Zimbabwe's Mugabe leaves for UN amid chaos at home

http://www.iht.com

The Associated PressPublished: September 20, 2008

HARARE, Zimbabwe: President Robert Mugabe headed for the U.N. General
Assembly on Saturday, leaving his nation in limbo over a new power-sharing
agreement with his political rivals.

Mugabe and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change are deadlocked over
sharing key Cabinet posts, a sign that deep and bitter divisions are
threatening a watershed unity government deal signed last Monday.

Talks between Mugabe and opposition leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara on the appointment of ministers stalled Thursday, and the
appointments were referred back to party negotiators who drafted the
power-sharing deal along with President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa.

Nelson Chamisa, a spokesman for Tsvangirai, said the negotiators met
Thursday evening but soon adjourned.

"We are still poles apart. All the ministries are problematic. We haven't
agreed on anything," Chamisa said.

Under the pact, Mugabe, 84, remains president and head of government,
chairing the Cabinet. Tsvangirai, 56, is prime minister and head of a new
Council of Ministers responsible for forming government policy. He is deputy
chairman of the Cabinet.
The agreement provides for 31 ministers - down from 50 - 15 nominated by
Mugabe's party, 13 by Tsvangirai and three by Mutambara.

Chamisa said key ministries in contention included home affairs, which
directs police who have been accused of political violence. Mugabe remains
military commander in chief, and the opposition is expected to insist on
control of at least some security forces.

Chamisa said Mugabe's ZANU PF party also demanded control of the main
"strategic" ministries, such as foreign affairs, finance and local
government and information.

"There is a need for genuine give and take, not take and take and take," he
said. "We will try and find areas where we can compromise."

No timetable for the negotiators to reconvene has been set and a new
government cannot be announced until after Mugabe's return, at least a week
away. Party Vice President Joseph Msika, 85, is in charge in Mugabe's
absence.

The opposition has criticized Mugabe for failing to swear in Tsvangirai as
prime minister before leaving for the United Nations. Because he is
traveling on U.N. business, Mugabe is exempted from a U.S. travel embargo
against him and his party leaders.

"He couldn't go away and leave Morgan Tsvangirai in charge. That would be
disastrous for him," Chamisa said. "At the U.N., he will assert his
authority to the world."

Economic meltdown and chronic food shortages have plunged Zimbabwe into a
worsening humanitarian crisis. Western governments poised to help with aid
and investment seem to be waiting to see whether Tsvangirai will emerge as
the main decision-maker.

The United States and Britain have been among Mugabe's sharpest critics,
accusing him of human rights abuses and ruining the economy.

Announcement of Zimbabwe's new cabinet to be delayed till early October

http://www.apanews.net



APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe's new cabinet will not be announced for
another two weeks after President Robert Mugabe left the country Friday for
the UN General Assembly meeting and will not return until the first week of
October, APA learns here Saturday.

Mugabe's absence means that the appointment of new ministers would be
put on hold until he returns - even if negotiators from his ZANU PF party
and the main opposition party finally agree on the allocation of ministries
that had previously stalled progress towards forming a unity government.

"The president is only expected back in the country around 3 October
and we don't expect any announcement (on the new cabinet) until that time,"
said a senior Zimbabwe foreign ministry official.

Talks between Mugabe and main opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to
allocate government ministries ended in a deadlock Thursday after they
disagreed on control of key portfolios.

It is understood that the contentious ministries were those of
defence, home affairs, finance and information, which both men are
reportedly adamant that their parties should take charge of.

Negotiators from ZANU PF, Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) and a smaller MDC faction are expected to meet in the capital Harare
to iron out their differences.

Mugabe and Tsvangirai signed a power-sharing agreement on Monday,
ending eight years of political turmoil and economic meltdown in the
southern African country.

JN/daj/APA
2008-09-20

Charamba says Zanu-PF will not capitulate

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4501#more-4501

September 20, 2008

By Our Correspondent

HARARE - A deal concluded and signed last week between President Robert
Mugabe and leaders of the two Movement for Democratic Change parties to end
the socio-political crisis that has haunted Zimbabwe for the past decade
could come unhinged over disputed power-sharing arrangements.

Mugabe has not named a Cabinet to run the affairs of government because of
disagreement over how to allocate ministries between the two political
parties which appear deadlocked over control of key ministries.

