the Movement for Democratic Change, SW Radio
reported Thursday.

"They beat us up saying we are overexcited and not recognizing the whole
issue of the talks," Gadzirayi alleged, referring to the ongoing formation
talks for a power-sharing government, "they also said we are part of the MDC
and that we were trying to incite students."

While the students were released hours after their arrest Wednesday, their
allegations prompted a statement from the Zimbabwe National Students Union.

"This is a negative development, taking into consideration that the deal was
signed to bring sanity to the political terrain in this country," the
student group said.

SW Radio said police had no comment regarding the abuse allegations or the
protest, which targeted increased university fees.

Students arrested Thursday on campus have been released

http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/students190908.htm

Ten Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) students who were
arrested yesterday on campus have been released this morning. The Zimbabwe
National Students Union (ZINASU) Secretary for international relations
Chiedza Gadzirayi, Laswet Savadye, Respect Ndanga, Titus Chigama, Josephine
Majurira, Tawanda Kanogoiwa, Artwell Simbabure and three others have been
released after spending a night in police cells. The group was charged for
criminal nuisance and fined Z$20-00 each.

Bindura University of Education students demonstrated yesterday demanding
chief among other things the reversal of school fees increment and better
living conditions on cumpus.This resulted in the police arresting Chiedza
Gadzirayi and nine other students. Bindura University authorities are
demanding top up fees of Z$30 000 from the Z$8 000 that had been tabled at
the beginning of the semester.

An end to interference on University affairs and victimization of students
by the Zimbabwe Republic Police is part of the conditions that many students
in institutions of higher learning are awaiting to see after the signing of
a unity deal by the country's three major political players. This will
enable a conducive learning environment and promote academic freedom.

Norway grants aid of 4.86 million euros to Zimbabwe

africasia

OSLO, Sept 19 (AFP)

Norway said Friday it would give Zimbabwe 40 million kroner (7.02 million
dollars, 4.86 million euros) in aid to help the country deal with a lack of
food and clean drinking water and a cholera outbreak.

"Pending a political breakthrough in Zimbabwe, we must not forget about the
urgent needs of a population that is currently under a lot of pressure,"
Norwegian Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Stoere said in a statement.

"It is crucial that Prime Minister (Morgan) Tsvangirai receives
international aid in order to combat the serious humanitarian problems
affecting the people," he said.

President Robert Mugabe, Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
and a dissident faction of MDC have signed a power-sharing agreement after
Mugabe's election defeat in March.

But the parties have yet to agree on how to distribute the cabinet posts in
the unity government.

"We must now demand an end to the political violence and that the
authorities complete the demilitarisation process, and demand that freedom
of the press and association be introduced," Stoere said.

"Zimbabwean authorities must give humanitarian organisations total and free
access so that the essential humanitarian aid can reach the people. It's
very important that President Robert Mugabe and his party, Zanu-PF, display
a real desire for change," he added.

Only 280,000 of the some 1.5 million people in need in Zimbabwe have
received any aid, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said last month.

Earlier this month a cholera epidemic broke out in a Harare suburb because
of sanitary problems, something that is rare during the dry season.

The Norwegian aid will be distributed through the UN and humanitarian
organisations.

Chinese, South African firms wait on the wings for Zimbabwe investments

http://www.apanews.net

APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) South African and Chinese investors are on standby to
inject funds into Zimbabwe should the country successfully emerge from its
political crisis and embark on a steady path towards economic stability, a
London-based think-tank said on Friday.

Africa Confidential said in its latest fortnightly commentary that private
companies were ready to return to Zimbabwe after eight years of shunning the
country over its political crisis.

The renewed investor interest in Zimbabwe stems from this week's signing of
a power-sharing deal by Zimbabwe's three main political parties, which ends
years of hostilities between President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai.

"There are plans for hundreds of millions of dollars of investment from
South African and Chinese mining companies," the think-tank said on Friday.

Massive foreign investment is expected to flow into Zimbabwe's economy after
the signing of the deal, particularly in the key mining sector, which has
been hit by lack of funding since 2000.

African Confidential said the investments would be timely compensation for
the roles played by both South Africa and China in securing the Zimbabwe
deal.

It said China was instrumental in getting Mugabe to agree to the deal with
Tsvangirai.

"A close ally of South African President Thabo Mbeki said that subtle
pressure from Beijing - and promises of more economic help after a deal -
persuaded Mugabe to relent enough to bring in Tsvangirai," said the
think-tank.

