• England sponsors urge Zimbabwe tour ban
• Church leaders hit out at Zimbabwe government
• Zimbabwe to Allow WFP to Handle Food Distribution
• Commonwealth to salvage trade pact
• I know no one who's died of Aids, says Mbeki
• Legality of MIC challenged by Misa
• Zanu PF, MDC ready for talks
• Muzenda's death upsets Mugabe's plans
• Dealers want fuel price hike
• Zim in fresh row with EU
• Clean hands?
• Govt aims to bleed ANZ to death
• Chogm sees chinks in solidarity armour
• Official lies as sanctions intensify
• Every patriotic Zimbabwean disappointed
• RBZ rejects Bill tenders
• IMF boss leaving Zimbabwe after rocky stint
• Mugabe bashes business community
• Landlords ignore forex rules
• Jonathan Moyo's mission accomplished
• Selective application of the law
• Supreme Court's reasoning on ANZ illogical
• Mbeki does all Africa a disservice
• ANZ officials submitted registration and application forms
• SA media meets government over Zimbabwe
• A Blush of Burgundy.
• Zanu PF succession team sparks row
• 'Biblical beast of anarchy'

      England's tour of Zimbabwe next year could be stopped if the team's
sponsors Vodafone get their way.
      The England and Wales Cricket Board's former chief Lord MacLaurin is
now chairman of the telecommunications group.

      And he believes a tour to the strife-torn country - ruled by
controversial President Robert Mugabe - could damage the reputations of both
his company and Michael Vaughan's side.

      England hosted Zimbabwe earlier this year and are set to visit the
African nation at the end of 2004.

      MacLaurin, 66, told The Guardian: "We do not want to support a side
that goes and plays in a country with the sort of regime that is reviled not
just by this company but by many in the country.

      "To do so would be abhorrent and would be good for the brand image
neither of Vodafone nor England cricket.

      "We have told the ECB that we would rather the team did not go to
Zimbabwe.

      "We believe in the cold light of day, and having had the experience of
the World Cup, that it would be inappropriate for the tour to take place and
as major sponsors we would certainly urge them to withdraw."

      England pulled out of a World Cup fixture in Harare earlier this year
for safety reasons.

      They also received political pressure to pull out on moral grounds.

      ECB chief executive Tim Lamb admitted his board would consider the
sponsor's views and insisted the tour was under constant review.

      Lamb told the same newspaper: "Of course we have concerns too and have
expressed them. It is a regular item of discussion at meetings that deal
with England matters.

      "We are very mindful of the issues that arose before the World Cup,
and we will need to give serious consideration to concerns expressed by our
sponsors.

      "There has been no suggestion that Vodafone would pull the plug
although we fully understand their image concerns."

Zimbabwe to Allow WFP to Handle Food Distribution
Tendai Maphosa
Harare
25 Sep 2003, 17:34 UTC
 
The government of Zimbabwe Thursday agreed to allow the World Food Program and its affiliates manage the distribution of food aid. Harare had earlier decreed all food distribution would be handled by pro-government local authorities, which led to protests from the donor community. The recent decree issued by President Robert Mugabe's government would have put local authorities in charge of deciding who gets emergency food and who doesn't. However, food donors raised strong objections, arguing that this would upset the established practice of having independent groups distribute food and would, in addition, politicize the process.

A WFP official who spoke to VOA on condition of anonymity said the U.N. agency had agreed with the government that food would be distributed solely on the basis of need, irrespective of political, racial, tribal or religious affiliation.

The official said that the WFP would continue working with the non-governmental groups they had been working with in the past.

The agreement affects only the WFP and its affiliates, and it is unclear how other donor groups involved in food aid would be affected. Government officials were unavailable for comment.

According to the latest estimates, more than five million Zimbabweans will need food aid this year. Poor harvests and President Mugabe's controversial land reform program are being blamed for Zimbabwe's dire shortage of food.

      Foreign ministers of the 54-nation Commonwealth agreed to work to
salvage a world trade pact after the collapse of negotiations in Cancun,
Mexico, this month.

      "There was a strong feeling that a lot has been lost as a result of
Cancun," Secretary-General Don McKinnon told a news conference on Friday.
"If the Commonwealth, with the force of 54 countries, can get things back on
track, it should do that."

      Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said Commonwealth leaders
would unite at a summit in Abuja, Nigeria, in December to seek a more
liberal global trade agenda.

      He said British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw had urged Commonwealth
countries, which are mostly former British colonies, to press the European
Union, of which Britain is a member, to reduce its farm subsidies.

      The Commonwealth's mixture of rich and poor nations made
industrialized states such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Britain
more aware of the sensitivities of developing countries, Downer said.

      He said a ministerial action group would meet separately on Saturday
to review the cases of Zimbabwe and Pakistan, both of which are suspended
from the Commonwealth over their record on democracy and human rights.

      Nigerian Foreign Minister Sule Lamido said there was no consensus to
invite Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe to the December summit.

      Commonwealth officials said Pakistan had made progress toward
restoring democracy, but the fact that President Pervez Musharraf, who
seized power in a bloodless 1999 coup, remained a serving general and head
of the armed forces was unacceptable to some Commonwealth members.

      Few countries have as tangled a history with the Aids virus as South
Africa does.

      Mbeki refused for years to recognise the link between HIV and Aids and
long denied the value of anti-retroviral drugs.
      Mbeki said, however, his government was days away from completing a
study about how to make anti-retroviral drugs more available to Aids
patients.

      Specialists are studying guidelines from the US National Institutes of
Health and have begun to conclude that South Africa is badly unprepared for
the crisis.

      The country "does not have the health infrastructure to make these
drugs available to whoever needs them'', said Mbeki.

      The study was considering proposals to concentrate treatment
programmes at teaching hospitals, he said.

      "Because of the nature and sensitivity of these drugs, it's important
that the people who dispense them and supervise their use must be specially
trained. You can't just give them to some doctor or nurse,'' Mbeki said.

      Legality of MIC challenged by Misa
      Vincent Kahiya

      THE Media and Information Commission which last week denied Associated
Newspapers of Zimbabwe a publishing licence may be improperly constituted
and failing in its duty to deliver on its statutory obligations.

      MIC chairman Dr Tafataona Mahoso in an interview yesterday defended
his organisation saying it was improper to accuse it of failing to deliver.