The deadlock now casts doubt over the successful implementation of the
provisions of the deal signed last week by Mugabe, MDC president Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara leader of a breakaway faction of the MDC.

Zanu-PF fears demands by the MDC for some key ministries are a calculated
move to promote an agenda of retribution against senior civil servants and
those in the military.

Prime Minister designate Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC has its eye on the Ministry
of Home Affairs to counterbalance President Mugabe's demand to retain
control of the defence ministry.

"Zanu-PF is not about to capitulate. It will not dismantle its mandate. It
will only seek to accommodate, yes, work with its opponents.," says
presidential spokesman, George Charamba in his weekly column in The Herald,
which is generally viewed as expressing Zanu-PF thinking.

While, as presidential spokesman, Charamba is a civil servant, he has moved
in to fill the vacuum created by the gradual withdrawal from active politics
of Zanu-PF's official spokesman, the elderly Nathan Shamuyarira. Charamba
has not concealed his own political ambitions. Having played a prominent
role in defending the excesses of the Zanu-PF dictatorship, Charamba has a
vested interest in maintaining the current political status quo.

Civic organisation and human rights activists have called for perpetrators
of violence and known human rights abusers to be brought to book.

President Mugabe's party also fears demands for the agriculture and mines
ministries are calculated to frustrate his indigenization programme and
reverse the land reform programme.

The agreement spells out a fresh land audit as one of the new government's
priorities.  An expedient and haphazard land redistribution programme has
benefited the Zanu-PF elite and Mugabe cronies much to the disappointment of
the majority who have been forced to  contend with severe food shortages
over the past seven years, following the collapse of the agriculture sector.

But Charamba warns of civil war "which is sure to draw blood redder than the
setting sun" if the audit - which seeks to weed out unproductive farmers and
strip owners of multiple properties - is carried out.

Mugabe has over the years, used the army and the police to suppress popular
dissent through brutal campaigns against the opposition parties. A number of
MDC and civic organisation leaders, including Morgan Tsvangirai, were
victims of brutal assault while in police custody.

Tsvangirai is reported to have also demanded ministries such as Foreign
Affairs, Media, Information and Publicity, and of Justice, Legal and
Parliamentary Affairs.

Under his Herald pen name Nathaniel Manheru, Charamba questioned why the MDC
would want to control ministries that seem "calculated for a retributive
agenda?"

He says the MDC demands betray the party's attempt to achieve what the
British failed to do through the ballot.

Meanwhile, there is simmering discontent in the Arthur Mutambara-led faction
of the MDC on the issue of the limited ministerial posts on offer.

Members of Parliament who won seats in the March elections are reported to
be demanding ministerial posts ahead of executives who negotiated on behalf
of the party during the just-ended power-sharing talks.

According to a former MP, the 10 legislators, all of them from the
Matabeleland region, want ministerial posts to be allocated to "those with a
mandate from the electorate".

The Mutambara faction's principal negotiators, Welshman Ncube and Priscilla
Misihairambwi-Mushonga, as well as the leader, Arthur Mutambara, all
performed dismally in the March 29 parliamentary election. Mutambara lost
the parliamentary election in Zengeza West constituency in Chitungwiza after
he quietly pulled out of the presidential election.

"Some people are lucky. After some were arrested, beaten and tortured,
others come in just for a short while to become deputy prime ministers. That
does not go well with elected MPs," said a former legislator who declined to
be named.

"There is going to be fireworks in choosing ministers from our party."

MDC signed a bad deal with Mugabe

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Saturday, 20 September 2008 08:58
It was unwise for MDC to sign the deal before finalising the
distribution of government posts.

This week on Hot Seat, Violet's guest is constitutional law expert Dr.
Lovemore Madhuku. He says he has serious reservations about the power
sharing agreement signed by the rival political parties. Madhuku believes
the MDC 'capitulated,' and it was unwise for them to sign the deal before
finalising the issue of distributing government posts.