China, Mugabe's most important foreign ally since Zimbabwe's relations with
the West soured in 2000, put its hosting of last month's Olympics at risk by
opposing UN sanctions against Harare in July.

  JN/nm/APA 2008-09-19

Kenya's Anti-Corruption Drive an Example for Country

Financial Gazette (Harare)

ANALYSIS
20 September 2008
Posted to the web 19 September 2008

Charles Rukuni
Bulawayo

Zimbabweans should take advantage of the new political dispensation to curb
corruption - the country's biggest vice, which has corroded society and
created a culture in which some people firmly believe one cannot do anything
without a "connection".

A veteran journalist who has been covering events in the region for nearly
two decades says ordinary Zimbabweans should take the lead and not wait for
the government because they are the ones worst affected by corruption.

The journalist said this was what happened in Kenya when the people removed
President Daniel Arap Moi and brought in Mwai Kibaki.

"People did not wait for the new government to take action. They did it
themselves. The same should happen here in Zimbabwe. People should stop
paying bribes to the police, especially the traffic police, to ZIMRA (the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority) officials and to officials at the passport
office. That would be a good start," the journalist said.

The establishment of an all-inclusive government, which says it will
depoliticise the civil service, promote freedom of expression and bring back
the rule of law will usher a new era under, which corruption can easily be
eradicated.

Former Transparency International Zimbabwe chairman Goodwill Shana in a
paper on the state of corruption in Zimbabwe, which he wrote two years ago,
said there was need to change the model of governance to curb corruption.
The methods he suggested to curb corruption are all incorporated in one way
or another in the new unity agreement signed on Monday.

Shana said in order to address corruption, there should be a restoration of
the rule of law, an end to political patronage, which provided immunity and
impunity to perpetrators of crime and corruption, depoliticisation of the
civil service and independence of the judiciary.

He said there should be vigorous non-selective investigation and prosecution
of anyone engaged in or suspected of being engaged in corruption.

Giving a historical perspective of how corruption had taken root in
Zimbabwe, Shana said there was very little corruption in Zimbabwe in the
first seven years of independence. This period was marked by an active
democratic climate though leaders of ZAPU and other opposition parties were
continuously persecuted.

He says there were only two major corruption scandals during that period,
the drought relief scandal involving Samson Paweni and another scandal
involving Charles Ndlovu, now Webster Shamu.

The rot started after the 1987 accord and the de facto imposition of a
one-party state. He says the number of corruption cases rose from two in
seven years to three to four a year until 2002.

Major corruption cases included the Willowvale Motors scandal, the War
Victims Compensation fund scandal, the Grain Marketing Board scandal, the
VIP Housing scheme scandal and the Harare International Airport scandal.

"The vast majority of the cases involved high ranking politicians some of
whom are still active in politics and or in government having been
surreptitiously recycled back into positions of authority even when they had
been convicted and sentenced," Shana said.

The situation got worse after 2002 because of political polarisation
following the strong challenge to ZANU-PF by the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change, Shana said. Accountability and professionalism now
subordinated to party politics. Corruption was justified as political
strategy.

As a result, the economy took a tumble, but this made the political elites
even more powerful because they could then decide who received what from the
shrinking national cake.

The agreement signed on Monday, if fully implemented should put all this to
an end and usher in a new era, but it is up to the ordinary people to take
advantage of the situation and correct things for themselves.

A member of the anti-corruption commission told army officers last year that
the most effective way to combat corruption is prevention.

"It does not necessarily require the police to prevent corruption. It
requires society, because corruption by definition and practice is a social
phenomenon," he said.

Develop 'Marshal Plan' for Zimbabwe

http://www.newera.com.na/page.php?id=9262

Friday, 19th of September 2008

ZIMBABWE has surprised critics and cynics alike. It is almost as if the
impossible has happened, the result of the Zimbabwe accord being a stunning
win-win situation.

And, without doubt, the deal signed by President Robert Mugabe, new Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and new Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
represents the best option under the circumstances.

The inter-party power-sharing deal in Zimbabwe balances the interests of the
different players and their constituencies or party interests and above all,
it places the larger interest of the people of Zimbabwe at the centre.

It is also in tandem with the general thinking in the SADC region and
accommodates the region's interests whose anchor is stability, peace and
economic progress.

While the deal is no panacea to all the problems that Zimbabweans face, it
provides an opportunity for the country to redeem itself and to move forward
with hope. The deal provides for healing and a new beginning and hopefully
will spur Zimbabweans to pick up the pieces and face the future.