      The commission must, under the Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (Aippa), devise a code of ethics and set up a trust fund.

      In terms of Aippa, the MIC should consist of no fewer that five
members but not more than seven, at least three of whom should be nominated
by an association of media journalists and media houses. Media organisations
have said they were not consulted when the commission was appointed.

      In addition to Mahoso, the com-mission includes former Sunday Mail
editor Pascal Mukondiwa, former Chronicle assistant editor Jonathan
Maphenduka, University of Zimbabwe Media Studies head Rino Zhuwarara, Mkoba
Teachers College principal Sephath Mlambo, and retired civil servant Alpinos
Makoni.

      This week the Media Institute of Southern Africa (Misa) in its High
Court application for a declaratory order that it is not a media
organisation, averred that the MIC was not properly constituted as set out
by the law.

      Annexured to the Misa applications were affidavits by the Independent
Journalists Association of Zimbabwe and the Federation of African Women in
Zimbabwe confirming that they were not consulted when the commissioners were
appointed.

      Three current executive members of the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists
and two former executive members also signed affidavits to that effect.

      Mahoso yesterday disputed this saying media organisations were
consulted.

      "It is improper to say the commission is not properly constituted,"
said Mahoso. "Firstly it's not true because there was consultation. At the
time the commissioners were appointed there was no association of media
owners. Journalists' organisations were consulted," he said.

      Asked who out of the six commissioners were nominated by the
journalists' associations, Mahoso declined to answer saying that was the
prerogative of the Information minister.

      Mahoso said journalists had the misconception that the MIC was a
journalists' organisation, hence their making too many demands.

      "The MIC is not a journalists' organisation. We also regulate
advertisers and filmmakers. That's what it is," he said.

      Under the law the MIC is also expected to devise a code of ethics for
the media and this has not happened. Mahoso said the delay had been caused
by media houses not submitting their in-house codes to the MIC.

      "We requested everybody to submit their codes but this has been an
area of disappointment because this has not happened," said Mahoso.

      "By January we should have had copies and we asked those who did not
have codes to adopt some from their associations and unions. We will convene
meetings to analyse them before coming up with a code," he said.

      The MIC has also not set up a Media and Information Fund as required
in the Act. The objects of the fund are to standardise mass media services
and maintain high standards of quality in the provision of such services.

      The fund should also assist in the training of persons in the
provision of mass media services; and promote and contribute towards
research and development in the field of information and mass media. It
should also be used to promote public awareness on the right of access to
information and protection of privacy.

      According to the law all media organisations covered by Aippa must
contribute to the fund in annual levies.

      Mahoso said this would be in place in "a matter of weeks".

      "We are currently circulating the deed of trust among member for them
to sign. It is a matter of weeks before we have a trust account," he said.

The ruling Zanu PF party, after at first rejecting the church troika working
towards a negotiated settlement, has reconsidered its position and gone back
to the church leaders, the Independent gathers. It has committed itself to
cooperating with the church initiative and has submitted proposals for the
talks agenda.

"Zanu PF has since submitted its proposals for the agenda to the church
leaders, who we understand have forwarded them to the MDC," said a source
close to the exchanges.

"The next step is to combine the two parties' proposals to come up with a
framework under which dialogue can resume. There is consensus from both
parties and the ground is laid for talks to begin."

The church troika comprises Bishop Trevor Manhanga of the Evangelical
Fellowship of Zimbabwe, Bishop Patrick Mutume of the Zimbabwe Catholic
Bishops Conference, and Bishop Sebastian Bakare of the Zimbabwe Council of
Churches.

Meetings have been held over the past couple of weeks by the church troika
and the two parties. The church leaders are expected to issue a statement in
the coming weeks, which is likely to announce the resumption of formal
dialogue.

The MDC submitted its agenda proposals last month and agreed to enter talks
without raising the issue of Mugabe's legitimacy.

Emissaries from Mugabe to the MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai are understood to
have succeeded in securing an assurance from him that the opposition would
withdraw its court challenge to Mugabe's reelection last year if dialogue
showed tangible progress. The opposition has also, upon the insistence of
the ruling party, agreed to cooperate with Zanu PF in the search for a
negotiated settlement. It has agreed not to approach the international
community to seek Zimbabwe's further isolation.

Mugabe said in a rambling and often contradictory speech at Heroes Acre on
Wednesday that the opposition had to work with the ruling party by, among
other things, pointing out where it might have erred.

However, the 79-year-old Zanu PF leader added that the opposition needed to
seek solutions to the country's crises together with the ruling party at
home instead of going to Western countries. He described himself as the
MDC's "big brother".

MDC spokesman, Paul Themba Nyathi welcomed Mugabe's call for unity and said
that the opposition was committed to working towards a negotiated
settlement.

But Nyathi told the Telegraph that: "Mugabe is leading a country where 70%
are unemployed, 80% live below the poverty line and more than five million
people require food aid. If he was serious about rectifying the situation he
would take practical steps." -

The current party hierarchy shows that Zanu PF chair John Nkomo, who was
acting vice-president during Muzenda's long illness, is the next in line for
promotion.

However, Nkomo's elevation is not possible in the context of the 1987 Unity
Accord between Zanu PF and PF Zapu in which the two vice-presidents come
from the two constituent wings of the party.

Vice-President Joseph Msika is a former PF Zapu deputy to the late
Vice-President Joshua Nkomo.

Promoting Zanu PF secretary for administration Emmerson Mnangagwa,

who is the next in line from the old Zanu crew, has its own problems. It
would upset the party's existing pecking order as he would suddenly become
senior to Nkomo who defeated him in the race for the chairmanship during the
party's congress in 1999.

Mnangagwa was rescued by Mugabe from the political scrapyard where he was
dumped in the 2000 parliamentary election by an opposition Movement for
Democratic Change candidate. He was imposed both as Speaker of Parliament
and in his current party position.

It is thought Mugabe could leave the vice-presidency post vacant for some
time. Following Nkomo's death in July 1999, he did not appoint his
replacement for over six months. There was controversy over Msika's
appointment as the Zanu PF Women's League tried to push its leader, Thenjiwe
Lesabe, as Nkomo's replacement.

"The current situation is interesting because Mnangagwa and Nkomo are the
frontrunners in Mugabe's succession race," a source said. "Although
Mnangagwa is seen as Mugabe's favourite, the odds are heavily stacked
against him."