If the deal is breached by either of the two, what recourse is there
for the aggrieved party; and can the MDC still go back and say Robert Mugabe
is 'illegitimate' if problems persist? The civic leader also says there are
many areas in the deal that go beyond the scope of political parties, and
would receive serious opposition from civil society, especially on the issue
of a new constitution. Every weekday in our Appeal for Peace we feature an
individual who addresses those who are guilty of perpetrating the ongoing
acts of violence, intimidation and torture against the people of Zimbabwe.
We desperately need peace in our country in order for democracy to take seed
and grow. Today's message comes from Vincent in Chitungwiza. On Friday's
Callback Momo is happy with the new deal and hopes that it will bring peace
and stability; Gore believes it's a good start and says that the MDC has
gained ground and will surely win the next election; Bridget is also happy
with the prospect of a GNU, and hopes that teachers will come back and
schools will reopen, then Mukoma Black reports that sugar, cooking oil and
other basic goods seem to be returning to supermarket shelves. Cathy Buckle's
Letter from Zimbabwe focuses on the newly signed power sharing deal between
the MDC and Zanu PF, and asks 'What will be top of the agenda?'

Saturday we have HEALTHbeat, which takes a holistic view of issues of
health and well-being. Gift, a researcher with the Centre for the Study of
AIDS, University of Pretoria, based at the UZ talks about the study he is
doing into whether UZ and other tertiary institutions are meeting the needs
of their HIV positive students and faculty members, and he discusses an
upcoming 'Positive Futures' conference. Then, SWRA correspondent, Simon
Muchemwa focuses on the high hopes of many who believe that now the power
sharing deal has been signed, Zimbabwe's failed health sector can be
revived. Then it's time for Reporter's Forum where Lance Guma is joined by
political analyst Bekithemba Mhlanga and Broadcast Journalist Brilliant
Pongo to analyse the historic signing of the deal in Zimbabwe. The contrast
between Tsvangirai's passionate speech and Mugabe's rambling tirade at the
West could not have been more obvious. Why did Mugabe spoil the occasion
with his outbursts? Then it's The Heart of the Matter where well-known
journalist and broadcaster Tanonoka Whande shares his unique thoughts and
insights on current events.  On today's programme Tanonoka focuses on the
newly signed power sharing agreement. Is this is a success story in the
making, or are we yet to see the repeat of the ill-fated unity accord
agreement between ZANU PF and ZAPU? On Callback Mukoma says that people are
cautious about the new deal but trust that Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
will improve their lives; Tanda feels that things are about to change for
the better, and Oliver Kubikwa of the Zimbabwe Political Victim's
Association in South Africa gives an update on the situation facing
Zimbabwean refugees.

This Sunday on Through the Valley, Richard discusses the power of
perseverance in spiritual life and in changing a country. He also looks at
those Christian leaders in Zimbabwe who have supported ZANU PF through the
past seven years. What were they thinking? Tichaona presents the programme
Rebuilding Zimbabwe. MDC spokesman for the UK Matthew Nyashanu says the
power sharing deal is the first major step in the long and treacherous
journey that the country is set to embark on. He reiterated Morgan
Tsvangirai's call that there was an urgent need to unlock the doors to aid,
medicine, food, and to bring doctors back into the country. Democracy 101 is
the programme that gives a beginners guide to democracy and the democratic
process.  Willy and Dominic focus on the new power sharing agreement, which
they fear was rushed, and that important stakeholders, namely civil society
were not part of the process. So can the process legitimately be described
as democratic and heeding the wishes of the Zimbabwean people? They also
discuss the speeches given by Tsvangirai and Mugabe, where they made it
clear what their intentions and motivations were

Hope

http://www.cathybuckle.com

Saturday 20th September 2008

Dear Family and Friends,
On the evening of the 15th September 2008 I sat outside as dusk fell over
Zimbabwe and I could almost hear a sigh of relief rising up from our broken
country. It had been a day of such high expectation and with so much emotion
that sitting quietly as the sun fell and the stars rose was necessary for
the soul, to take it all in and to look back, and forwards.

The "Zimbabwe Situation," as our collapse is called, started at different
times for different people. For me it began on Saturday the 4th March 2000.
"Hide yourself. They are coming, "one of my farm workers had screamed,
giving me a few precious minutes of warning. And then, alone and helpless,
locked in my study with my hands over my head, I sat paralyzed as men
whistled, threw bricks and shouted HONDO, HONDO, HONDO (War) at our farm
gate. What happened after that, to hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans from
all walks of life is now history.

The rabble at my farm gate were the foot soldiers and had been used to start
a political, social, economic and humanitarian crisis of unimaginable
proportions. After 8 years and 7 months of living through this Zimbabwe
Situation it has often felt like a country at war but now, at last, we have
hope.