In celebrating the prospects of peace and economic recovery as embodied in
the power sharing deal, Zimbabweans and all the people of good will should,
however, not lose sight of the enormous challenges that lie ahead.

South African President Thabo Mbeki and other SADC regional leaders
including our own President Hifikepunye Pohamba should remain seized with
Zimbabwe. They should continue to put shoulder to the wheel. After all, they
are the guarantors of the Zimbabwe deal.

The road ahead is tricky and complex. The protracted negotiations that
produced the deal are indicative of the complexity of the situation in
Zimbabwe. Clearly, it will take more than the paper that the deal has been
signed on to resolve all the problems confronting Zimbabwe.

Hence, the deal has to be given some momentum. It needs a shot in the arm
within the shortest time frame by way of capital injection and other forms
of economic aid. And that has to be done right away.

SADC in conjunction with the government of Zimbabwe have to come up with a
kind of "Marshal Plan", an economic recovery blueprint that will lift the
country back onto its feet.

In this regard, no amount of trade and aid is insignificant. Governments,
institutions and individuals in the SADC region have to mobilise resources
for Zimbabwe's recovery, no matter how modest they might be. Charity has to
begin at home. Before asking the world to help, SADC and individual
governments and peoples have to ask themselves what it is they can do and
not what others can do for Zimbabwe.

Here at home, dynamic and active organisations such as the Swapo Party Youth
League, the unions and others should take the lead and collect donations -
money, food, clothes and other items as a token of solidarity with the
people of Zimbabwe.

Namibians and Zimbabweans have a long history of solidarity. Zimbabwe came
to our aid when we needed them most. They continue to do so today. Young
Namibians are all over that great country studying in various fields. It is
time that we reciprocate this goodwill and solidarity by way of providing
practical help to our brothers and sisters in Zimbabwe.

Equally, the business community in Namibia has to be mobilised rapidly so as
to explore business opportunities in Zimbabwe. They have to be sensitised on
the need for their active participation in the reconstruction of that
country.

That has to be done right away and who else is better placed to give a
directive in this regard than our Cabinet. Zimbabwe offers a perfect
partnership for our business community and the more they wake up to this
reality, the better for both countries.

Finally, the Zimbabwe deal would probably have not been possible without
Mbeki's stewardship and the steadying hand of most of the SADC leaders. It
is to them that the people of Zimbabwe and the region are indebted for this
historic settlement.

Many critics wrote Mbeki off and dubbed his efforts in Zimbabwe 'mission
impossible'. These sceptics and political morons who could not see beyond
their narrow confines are now in the woods waiting to see this power-sharing
deal fail. They would not want it to succeed for obvious reasons and will do
everything to undermine it by suffocating it of cash.

SADC should seek to preserve the legacy of our peoples' struggles and dreams
of our struggle icons such as Julius Nyerere, Samora Machel, Augustino Neto,
Joshua Nkomo, Oliver Tambo for freedom by ensuring a free and sovereign
Zimbabwe that is not a hotbed of foreign influence and domination. Their
sacrifices should never be betrayed.

That is why Mbeki and SADC leaders have to keep an eagle's eye on Zimbabwe.

The leaders of Zimbabwe too have to smell the coffee and act accordingly.

Their love and patriotism for their country should bind them together in
this long journey and not allow foreign interests to divide them again for
history will never forgive them if they do. They have to put country first
and personal interests aside because national interest overrides anything
else.

Zimbabwe's future hinges on a smooth implementation of this historic accord.

MDC Must Take High Moral Ground Now

Financial Gazette (Harare)

COLUMN
20 September 2008
Posted to the web 19 September 2008

Ken Mufuka
Harare

Letter From America

THE news about the power-sharing deal between the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) formations and Mukuru's ZANU-PF has been received negatively
here because it secures Mukuru in his "grab election" portfolio. The United
States will be taking a wait-and-see attitude before it releases any of the
promised funds.

I believe that the MDC has only at best 100 days to prove it means business.
The US Congress and financial institutions are awaiting the results of the
millennium elections now going on, which can bring a man of colour into the
White House.

The MDC therefore has only until January 2009 to show that serious attempts
have been made to drain the swamp of corruption and establish the rule of
law. If it fails to act within the next 100 days, the imperialists will lose
interest and renege on their financial support.

The imperialists have started putting out feelers already that may lead to
reneging on their promises to back up a new Zimbabwe government financially.
For starters, the figures have moved from U$10 billion external balance of
payments support to a mere U$1 billion.