Sources said after Mugabe declared his succession debate open in April,
three Zanu PF heavyweights, retired army commander General Solomon Mujuru,
retired Air Marshal Josiah Tungamirai and politburo supremo Dumiso Dabengwa
approached Mugabe to ask him about speculation that Mnangagwa was the
anointed successor.

"Mugabe simply denied the rumour," a source said. "But he tasked them to
make an input on how to deal with the succession and they later submitted a
document to him on that. They made it clear that if Mnangagwa was imposed,
they would have nothing to do with the party anymore," the source said.

That introduced new dynamics into the whole issue. It is understood some of
the 10 Zanu PF provinces had already nominated their candidates who will be
presented to the Masvingo conference if the issue arises. The ruling party
will soon elect new provincial and districts leaders ahead of the Masvingo
conference.

But Zanu PF elects new leaders at congresses that occur every five years and
not annual conferences. The next congress is next year.

The minister also announced a new tariff structure that pegged the price of
petrol at $1 170 a litre and $1 060 for diesel. He said fuel imported by
government for public transporters and government departments would continue
to be sold at $450 for petrol and $200 for diesel.

Fuel Marketers Association of Zimbabwe chairman Masimba Kambarami this week
said meetings with government had started to review the prices.

"The review of prices is monthly," said Kambarami. "The last price increase
was on August 27 and the next one is due," he said.

Kambarami said the dealers held a meeting with government on Tuesday and
another meeting was scheduled yesterday. He said the proposed new tariffs
would still keep the price of fuel below $2 000 a litre. He said the
government and marketers were negotiating with financial institutions for
the availability of fuel currency.

Indigenous Fuel Marketers chairman Gordon Musarira could not comment on the
issue, saying "there is nothing to say at the moment".

The deregulation was last month shot down by indigenous players who said the
new prices were untenable. The dealers said the prices did not take into
cognisance that oil companies were obtaining foreign currency on the
parallel market. The deregulation has not improved availability of fuel,
which has remained available only on the black market.

Multinational companies sold fuel for less than a week after the
announcement of the fuel prices on August 27 but have now stopped. Most of
the fuel had been kept in storage in anticipation of price increases.
Indigenous fuel dealers have on the other hand elected to defy the
government directive and are selling fuel at prices as high as $3 000 a
litre.

The Tories this week demanded that British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw take
measures to bar Harare from attending the meeting as the Commonwealth did
last week.

Commonwealth foreign ministers yesterday held a meeting in New York chaired
by Australian Foreign minister Alexander Downer at which the Zimbabwe issue
was expected to be discussed. The Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group of
the Harare Declaration will also hold a meeting tomorrow to work on a report
on Zimbabwe ahead of the organisation's summit in Abuja. The New York
gathering will be chaired by Botswana Foreign minister Mompati Merafhe.

Zimbabwe stands accused of breaching Commonwealth principles on democracy,
human rights and elections enshrined in the Harare Declaration and ancillary
statements.

South African President Thabo Mbeki, who is attending the United Nations
General Assembly in New York, said this week that "quiet diplomacy" was the
best way to resolve the Zimbabwe issue.

In Britain, Conservative Party foreign affairs spokesman, Michael Ancram,
said on Wednesday he had been told by his Zimbabwean sources that Mugabe was
determined to attend a meeting with fellow African leaders organised by the
EU's Italian presidency in Rome.

Ancram said he had already written to Straw urging him "to ensure that the
EU never again rolls out the red carpet for Mugabe". But the British Foreign
Office said Mugabe personally would not attend the meeting since it was not
for heads of state.

"African ministers are already vowing to resist fresh attempts by the EU to
bar Zimbabwe from attending Rome ... Why have we heard nothing from the
British government in response to this?" Ancram asked Straw.

"Last week you were rightly criticised for failing to condemn the attack by
Mugabe on Zimbabwe's free press. I hope that the meeting in Rome is not
another instance where you will only speak up in the face of severe
criticism from the British media."

Straw was heavily criticised for his muted protests against the recent
closure of the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe, publishers of the Daily
News and Daily News on Sunday.

"We were all appalled at the sickening sight of Mugabe shaking hands with
Jacques Chirac in Paris earlier this year. Britain must use its influence to
ensure that the EU never again rolls out the red carpet for Mugabe," Ancram
said.

"You must take immediate action to make clear that no member of his regime
will be welcome in Rome next month."

Despite an EU travel ban, Mugabe visited Paris in February for the
Franco-African summit amid a storm of international protests. He left
yesterday for the UN General Assembly where he is expected to attack his
critics.

The conflict over Zimbabwe resulted in the EU shifting its meeting with the
Southern African Development Community (Sadc) leaders last November from
Copenhagen to Maputo. An EU/Africa summit that was scheduled for April in
Lisbon had to be postponed indefinitely due to a storm over Zimbabwe's
participation.

Meanwhile, reports that Mugabe could not obtain visas for a stopover for his
party in Paris en route to New York, have been denied by the French Embassy
in Harare.

The embassy said no applications had been received and Mugabe would probably
be flying directly to New York.

The applicants were accused of approaching the court with "dirty hands" - an
accusation which, couched in the same language as that used by government
officials, may discourage future applicants from testing their rights in
court.

It will be recalled that the current chief justice, then a High Court judge,
publicly rebuked his predecessor for inviting aggrieved parties to approach
the courts for redress.

The closure of the Daily News is clearly part of a wider campaign to close
down what's left of democratic space. The Daily News has had its
constitutional right to freedom of expression abridged by a media commission
that is of dubious legal provenance. Firstly, nobody asked for the law which
established it. And secondly its members appear to be willing collaborators
in silencing critical voices.

None of them has been appointed with the consent of the media itself,
despite a provision for this in the original legislation. They represent
nobody except the minister who appointed them. We hope they understand that.

If anybody has dirty hands it is those that are currently, wittingly and
unwittingly, advancing the state's agenda to deprive Zimbabweans of their
liberties. That includes the holders of public office who have accepted land
obtained as a result of a programme that has been characterised by violence
and lawlessness. How can such individuals be expected to fulfil their
mandate to uphold justice when they are the beneficiaries of a regime that
is corrupt and brutal; that uses militias to employ violence in preventing
the opposition from registering as candidates in elections; and closes down
newspapers because their exposure of its gross misrule has proved
inconvenient?