In his speech after signing an agreement to share power, Prime Minister
designate, Morgan Tsvangirai, spoke of painful compromises that had been
made in getting to the Agreement. We don't know yet what those compromises
were but we do know that they had to happen because we, the ordinary people,
simply couldn't go on living like this.

Power sharing isn't what we wanted and the events that have led to it do not
set a good precedent for countries whose leaders won't leave power, but for
Zimbabwe it must work. For Zimbabwe this Agreement is the first step towards
real democracy and it has come at a time when we are hanging over the cliff
by a fingernail.

Just a few days into the deal the arguments have already begun and on the
surface there is no tangible difference to the trauma and exasperation of
every day struggles for bank notes, food, fuel, water, electricity, medicine
and much more. Under the surface however, there is a huge sense of
anticipation and an urgency to get things going again as soon as possible.
Yes there is scepticism, doubt and negativity but as our new Prime Minister
said, the door has been unlocked. Each one of us has the chance to push it
open a little more.

As I close this week I would like to pay tribute to ZWNews whose editor
compiled and sent out at no charge over 3200 issues over almost nine years
and kept Zimbabwe in the world's eye. He does not wish to be named but we
thank him for his sacrifices and his patriotism.
Until next week, thanks for reading, love cathy

A letter from the diaspora

http://www.cathybuckle.com

19th September 2008
Dear Friends.
Monday, September 15th 2008 was described in the papers here as 'Manic
Monday' but it had nothing to do with what was happening in Harare! It was
the day that Wall Street appeared to be collapsing under the weight of
failing banks. That story took up the front pages and was the headline on
all the News broadcasts. However, Zimbabwe had its fair share of news
coverage and the evening bulletins showed Mugabe ranting on in the same old
way as if nothing had changed. Maybe it was 'Manic Monday' after all, I
thought as I watched the Old Man draped over the lectern, rambling on like
King Lear in his dotage. It was profoundly embarrassing and when Mugabe
launched into his blatantly racist comments about the Americans and the
British Morgan Tsvangirai covered his face with his hand. Those very
Americans and Brits are after all the ones who will be called on to rescue
Zimbabwe's near moribund economy; only Mugabe is arrogant enough to insult
the very people whose money he needs so badly.

It was a not a good beginning and as the week went on there was even less to
be hopeful about. If any of us had thought that Mugabe might show at least a
little humility at this key moment in Zimbabwean history then 'Manic Monday'
showed how wrong we were. Publicly anyway the Old Man was totally
unrepentant; it was Morgan Tsvangirai in a statesmanlike address who
cleverly reminded Mugabe of his own words at Independence, "If you were my
enemy yesterday, today we are bound by the same patriotic duty and destiny."
All weekend, there had been the fear that the Old Man would not even turn up
for the signing ceremony but there he was on Monday, large as life. Despite
his public posturing the mere fact that he had sat down and negotiated with
his mortal enemy shows clearly that the Old Man recognises, albeit with
profound reluctance, that he has no choice but to share power. He knows that
he lost the March elections, he admitted as much when speaking to top Zanu
PF officials: "If only we had not blundered in the March elections...we
wouldn't be facing this humiliation now...This is what we have to deal
with." Those words do not suggest to me that the Old Man has lost touch with
political reality. My own view is that he knows very well that his days are
numbered but he will manage his going to suit himself and he will certainly
not do anything to assist the 'enemy within and (now) well embedded' as
Nathaniel Manheru described the MDC in a leader article over the weekend.
Mugabe needs this Agreement to work. He is counting on Morgan Tsvangirai to
get the foreign donors on board to rescue the economy and feed the
near-starving population.

The first two Articles in the Agreement deal with sanctions and land,
Mugabe's two pet obsessions. Indeed, Mugabe's hand is evident throughout the
Agreement, like an iron fist inside the velvet glove of Mbeki's 'quiet
diplomacy'. The reality that Zimbabweans and the world have to accept is
that Mugabe is still there and all the carping criticism of the Agreement
cannot change that fact; as a UK columnist had commented earlier, 'Jeer and
boo as much as you like, he's still there.' The Agreement is cumbersome,
vague and ambiguous and omits crucial issues. Without doubt Zanu PF and
Mugabe will do their level best to derail and delay its implementation every
step of the way. Five days after the signing the country still has no
cabinet and today, Friday, we hear that six hours of talks between the
principals have failed to get agreement on the allocation of cabinet posts.
Hardly surprising really after Mugabe had told his top party officials, " We
remain in the driving seat. We will not tolerate any nonsense from our new
partners." It is very clear that Mugabe's concept of partnership involves
only 'junior' partners to his own permanently senior position. It was Morgan
Tsvangirai who identified the first priority of the new government as
feeding the people.