The MDC is facing a cynical Western world and an experienced crocodile in
the shape of Mukuru. Unless it moves quickly with an inspired voice, and
takes the high moral ground at once, we will all be mince meat for Mukuru.
The MDC can begin by making a simple gesture right away by refusing to eat
the apple in the Garden of Eden, which is described below.

Mukuru, like Cecil Rhodes (they make the same difference), has a theory that
all men are corruptible, some take longer than others.

Here is the real deal. The way Mukuru works is to admit the young cadres
into the flesh pots of Egypt. Once they have tasted of the fruit of
corruption, they are mincemeat in his hands. My information is that the US
and the British are cynical about the deal because of the following
scenario. Here is a letter I received from Sisi Moni (name changed
somewhat), who works in the Perks Department.

"Ken, you know their perks include an S600 merc, a 4x4 for the farm, a small
run around for town or a second wife -- another smaller merc, a generator,
tv and free groceries (fuel, etc). Then there is a free house, three
drivers, security personnel, a grab farm, no taxation, etc. They also have a
third car used for night sessions in the city (I assumed these to be sexual
privileges) oh, Ken I left the generator and the liquid screen tv set."
(sic).

The cost of all this is estimated at 15 million pounds sterling a month. The
deal is that three million Zimbabweans are in exile, four million are being
fed by the United Nations. The 15 million pounds sterling per month to feed
these people will come from the British government. The US will kick in a
few million dollars.

It's not me who says these things, I am just a messenger. The MDC can
exonerate itself from this evil by making an ethical platform before
accepting these bribes from Mukuru.

It would be a miracle if British Prime Minister Gordon Brown were to face
opposition leader David Cameron in parliament and seek funds and goodwill
for a Zimbabwean deal. Cameron is ready to eat his remains.

As for the Americans, I am not sure that Congress will "certify" the
expenditure of any money on Zimbabwe under such conditions.

Congress has a trick of allocating funds, by refusing to certify their
expenditure if certain ethical conditions are not met.

With Mukuru firmly in charge, in fact, having won recognition of his "grab
election" for the next five years, it is going to be difficult for the
British government to support the deal. To add fuel to the fire, Mukuru, at
least for now, will keep his bank (the central bank).

With these two institutions in place, Mukuru and his bank, it will be a
miracle if Britain can trust Zimbabwe with their money.

For the MDC, the work must begin immediately in disassociating itself with a
corrupt lifestyle of the past. I believe we will be given at least six
months to prove our case. This can be done by publicising a programme of
reforms that will include the following: The police and army must be
immediately professionalised and promoted on merit by an impartial board.

In the US, there is a law that no man can be put in prison overnight without
the permission of a judge. Remember Mark Chavunduka and Ray Choto?

At the moment, an estimate says that a third of all Diasporans are ready to
return. The central bank should not be allowed to seize citizens' money, in
any currency, without an order from the High Court.

Diasporans, however, want the mono citizenship rule lifted. Many of our
children were born abroad and like our own Professor Arthur Mutamabara, we
would like them to return to Oxford and Harvard.

An impartial land audit immediately may prove that as much as 60 percent of
all "grab land" has remained idle. There is therefore no need for
cataclysmic reversal of the land reform.

Those who want to farm can be accommodated within that unused land. If the
MDC can institute these measures within 100 days, they will have proved to
the world that they intend to drain the swamp in which the crocodile has
been laying its eggs for the last 30 years.

Take courage gentlemen and women. You have come this far, heaven will not
leave you now. It is worth a try. This will go a long way to satisfying the
US and European investors. There is very little time to waste.

Ken Mufuka is a patron of the Zimbabwe Global Forum, an organisation of over
one million exiles. He welcomes suggestions from readers.

IMF Ready to Re-Engage Country

Financial Gazette (Harare)

20 September 2008
Posted to the web 19 September 2008

Shame Makoshori
Harare

THE International Monetary Fund (IMF) this week made strong indications that
following the power sharing deal between Zimbabwe's warring parties the fund
could re-establish relations with the embattled southern African country.

Zimbabwe has been in arrears to the IMF since February 2001.

The Fund says Zimbabwe's is the only case of protracted arrears, which
totalled US$129 million in February 2007.

The country's voting rights were suspended in 1999.

Following the signing of the political pact between President Robert Mugabe
and the two leaders of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) factions on
Monday, IMF managing director Dominique Strauss said the IMF stood "ready"
to re-engage Zimbabwe.