We have a number of people today in public life who are unable to see more
than a few feet ahead of them. They are moved by ambition, settling scores
with their critics, and, in some cases, the prospect of loot.

Do they really think Zanu PF will retain power forever? That they will never
be asked how they acquired their farms and other properties; or why they
collaborated with a delinquent state in depriving Zimbabweans of their
liberties when they had a manifest duty to defend those liberties?

I said last week Zimbabweans would be reluctant to return to the days when
they had only one source of information. At least then we had editors in the
so-called public sector that were mildly critical of the government and
permitted the publication of the occasional dissenting view or embarrassing
news report.

We don't even have that now. Recent stories relating to Simon Muzenda's
health in the period leading up to his death last weekend, the number of
people resettled on farms, the prospects of economic recovery, and the
support this country is receiving abroad have been deliberately deceitful.

It is galling to think that a media commission appointed supposedly to
uphold ethics in the media has studiously ignored these examples of
dishonest and unethical reporting and instead focused its attention
exclusively on closing down an independent paper for refusing to register
with it.

The head of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, Brian Raftopoulos, has said
the civic group would discuss how to go forward from here, with one
possibility being the boycott of the state-run Herald.

"If you are in a situation where your so-called government prevents you
having the right to seek alternative sources of information," Raftopoulos
was quoted as saying, "then we have the right to call for the boycott of the
existing monopoly of information sources."

The coalition said the banning of the Daily News "deprives large numbers of
Zimbabweans of a daily source of information and an alternative to the
virulent propaganda disseminated by the state-controlled media.

The move comes at a time when Zimbabwe's domestic debt, which stood at $346
billion in December last year, rose dramatically to $546 billion as at June
30.

Bankers say with Treasury Bills accounting for 96% (about $491 billion) of
the debt, interest costs are likely to continue to be a burden on the
fiscus.

They said the increased borrowing had tied up a high percentage of the
nation's savings.

"In its efforts to keep rates low, the central bank is refusing to accept
high bids and ironically refusing to give banks overnight accommodation,
which has had the effect of raising interest rates as the banks have been
forced to seek funds from the open market," a Barnfords Securities (Pvt) Ltd
financial analyst said.

The money market has continued to be short and with overnight ratios firming
significantly to levels between 93% and 110%.

The 90-day NCD rate on September 5 stood at 82% but increased to 95% on
Friday last week.

The 90-day bank acceptance yield rate increased from 80% to 95,05%, while
the call rate shot up from 80% to 92% and the interbank overnight rate from
85% to 105% during the same period respectively.

Economist John Robertson said this was not the first time the RBZ had
rejected Treasury Bills.

In fact, he said, this was now the norm because of the prevailing
hyperinflationary environment in Zimbabwe.

The country's inflation has soared from 200% at the beginning of the year to
426,6% for August.

Economists predict it will continue skyrocketing to hit the 1 000% mark by
year-end.

Zimbabwe is however, surrounded by neighbours with single digit inflation
figures.

Its largest trading partner South Africa has an inflation rate of 5,7%,
Botswana 8,3%, Tanzania 4,4%, and Zambia 20,3%.

"The RBZ has been rejecting Treasury Bill tenders for most of the year,"
Robertson told businessdigest.

"Corporates are looking for higher margin levels while the central bank is
only prepared to offer low rates. I guess because they are the government
they can decide to offer whatever they want. Imagine what would happen if
you and me asked for our own rates when applying for a mortgage."

He said the RBZ was only prepared to pay the least rate because of the
spiraling domestic debt.

"The government has the law in their own hands and can, therefore, dictate
whatever they want," Robertson said

Bankers said the domestic debt was expected to rise further during the
second half of the year due to the necessity to fund grain imports and to
provide financial support for newly-resettled farmers.

In fact, they have been at an all-time low ever since President Robert
Mugabe decided to embark on the fast-track land resettlement programme two
years ago.

While Mugabe points out that his government was compelled to distribute
tracts of land to the country's "landless peasants" the IMF, World Bank and
major international organisations including the influential European Union
(EU) have blasted the way this was done.

In an interview Johnson confirmed he was leaving Zimbabwe next month.

"I can confirm that I am leaving the country next month," he told
businessdigest. "I think the announcement of who will take over from me will
come from Washington as soon as I get there. Right now I do not know who
will replace me. I have enjoyed my stay here and learnt a lot."

Under IMF protocol Johnson cannot openly express his feelings about the
situation on the ground in the country but can refer to Article IV
Consultations concluded with Zimbabwe.

Insiders however, say the IMF might not replace Johnson because of the
prevailing political and economic situation.

The IMF on June 6 suspended Zimbabwe's voting and related rights after
having determined that the country had not sufficiently strengthened its
cooperation with the Fund in areas of policy implementation and payments.

Johnson refused to comment on this.

The last IMF Article IV Consultation report on Zimbabwe made shocking
reading and riled government so much that Mugabe told his high-ranking
officials to ignore the IMF and World Bank and concentrate on countries in
the Far East for economic aid and advice.

Mugabe openly said his government had dumped the Bretton Woods institutions
because they were the major culprits bringing "untold economic suffering" to
the nation.

Under Article IV of the IMF's Articles of Agreement, the IMF holds bilateral
discussions with members, usually every year.

A staff team visits the country, collects economic and financial
information, and discusses with officials the country's economic
developments and policies. On return to headquarters, the staff prepares a
report, which forms the basis for discussion by the executive board.

At the conclusion of the discussion, the managing director, as chairman of
the board, summarises the views of executive directors, and this summary is
transmitted to the country's authorities.

On June 6 the IMF report on Zimbabwe resembled the script of a horror movie.

It pointed out that the economic crisis reflected to a large extent
"inappropriate economic policies: loose fiscal and monetary policies, the
maintenance of a fixed exchange rate in an environment of rising inflation,
and administrative controls".

The IMF said increased regulations and government intervention had driven
economic activity underground and contributed to the chronic shortages of
goods and foreign exchange.

"The impact of these policies have been exacerbated by the fast-track land
reform programme, recurring droughts, and the HIV/Aids pandemic," the IMF
report said. "Meanwhile, investor confidence has been eroded by concerns
over political developments, weak governance and corruption, problems
related to the implementation of the government's land reform programme, the
push for an increased indigenisation of the business sector, and the
selective enforcement of regulations."