And there are a few hopeful signs. The Red Cross is immediately resuming
food aid; the police are beginning to act like the true guardians of law and
order again but only in some areas. If reports are to be believed war vets
and Youth Militia are no longer getting priority in food queues and although
it sounds unbelievable, it is reported that the service chiefs have
acknowledged Tsvangirai as Prime Minister, worthy of equal respect with
Mugabe. MDC T shirts are even being openly worn in some areas

The biggest problem as I see it is changing the political culture in the
country as reflected in the state-controlled media. That is going to take
the repeal of legislation: AIPA and POSA and the Broadcasting Act and that
needs parliament to reconvene. Once the Agreement is amended into law - by
Mugabe as president - with Constitutional Amendemnt No 19, parliament can
begin work straight away. Robert Mugabe will of course delay that as long as
he can and five days after the signing of the Agreement Zimbabwe still has
no functioning government. There are in fact two opposing centres of power
and who knows what games the various internal players are up to within
parties and factions in the struggle for powerful positions and all the
perks involved. Those cynics within and outside the country who say the
Agreement will never work may well be proved right. No thinking person can
be unaware of the pitfalls that lie ahead but the cynics should ask
themselves, what alternative was there for a country and people so near the
edge of annihilation? Cynicism cannot feed the children or give them hope
for a better future.
Yours in the (continuing) struggle. PH.

Food Aid at Last

http://www.radiovop.com

HARARE, September 20 2008 - The International Federation of Red Cross
and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), on Wednesday began rolling out emergency
food aid in Zimbabwe, in a bid to stem a growing food deficit in the crisis
ridden Southern African country.

IFRC reported that its trucks began transporting food aid from
warehouses in Harare, Bulawayo and Mutare, and will distribute 383 metric
tonnes of food aid to vulnerable communities in eight of the country's ten
provinces, which are ravaged by severe hunger.

IFRC, which is the world's largest humanitarian network, disclosed
that the initial deployment will cater for 24 000 people with a month's
supplies of basic commodities such as maize grain, beans, and cooking oil.
From there on the IFRC will support 260 100 other people.

"This is a critical period for these communities," Peter Lundberg, the
head of the IFRC's delegation in Harare said in a statement.

"They have already gone for months without enough food and, for many
families, the situation has deteriorated drastically in recent weeks."

IFRC will continue distributing food aid for the next nine months
until June 2009, supporting 260 100 people infected or affected by the HIV
and AIDS pandemic with 35 000 metric tonnes of food.

IFRC also disclosed that health monitors in Masvingo, one of the
regions worst affected by the food crisis and with 70 percent of people on
Anti-Retroviral Therapy (ART) have defaulted in recent months owing to lack
of food.

"Once treatment is stopped, the HIV virus typically returns with a
vengeance, causing a rapid deterioration in health," IFRC said.

Zimbabwe is grappling with severe hunger after the country failed to
produce enough food to feed its citizens. Critics blame President Mugabe's
administration for poor planning and for seizing productive white owned
farms and parceling them to ZANU PF loyalists and former guerillas, most of
whom lack the expertise and skills to produce.

According to the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Food and
Agriculture Organisation (FAO) about 3.8 million people will require food
aid between October and December. The number is expected to increase to 5.1
million between January and March 2009.

Assessment of the food situation in Zimbabwe

Signs of hope in Zimbabwe

LOS ANGELES TIMES

Published: Saturday, September 20, 2008 at 8:43 a.m.
Last Modified: Saturday, September 20, 2008 at 8:43 a.m.
This editorial is from the Los Angeles Times:

For the first time since Zimbabwe's independence from Britain 28 years ago,
President Robert Mugabe has loosened his tyrannical grip on the government
by agreeing to share substantial power with his political opponent and
enemy, Prime Minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai.