"Today's power-sharing deal in Zimbabwe paves the way for a new government
that can begin to address the economic crisis," Strauss said.

"We stand ready to discuss with the new authorities their policies to
stabilise the economy, improve social conditions, and reduce poverty.

"I encourage the government to take steps to show clear commitment to a new
policy direction and to seek the support of the international community,"
the IMF boss said.

Since the suspension of Balance of Payment Support (BOP) to Zimbabwe, the
country has suffered continuous 10 years of economic recession with
inflation shooting from about 16 percent in December 2001 to 11 million
percent in June 2008.

The resultant capital flight has resulted in 80 percent unemployment while
the formal sector has virtually collapsed.

The IMF estimates that GDP growth has declined by between 30 and 40 percent
in a decade while interest rates of above 1 000 percent have rendered it
unviable for industry to borrow.

About 3,4 million people have fled the ruthless economic crisis since 2000.

One million more were expected to leave this year due to lack of confidence
in the economy had no political settlement been reached.

But Monday's deal brought a glimmer of hope to Zimbabwe.

Parallel market foreign currency rates stagnated immediately.

A document released by the three parties undertook work towards the
restoration of economic stability.

"The parties agree to give priority to the restoration of economic stability
and growth in Zimbabwe," the document said.

"The government will lead the process of developing and implementing an
economic recovery strategy and plan.

"The parties are committed to working together on a full and comprehensive
economic programme to resuscitate Zimbabwe's economy, poverty and
unemployment and challenges of high inflation, interest rates and the
exchange rate," the parties said.

A National Economic Council, composed of the parties and of the following
sectors, would be established to spearhead the economic recovery process.

Zimbabwe's new deal demands a new direction

19 Sep 2008 14:35:00 GMT
Source: Trocaire - Ireland
Trocaire
Website: http://www.trocaire.org

On Monday, a historic power-sharing deal was signed in Harare between Robert
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and the two factions of the MDC led by Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara.

The deal is a major achievement for the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe.

It was nothing less than the votes of hundreds of thousands of courageous
Zimbabweans in March of this year that forced ruling party Zanu-PF into
negotiations with the opposition.

However, in spite of the hope that is now building, there is a simmering of
doubt as to how well the deal will work in practice.

Under the agreement, Robert Mugabe will remain as President and Head of
State, and Morgan Tsvangirai will take the reigns as Prime Minister.

Once convened, the new government - one of 'national unity' rather than
'transitional authority' - has committed to lifting many of the current
restrictions on the media and political activity and will oversee the
drafting of a new, people-driven constitution.

Recognising the need to review one of the former regime's most controversial
policies, the government also promises a full audit of the land reform
programme.

President Mugabe, under article 20, will retain the authority to adopt all
government policies and will chair Cabinet, giving him most power in the new
arrangement. Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) will,
however, enjoy a majority of ministers in the Cabinet.

Certain emotive aspects of the agreement, such as allocation of ministerial
portfolios, still have to be agreed upon.

International commentary has been cautiously welcoming, but most governments
have indicated that current sanctions against Zimbabwe will not be lifted
until they see a new direction in government.

Thankfully, the deal is expected to accelerate food distribution to all
areas of the country after months of disruption.

Since ZANU-PF banned NGO activity in June, humanitarian agencies have been
largely unable to reach vulnerable communities. With shortages of food and
medicine for up to 5 million Zimbabweans, including the many Zimbabweans who
are living with HIV and AIDS, humanitarian assistance is currently one of
the top priorities for the country. It is too early to say whether the new
government will humanitarian work easier to carry out, but analysts are
hopeful.

After years of courageous work, civic and church groups on the ground are
relieved that a deal has been reached. The emphasis on economic recovery and
restoration of agricultural productivity has been welcomed.

Other civic groups, however, have been critical of the lack of firm
agreement on the prosecution of perpetrators of political violence and human
rights abuses.

Finally, commenting on the closed nature of the negotiations for the deal,
one of the country's leading human rights organisations Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human Rights reminded us of the following:

'The authority to govern derives from the will of the people... Therefore
this arrangement of convenience must be short term and must be used to
create conditions, which allow for the credible return to electoral
legitimacy, which places effective popular participation at the centre of
our choice of leaders.'

Whichever way this deal pans out, Zimbabweans will need the support of the
regional and international communities to ensure that the political will for
the implementation of this potentially life saving deal is forthcoming.

At this juncture, they deserve nothing less.

Zimbabwe has to make the deal work