A visibly shaken Mugabe told mourners gathered at the Lewisam home of late
Vice President Simon Muzenda (81) that some businessmen were teaming up with
the West in a bid to worsen the already precarious economic situation.

Muzenda, Mugabe's confidant since the 1940s, died at Parirenyatwa Hospital
on Saturday after a long illness. He was buried at the Heroes Acre on
Wednesday.

In an address made in Shona, Mugabe said he sometimes even wondered whether
his government had done "something seriously wrong" by allowing indigenous
players to open commercial banks and major businesses.

He said the same individuals who were allowed to operate were now sneaking
behind government's back to "sabotage the country" by flouting various
regulations.

Major financial institutions to have mushroomed after Independence include
NMB Holdings Ltd led by Julius Makoni, Trust Holdings (William Nyemba),
Kingdom Financial Holdings (Nigel Chanakira), Century Holdings (Jefta
Mugweni), Metropolitan Bank (Enock Kamushinda), First Banking Corporation
(Livingstone Gata), Barbican Holdings (Mthuli Ncube), and Intermarket
Financial Holdings (Nicholas Vingirai).

Zimbabwe is going through its worst economic crisis since Independence in
1980.

The country's main macro-economic problems to June this year include
hyperinflation (426,6%), a decline in gross domestic product (11,5%), high
domestic debt ($546 billion), a weak balance of payments position, and
crippling foreign currency shortages that have resulted in escalating fuel
and electricity debts.

Mugabe said the commercial banking sector was now more concerned about
making as much money as possible at the expense of customers and the nation.

He said while government had gone out of its way to allow indigenous players
to participate in economic reconstruction, the same individuals had now
turned against him and his 23-year-old government.

However, businessmen interviewed at Muzenda's home stressed that while it
was worrying that some individuals were abusing the financial system,
government officials sometimes operated behind the scenes to manipulate
contracts.

They said it was unfair for Mugabe to be hostile to the business community
in general and bankers in particular because government's policies were, in
many instances, unclear and confusing.

They pointed out at the short lifespans of economic policies such as
Zimprest, the Millennium Economic Recovery Programme, National Economic
Recovery Programme, and the latest National Economic Revival Programme, most
of which were discarded before implementation.

The individuals said instead of taking advice from the business community,
government tended to become arrogant, accusing it of belonging to the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change, which led to polarisation.

"This arrogance is going to be very costly for Zimbabwe," a businessman
said. "Actually this arrogance has resulted in us being where we are right
now. In the pits."

The individuals alleged that the 150-member Mugabe-appointed National
Economic Consultative Forum (Necf) had been turned into a "laughing stock"
because some decisions made at its meetings were "twisted" before they
reached the president in order to please him.

The Necf comprises individuals from various sectors of business, labour, and
government who meet regularly to try and find solutions to Zimbabwe's
problems.

In an interview Necf spokesman Nhlanhla Masuku told businessdigest that the
Necf lacked sufficient funding which was why decisions made could not be
implemented timeously.

Businessmen also alleged that there was favouritism in government-influenced
deals, which continued to be awarded to the same individuals/companies just
because they had strong government ties.

They described deals such as those for fuel (Petrofin Bills), Grain
Marketing Board (Grain Bills), Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority
(Megawatt Bills) and those for supplying foodstuffs and manufactured goods
to the army and police as "eyebrow raising".

They alleged that when, on the other hand, institutions decided to enter
into contracts without government involvement, the deals were, in many
instances, scuttled.

"What (Herbert) Murerwa said in parliament has now been repeated by Mugabe
and we are going to see many individuals fall by the wayside, especially
those who do not play ball with government," a businessman told
businessdigest. "Government believes it no longer has anything to lose even
if it victimises individuals because it is already isolated by the
international community."

Murerwa said in parliament: "It has been established that a number of
financial institutions are involved in illegal foreign exchange market
activities. It must be noted that, while the Exchange Control (General)
Order of 1996 confers authorised dealership status to all commercial banks
and accepting houses upon registration, authorised dealership is a privilege
and not a right.

"Accordingly, stiffer penalties will be taken against those institutions
that fail to comply with Exchange Control Regulations and Directives. In
this regard, there will be no sacred cows. Repeal of the relevant
legislation to provide for movement away from conferment of status to
granting licences, whose renewal is subject to satisfactory conduct by the
licensed authrised dealers, is also under consideration."

NMB was the first financial institution to face government's wrath when it
was served with a notice for the suspension of its foreign currency trading
licence.

While not being a financial institution but a major publishing empire the
Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (Pvt) Ltd (ANZ) is also battling with
government for a publishing licence for its two titles - The Daily News and
The Daily News on Sunday.

The ANZ's chairman, business mogul Strive Masiyiwa, is no stranger to the
wrath of Mugabe's government.

Masiyiwa fought a lengthy and costly legal battle against government for a
licence to operate Econet Wireless Holdings Ltd.

"It's serious politics at play," a businessman said. "But this time the game
is getting very very dirty."

Houses are going for between US$20 000 to more than US$100 000 in the
upmarket suburbs of Harare such as Mt Pleasant, Borrowdale, Helensvale, and
Gunhill.

Investigations by businessdigest this week revealed that landlords were
using parallel market rates ranging from $7 000 to $10 000 for the United
States dollar.

The US greenback is however officially pegged at $824 against the Zimbabwe
dollar.

RBZ acting governor Charles Chikaura in an interview recently told
businessdigest that the Zimbabwe dollar was the "legal tender in the
country" and, as such, all payments must be made in local currency.

He said a dispensation was, however, given to hotels and other tourist
specialist services to receive payment in foreign currency.

This measure, he said, became necessary to improve convenience for the
country's visitors, while at the same time encouraging foreign exchange
inflows.

"Requiring payments for rentals, properties or other goods and services in
United States dollars is, however, illegal," Chikaura said.

"Again, collective action by both the RBZ and other law enforcement agents
is critical in dealing with this problem."

The acting RBZ boss said he was working closely with the ZRP, the National
Economic Conduct Inspectorate, and the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority to deal
with the serious foreign currency issue.

However, a three-bedroomed flat in Eastlea suburb said to be in "excellent
condition" was this week advertised for US$40 000 or the Zimbabwe dollar
equivalent.

The agent refused to say how much this "equivalent was", insisting that the
figure could only be disclosed to "serious buyers".