The accord, which will divvy up the Cabinet, ministries and security forces,
doesn't bring about the regime change Zimbabwe needs, but it's a step in the
right direction - and given Mugabe's intransigence, it is probably the best
that can be hoped for.

Under the deal, Mugabe stays president and keeps control of the military.
His government will oversee 15 ministries, and the opposition will head the
remaining 16; still to be determined is which leader will control
intelligence, police and other security services. That's a significant
question because Mugabe has used the police to bully the populace and cow
opponents.

Tsvangirai, who has been beaten, jailed and charged with treason, bested
Mugabe in the election, winning 48 percent of the vote to the president's 43
percent. With a handshake Monday, however, Tsvangirai called for an end to
hostilities, saying the welfare of the country takes precedence. That was in
heavy contrast to the remarks from Mugabe, who turned to his usual script,
brushing off the country's severe economic problems and blasting Britain and
the United States for fueling opposition against him.

Never mind Zimbabwe's rampant unemployment and inflation or the
near-starvation of its people.

The new deal effectively ends the debate over Mugabe's theft of the
presidential election and shifts to the shaping of the new government.

Only time will tell whether this power-sharing arrangement will lead to
progress, or whether these longtime foes can put their contempt for each
other aside. But any lessening of Mugabe's power is cause for hope.

Months ago, Mugabe said that only God would remove him from office. Many are
still praying.

A new hope

http://www.sundayherald.com

September 20, 2008

As Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF Party is forced to accept power-sharing, can the
new political reality in Zimbabwe really herald a bright future for the
country?
EYEWITNESS From Martin Geissler in Harare

WHEN YOU walk off a plane and into Harare airport, the same face is there to
greet you every time. Staring down from his frame over the immigration hall,
president Robert Gabriel Mugabe, his features almost expressionless, save a
sinister, crocodile smile.
I hand the immigration officer my passport and a form full of half-truths
occupation, co director (well, I could argue that I co-direct the reports we
file from Harare). Purpose of trip: visiting friends (I've made many on my
visits here over the past couple of years).

Mugabe's eyes are burning the back of my neck as the official flicks through
my travel documents. He looks up at me and then, after an excruciating
pause, asks me how long I want to stay.

advertisement
Like most African dictators, Mugabe insists his image is hung in every
public place a reminder to his people that he's watching. His eyes are
everywhere. And for 28 years it's worked.

But something changed this week. The genie is out of the bottle. Mugabe has
loosened his grip and the opposition, after a decade of beating and torture,
is emboldened by its new-found legitimacy. Now, the country's very future
hangs on how the great dictator responds to this.

Outside the ceremony at which a power-sharing deal was signed on Monday
between Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, gangs of MDC
supporters trooped through the city centre. They were euphoric, not at the
deal that's been agreed by their leadership - indeed many see it as
something of a sell-out - but simply at the fact that they could show their
colours at last. No whips, no tear gas, no baton rounds, no jail.

The opposition has a power base now. The old guard may not like it but, for
the time being at least, there's not much they can do.

The fissures in Mugabe's politburo are turning into wide cracks. "You
shouldn't have signed," he was told by one clique of senior ministers this
week. "You shouldn't have lost me the election" was his bitter retort. The
people at the top of this party have blood on their hands and a great deal
to lose.

Zimbabwe hasn't had a government since March 29 when Mugabe's Zanu PF was
humiliated at the polls. The tragedy is, no-one's really noticed.

The majority didn't have money, power or food before the election, so the
crumbling infrastructure changes nothing.

The University of Zimbabwe should be bustling just now. A huge campus in the
Harare suburbs, the cream of the country's talent has passed through here
over the years. It's still open, but almost completely empty. There is no
money to pay lecturers. Even the water supply has been cut off. So the
students have stopped turning up.

From his office here professor John Makumbe has analysed Zimbabwe's politics
for years. I've made several surreptitious trips to see him in the past, but
it's easy now. There's no-one to spot us smuggling our camera and tripod up
the stairs and into his office.

He's an ebullient character, John, brave, outspoken, he delivers his
opinions in capital letters I wish he wouldn't as the whole corridor must be
able to hear him booming on about Mugabe. But it doesn't seem to matter any
more.

Like many here, he's not convinced. It all seems too good to be true. "We
know only too well how Mugabe behaves," he says. "He's largely deceitful and
if he's changed his ways now I'll be very pleasantly surprised." Like many
of his countrymen he's enjoying the moment, but waiting for the catch.