Another property in Mt Pleasant was going for US$70 000 or the Zimbabwe
dollar equivalent.

The agent said the deal could only be revealed to serious buyers, but
insisted the owner preferred payment in foreign currency.

In Zimbabwe dollar terms, some of these mansions are going for between $100
million and $900 million.

A house in Ballantyne Park was this week advertised for a cool $1 billion.

The property was described as an executive home offering five bedrooms, two
bathrooms (main ensuite), two lounges, fitted kitchen, lockup garage, self
contained cottage, pool and all weather tennis court.

In the high-density areas, on the other hand, houses are fetching between
$20 million and $100 million.

Chikaura said due to persistent mismatches between demand and supply of
foreign exchange, a parallel market for foreign exchange had developed.

"Parallel markets for foreign exchange develop whenever demand outstrips
supply, particularly if the official price does not respond accordingly," he
said.

"Whereas in many developing countries, widespread trade restrictions and
stringent foreign exchange controls have led to proliferation of parallel
markets for foreign exchange, the Zimbabwean situation arose from persistent
macro-economic imbalances, in particular high inflation.

"Speculators have taken advantage of the resultant crippling foreign
exchange shortages to continuously depreciate the exchange rate, for
desperate importers, in the parallel market."

Aippa, along with its equally odious brother Posa, were enacted solely to
enable government to control those newspapers and individuals it perceived
as a problem.

Has the Herald or the Sunday Mail or any of their wonderful staffers ever
been charged under Posa, even with some of the outrageous lies they peddle?
Of course not, they are bullet-proof as they no longer have their own voice.

Whether or not ANZ is guilty of flouting Aippa, the reason for enacting this
piece of legislation in the first place needs to be examined.

Laws are put in place for the protection of the public and to create an
environment of peace and order, not to repress certain organisations and
individuals that will not toe the party line.

If one looks at many of the laws passed since the rise of an effective
opposition, both political and social, they were enacted purely to crush
resistance. The Rhodesian Front government did the same thing in the 70s and
look where it got them.

If the government's main reason for creating a regulatory body was to
monitor fair and accurate reporting, the Media and Information Commission
would not be trying to stop the Daily News from registering. Instead it
would allow the ANZ to register the Daily News, possibly fining it for
contravening the Act. The MIC's refusal to register the ANZ brings into
question their real motives.

Why has the Minister of Information and Publicity in the Office of the
President allowed the owners of the Daily News to continue operating for so
long after the expiry date for registration with no hint of his usual
vitriol, only to pounce on them once the courts had determined that they
were operating illegally?

Surely he should have ensured that they were shut down the day after the
prescribed deadline. After all, the application of the rule of law is
paramount in his eyes.

The court only noted that the ANZ was operating outside the law, a law that
was itself in question. If the ANZ felt the law was unfair, to have
registered would have been an acceptance of the terms of the law and their
case would have been seriously jeopardised.

Surely they have the right to access the courts to question a law before
they accept its terms. Once the Supreme Court passed judgement, the ANZ
immediately attempted to register to correct the imbalance that existed
according to the court's ruling, showing that they were prepared to play the
game.

It has taken Jonathan Moyo three years of hard slog using all the state
resources available to him to finally shut the Daily News down. Arrests,
intimidation and harassment all failed. His only way was to create a law and
use it to silence the opposition.

Now that his personal vendetta is over, he will be at a loss to fill his
days meaningfully.

V Goodwin,

Harare.

When there are doubts about the constitutionality of a new law, persons who
believe that their constitutional rights will be violated by that law should
be entitled to obtain a ruling from the Supreme Court as to whether or not
that legislation is constitutional.

It is well-established law that a person being prosecuted under a law that
he or she has openly defied is entitled to raise the defence that the law is
invalid because it violates that person's fundamental constitutional rights.
The person can ask the court dealing with the matter to refer the issue of
constitutionality to the Supreme Court for determination. The Supreme Court
will be obliged to make a ruling because if the law is invalid the
prosecution cannot continue.

A person who believes that a new law is unconstitutional and that compliance
with it will lead to violation of his or her rights should not be in a worse
position than the person being prosecuted under that law. Rather than wait
for a prosecution that person should be able to approach the Supreme Court
in order to obtain a ruling on the constitutionality of the law. This was
the situation in the current case.

The ANZ did not simply ignore the requirement to register under the law; it
instituted a constitutional challenge to the registration provision and
various other provisions of the Act. It was entitled to expect that the
Supreme Court would decide whether or not the provisions are constitutional.

The LRF also notes with concern that one of the key cases the court relied
upon in arriving at its conclusion was apparently not referred to by either
counsel in their arguments in court and applicant's counsel was not
subsequently given an opportunity to address arguments to the court about
this case. In fact, on close analysis this case does not support the
proposition for which it was used as the authority by the court in
constitutional cases.

The Trustees are also alarmed by the very heavy-handed manner in which the
police have descended upon the ANZ premises and forcibly removed a wide
range of property including computers and office furniture.

It is the view of the Trustees that the police action is unjustifiable and
cannot be held to be reasonably necessary to prove the operations of the ANZ
or the publication of the Daily News one day after the Supreme Court ruling
as copies of the newspaper could have been taken as proof of publication
without registration under the Act.

The LRF also points out that in many jurisdictions around the world the
practice of licensing newspapers has been discarded and is now generally
recognised as being in contravention of the freedom of expression through
the exercise of prior restraint. In some of the countries where it is still
practised the requirements for registration are purely formal, and a fine
rather than closure is the accepted penalty for non-compliance.

The Trustees further note that the ANZ has been on the receiving end of a
whole succession of illegal activities in the past. Its offices and printing
press have been bombed. Military explosives were used in some of the
attacks. None of the culprits of these attacks have been apprehended.

On numerous occasions over the last few years, lawless elements have
wantonly burnt copies of the newspaper, and in many instances the culprits
were never arrested or prosecuted.

When the police have been present when these incidents occurred, they often
failed to intervene to protect the vendors and their newspapers and to
arrest those responsible. This has fuelled suspicion of complicity in these
crimes and selective law-enforcement.

LRF Trustees,

Harare.

The Daily News applied to the Supreme Court for an order declaring
unconstitutional certain sections of the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (Aippa), which obliged all print mass media to
register with the Media and Information Commission (MIC) as a precondition
to continuing operations. In opposition, the State on the basis of what is
known as the "clean hands" doctrine, objected to the court hearing the Daily
News' constitutional application, and the Supreme Court agreed.

The clean hands doctrine is a discretionary rule of practice in terms of
which a court using principles of equity may decline to hear a litigant if
they are in deliberate contempt of a court order, or if their conduct before
the courts has been dishonest or contrary to good morals. The doctrine is
not a rule of law. None of these traditional grounds upon which in the past
litigants have been denied audience in the courts are satisfied by the
conduct of the Daily News.

In terms of Section 24 of the supreme law of the land (the Constitution) all
persons that claim that the Declaration of Rights "is being or is likely to
be contravened" in relation to them has the right to apply to the Supreme
Court for redress. It is debatable whether the Supreme Court has the power
to decline to hear a bill-of-rights application on the basis of the "clean
hands" doctrine. Even assuming the Supreme Court has such discretion, it is
disturbing that it elevated a rule of practice over a constitutional
obligation to hear and determine human rights petitions.

Section 3 of the Constitution states that any law that is inconsistent with
the Constitution is void. This begs the question: If the Aippa sections that
the Daily News complained about contravene Section 20 of the Constitution,
how can the Daily News be in contempt of the law? Should the Supreme Court
not have determined the validity of the sections, and then delved, if it so
pleased, into the clean hands doctrine?

According to Chief Justice God-frey Chidyausiku, even if an enactment
violates basic human rights, a person must first comply with the legislation
before complaining to the Supreme Court. Failing to comply with the
legislation, irrespective of its legality, will result in the complainant
being denied the right to be heard on the basis that his hands are "dirty".
Chief Justice Chidyausiku stated that the court will not grant relief to a
litigant with "dirty hands" in the absence of good cause being shown or
until the defiance or contempt has been purged. Assuming the court is
correct, what better reason is there to grant relief than the plea that the
law is unconstitutional?

Chief Justice Chidyausiku stated that the Aippa sections in question were
not "totally repugnant" or "blatantly unconstitutional". What on earth does
this mean? A law is either constitutional or not; there are no degrees of
constitutionality. So if by implication, he was of the opinion that the
sections were partly unconstitutional or repugnant, why did he not enquire
into the issue of constitutionality in order to ascertain whether the Daily
News should comply with Aippa? And why did it take Chidyausiku more than
four months to come up with a 14-page judgement that suffers from paucity of
relevant authority and substantive jurisprudence?

The Supreme Court's argument is illogical. Is it not the case that persons
charged with an offence, against which they apply to the Supreme Court for a
declaration of invalidity, would have been in open defiance of the law? In
other words, the allegation against all persons charged with criminal
offences is that they have violated and are in defiance of a law. Does it
mean that such persons have "dirty hands" and will not be heard by the
Supreme Court if they allege that the law under which they have been charged
violates a fundamental human right? How many times in the past has the
Supreme Court heard constitutional applications from persons who had
deliberately violated Zimbabwean law? What is so different with the Daily
News case? It is disingenuous for Chidyausiku to introduce grades of
repugnancy and unconstitutionality to determine whether a litigant can be
heard without first being forced to comply with an enactment.

It is respectfully baffling for the Chief Justice not to have referred in
his judgment to the 1982 Zimbabwean Supreme Court case of Minister of Home
Affairs v Bickle.

The state in the Bickle case put forward a proposition that the court should
extend the grounds upon which it will refuse to hear a litigant, from the
traditional instances where a litigant is a fugitive from justice or in
contempt of an order of court, to persons that are not prepared to accept
the law.

The Supreme Court rejected the proposition, insisting instead that Section
24 of the Constitution is paramount; that the constitutional right of access
to a court should prevail unless it is plain that the contempt, of which the
applicant may be guilty, itself impedes the course of justice. No such
evidence was established in the Daily News case.

Chidyausiku cited the English case of F Hoffmann-La Roche & Co AG and Others
v Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, which is not even relevant. He
ignored other judgements by Lord Denning - who decided the Hoffmann case -
that stated that only grave considerations of public policy would
necessitate denying a litigant access to courts. And that a denial to hear a
litigant would only be resorted to if the contempt itself impedes the course
of justice and there is no other effective means of securing compliance.

The Hoffmann case relied on by Chidyausiku was not raised in argument by
either of the litigants, nor were they given an opportunity to respond to
it. In other jurisdictions, such as Namibia, it has been held highly
improper for a court to rely for its judgement on a case that was not used
in argument, or where the litigants' lawyers were not given a chance to make
representations.

With respect, the principle extrapolated by Chief Justice Chidyausiku in the
English case is not relevant to the issues that arose in the Daily News
case, as the two cases are distinguishable both in fact and in law.

The Hoffmann case is not authority for the proposition that a litigant who
is challenging the validity of a law must first comply with the law before
the application can be heard. At no time did Hoffmann challenge the validity
of the enactment, as did the Daily News. The court held that Hoffmann had to
comply with the law, when the pharmaceutical company sought to argue that
the relevant enactment was ultra vires the enabling Act. At no time did the
issue of the clean hands doctrine arise. The issues raised were not even
constitutional in nature. In the Daily News case, what was sought was an
order declaring various sections of Aippa unconstitutional.

Additionally, the Chief Justice stated in his judgement that the Daily News
could purge its contempt of the law by desisting from operating illegally.

Needless to say, the government has taken the pronouncement to be a
declaration that the Daily News is operating illegally and hence its
operations have been forcibly closed. But the court had not been asked to
make such a declaration. It is a well-established principle of our law that
the court cannot grant that which has not been asked.

The Supreme Court's decision, it may be argued, signifies the death of a
human rights culture in Zimbabwe's judicial system. Critics are likely to
use the judgement to point to, not only the poor jurisprudential quality of
judgements emanating from our courts, but also a flawed judiciary itself.

l Tawanda Hondora is a Harare-based lawyer

Far from responding to Mbeki's gentle persuasion, Mugabe has become ever
more oppressive. His corruption, brutality, and racial hate-mongering have
made Zimbabwe a shambles. Only last February, Mbeki said Zimbabwe had
promised to change a harsh new media law that seeks to muzzle brave,
independent media voices such as the Daily News. No such change has come
about. Instead, the Mugabe government used the media law to shut down the
Daily News.