The international community, understandably, shares that scepticism. A
billion pounds, we're told, has been set aside to help rebuild Zimbabwe, but
the money won't start to flow until the president shows his hand.

I raised this point with Morgan Tsvangirai, opposition leader and now Prime
Minister of Zimbabwe. "Right from the start," I suggested, "he's determined
to show he won't change. His acceptance speech was rooted in the past, a
45-minute rant against Britain and the West couldn't that be extremely
damaging?"

"Yes, I'll have a word with him about that," Tsvangirai replied. "He has to
be made to understand that some of these comments are extremely unhelpful.
This is about a new Zimbabwe and we all have to work together with people
we've had problems with in the past."

Re-training President Mugabe, eh? Good luck with that one, Morgan.

I spent my last evening in the country having dinner with a senior civil
servant. "How are you? Surviving?" I asked him "You know what, I think I've
survived!" he replied.

Bristling with optimism, he produced a list of the new cabinet members.
"Look," he said, "I was given this today that's the split it looks really
promising." It pained me to burst his bubble. "I've already seen that list,"
I said. "Apparently it's a fake." Still, at least the ubiquitous Zimbabwean
rumour mill is producing optimistic hearsay these days.

He showed me his payslip. Just under five pounds for the past month. And
he's at the top of the tree. He pays his housekeeper more than he earns. But
like so many here, he's waiting for the good times. Just around the corner.
"Because Zimbabwe will be the best country on earth if we can fix it." And
he's right.

Just before I left Zimbabwe I paid a visit to Emmanuel. His story is a
window into the country's dark past. His attitude, a barometer for its
future.

As a fit, focused, martial arts expert, Emmanuel was an obvious target for
Zanu PF. They recruited him to train their youth brigade. He was brought in
before elections to drill them and drum into them the importance of party
loyalty.

But as Zimbabwe sunk deeper into the abyss, Emmanuel couldn't live with the
hypocrisy. "I started penetrating the new recruits," he explained, "telling
them to toe the line at the training camps, but to vote MDC at the ballot
box."

He decided to come clean at the elections in March this year he became the
MDC campaign manager for his region. "Zanu couldn't believe we'd contest
it," he said. "They flooded the area with war veterans and militia. At first
we were scared but we were fitter, stronger we decided to take them on.

"We held rallies every day," he said. "At first no-one was brave enough to
come but as time went by the numbers grew. Before long we had big support in
a Zanu stronghold."

At the polls Emmanuel's candidates won four of the seven seats in the
region. The returning officers told him to concede defeat and sign off on
rigged results, but he refused, threatening to take the case to court.

That's when the attacks began. First the regional organiser had his arms and
legs broken. Then homes were looted and burned.

Emmanuel took a group of recruits and went on the run. He was caught in
Harare. The details of his torture are too long and too gruesome for these
pages, but here, in brief, are the basics: One of five MDC captives in a
cell, he was beaten for hours by staff at a Zanu PF militia base. His
tormentors, between bouts of violence, would drink beer then urinate into
the prisoners' mouths.

After two days of this treatment one of his cellmates, a woman, lay dead.
They didn't remove her body.

"I wished I was dead like her," he told me. "I don't know how I survived."
But worse was to come.

"One officer was particularly psychotic. He made us drink glue. I had to
drink a 75cl bottle. I was allowed to stop for breath once. I don't know how
I did it. My friend couldn't finish his, so they broke his leg with an iron
bar.

When the glue passed through my system," he told me, "they didn't allow me
to take my trousers off. My legs and groin were covered in a sticky mucus.
They told me my genitals had to be white like the whites I was supporting,
then they lit a cardboard box and set me on fire. The glue smouldered
slowly. I couldn't put it out."

The group was beaten again, then trussed up, dumped and left for dead on a
railway line. A passer-by found Emmanuel, the only survivor, and took him to
Harvest House, the MDC headquarters in the capital.

After seven weeks of intensive treatment Emmanuel is on the mend. He has had
both testicles surgically removed, so severe were his injuries.

The day I met him his wife had just arrived. They hadn't seen each other for
months. His daughters were due the next day.

The reunion was emotional, but difficult. The women had been repeatedly
raped by Zanu militia in their village while the man of the house was away.

I asked Emmanuel if he could ever go home. "I would love to, if the country
gets better," he told me, "but these people who destroyed my life, they are
my neighbours. I'll meet them every day."

Morgan Tsvangirai has told the country to forgive not to forget, but
forgive.

But that's too much for Emmanuel to contemplate just now. "They've destroyed
my life," he said, his eyes welling up. "I'm infertile and they've raped my
wife and kids. How can I forgive that?"

But he does want to continue his work. "People can't see my insides," he
says. "They can't see I don't have testicles, so they will still look at me
like a man. I must keep campaigning. I've got to help bring Mugabe down.
I've started the job, now I must finish it."

If they can engender that same conviction across their whole support base,
the MDC may, at last, be on the verge of something great.

Martin Geissler is ITV News' Africa correspondent

Mbeki to resign as South African President

Times Online
September 20, 2008

Turmoil feared in Africa's economic powerhouse as ANC meeting cuts the
party's former leader adrift

Donna Bryson in Johannesburg
President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa has agreed to resign following orders
from the ruling ANC party. A statement from the presidency said Mr Mbeki
would step down "after all constitutional requirements have been met."

Parliament is due to meet in the coming days to formalize the resignation
procedure and is likely to appoint the parliamentary speaker as acting head
of state.

The ANC's top-level National Executive Committee had earlier today decided
to "recall" Mr Mbeki before the end of his office next year because of a
power struggle with Jacob Zuma, who succeeded him as party leader.

The announcement appeared to signal the end of the final battle in the
president's long-running war with Mr Zuma, his heir apparent.

Mr Mbeki has been under pressure to quit after a judge ruled last week he
may have had a role in bringing corruption charges against Mr Zuma.
Earlier today Gwede Mantashe, the ANC secretary-general, had said Mr Mbeki
would remain president until an interim one is appointed, but that
parliament would meet soon to formalise the process.

He said Mr Mbeki would also continue to mediate in Zimbabwe, where last week
he persuaded President Robert Mugabe to share power with the opposition.

If other key Cabinet ministers decide to quit in solidarity with Mr Mbeki,
there could be turmoil in Africa's economic and political powerhouse. All
eyes are on Trevor Manuel, the Finance Minister who shares the credit with
Mr Mbeki for South Africa's sustained economic growth and investor-friendly
policies over the past decade.

Several key government executives, including Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, the
Deputy President, have indicated they would follow Mr Mbeki out if he were
forced to resign. Mr Mlambo-Ngcuka had replaced Mr Zuma as the country's
second executive after Mr Mbeki sacked Mr Zuma in 2005 because of the
corruption scandal.

Mr Mantashe said a high-level committee "decided to recall the president of
the republic before his term of office expires." He added that Mr Mbeki had
accepted the news. The president "did not display shock ... he welcomed the
news and agreed that he is going to participate in the process and the
formalities."

If Mr Mbeki had decided to resist the party's pressure on him, he could have
faced a confidence vote in parliament and the humiliation of being formally
rejected by his own party.

South Africans select parties, not individuals, in presidential, legislative
and other voting. That puts a premium on party loyalty and discipline and
allows politicians to make what might seem to the outside world
revolutionary changes quickly. But in this case, South Africans have been
expecting the shift from Mr Mbeki to Mr Zuma at least since late last year,
when Mr Zuma beat his former mentor in an internal election for the ANC
leadership.

Mr Mbeki did not attended the party meetings that started Friday and went on
all night to decide his fate.

Mr Mantashe said Mr Zuma was meeting with Cabinet ministers to persuade them
to remain in government. He said the top priority was to focus on "ensuring
the smooth running of the country."

Mr Mbeki succeeded Nelson Mandela in 1999 and was due to stand down next
year. He has devoted his life to the ANC and is regarded as one of Africa's
most respected statesmen.

During his presidency he has promoted what he calls Africa's renaissance and
mediated in conflicts ranging from Sudan to Ivory Coast and Congo.

After years of his quiet diplomacy being criticized as ineffective, and in
the case of Zimbabwe biased toward Mr Mugabe, he persuaded the Zimbabwean
president to share power with his opposition last week. Mr Mugabe's retreat
after nearly three decades of unchallenged power was significant, although
talks on the formation of a coalition Cabinet have since deadlocked.