Mbeki has only himself to blame for this failure. As the rest of the world
moved to shun Mugabe, the leader of the one country with the economic and
political weight to make a difference has refused to apply any real
pressure. When the rest of the world condemned Mugabe for rigging his latest
re-election in March 2002, Mbeki blithely declared "the will of the people
of Zimbabwe has prevailed".

More recently, Mbeki has been trying to get Zimbabwe invited to a December
meeting of the Commonwealth despite a move by Australia, Canada and others
to have it excluded. Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth in 2002
after Mugabe stole his election. Even Nigeria,

Africa's other superpower and until now an ally of South Africa in its
approach to Zimbabwe, now says Zimbabwe will not be invited. Nigeria is
hosting the meeting.

Why Mbeki has persisted in his failing policy is a bit of a mystery. He has
always argued that confronting Mugabe would push him into a corner, raising
the risk of a violent collapse in Zimbabwe that would destabilise the region
and flood South Africa with desperate refugees. Far better, he says, to keep
ties open and coax the regime to change.

That, of course, is precisely what the administration of US president Ronald
Reagan argued in the debate about what to do with white-ruled South Africa
in the 1980s. Rather than punish the apartheid regime, he said, the world
must engage it. The policy was called "constructive engagement" and, at the
time, Mbeki, then a leader of the banned African National Congress and
fighting apartheid, roundly condemned it. He urged the US government to slap
sanctions on South Africa instead, and in the end it was sanctions and
isolation that helped bring an end to apartheid.

Why is what was right for white-ruled South Africa wrong for Mugabe-ruled
Zimbabwe today? The answer, sadly, seems to have much to do with race. In
his pronouncements on the subject, Mbeki often hints that Zimbabwe is only
feeling so much outside pressure because Western countries are upset about
Mugabe's treatment of the country's white farmers, many of whom have been
harassed and driven from their farms by Mugabe supporters. He also expresses
resentment that Western powers that once colonised Africa are trying to
determine the future of an African country. Far better, says Mbeki, for
Africans to solve African problems.

Fair enough. But what better African country to take on Mugabe than South
Africa, its powerful neighbour and the undisputed regional power? If Mbeki
fails to do so, the result it fears so much - a messy collapse next door -
becomes more, not less, likely.

By succumbing to the old tendency among African leaders to close ranks, and
above all, never to criticise each other, Mbeki is betraying the promise of
his country's rebirth. The new South Africa was supposed to represent a
break with the repressive post-colonial regimes that had flourished all over
the continent for so many years. South Africa, it was thought, would be a
beacon of democracy and hope - and in many ways, it has been.

By standing by the odious Mugabe just because he is disliked in the West,
Mbeki shames his country and does all of Africa a disservice. - Globe & Mail
(Canada).

      SENIOR officials from Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe, publishers of
The Daily News and the Daily News On Sunday, whose newspapers were shut down
last week by the government, yesterday submitted registration and
application forms to the government-appointed Media and Information
Commission in Harare to enable them to resume operations.

      The company was represented by its legal advisor, Gugulethu Moyo,
operations director, Innocent Kurwa and finance director, Brian Mutsau.

      Speaking after submitting the application forms, Moyo said: “We paid a
registration fee of $500 000 and an application fee of $20 000.”

      The Zimbabwe Supreme Court ruled on Thursday last week that it would
not hear an ANZ application on the constitutionality of the section relating
to registration which makes it mandatory for media houses to register with
the commission.

      The Supreme Court ruled that the company should first comply with the
draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act before its
application could be heard.

      Friday evening, armed riot police and intelligence officers swooped on
the eight-story ANZ offices in the city centre and its printing factory in
the industrial areas of Harare and ordered all employees out.

      The Daily News editor, Nqobile Nyathi and Simon Ngena, the production
manager were questioned briefly by the police on Friday.

      Moyo said they had also been ordered to supply all copies of
newspapers published from 31 December 2002 to date.

      By yesterday afternoon, the ANZ premises were still sealed off by
heavily armed riot police.

      Moyo said according to section Eight of the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, after submitting their registration papers, they
were supposed to resume operations.

      The Act reads: “During the consideration of its application applicant
shall be permitted to continue to carry on the activities of the mass media
service, operate the news agency, work as a journalist or operate the
representative offices as the case may be until his application has been
determined.”

      Moyo said the ANZ chief executive officer, Samuel Sipepa Nkomo, was
expected to appear at the local magistrates court for operating illegally.

      Moyo late yesterday said they were preparing an urgent application to
the High Court, compelling the police to allow ANZ employees to continue
operations.

Political combat has been rumbling on within the party structures for five
months, partly reflected in the state media where recently the succession
issue has been given prominence.

The committee, chaired by Zanu PF secretary for legal affairs and Justice
minister Patrick Chinamasa, was formed in March to engage the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in informal talks to resolve the
country's political and economic crisis.

Chinamasa's committee originally included Zanu PF secretary for security
Nicholas Goche and secretary for the commissariat Elliot Manyika, but was
later enlarged to deal with the succession issue after Mugabe's April ZBC
interview in which he authorised the debate.

It is understood Zanu PF secretary for external affairs Didymus Mutasa added
impetus to the succession drama after he approached Mugabe on behalf of
party cadres seeking permission to get the debate rolling.

"Mutasa met Mugabe and suggested the idea of going around the country
soliciting people's views about the succession," a source said. "He was
given the go-ahead but Mugabe wanted to know what Mutasa's interest was in
the whole issue. Mutasa said he wanted to succeed Mugabe but only after
working under him for some time as vice-president."

The source said that explained why Mutasa later appeared in the Herald on
June 28 saying he wanted to be vice-president.

Afterwards, Chinamasa expa-nded his team to include party barons from
different provinces. Politburo members such as Retired Air Marshal Josiah
Tungamirai, Dumiso Dabengwa, Oppah Muchinguri, Ignatius Chombo and Sabina
Mugabe, among others, were brought in.

It was, however, agreed the party's top five - Mugabe, Muzenda, party second
secretary Joseph Msika, chairman John Nkomo and secretary for administration
Emmerson Mnangagwa - would not be involved.

Sources said Zanu PF political newcomers like Jonathan Moyo were excluded to
give the committee credibility.

"There were some like Stan Mudenge who were approached but refused because
they did not know that Mugabe had sanctioned the issue," a source close to
the issue said. "Mudenge and his Masvingo faction members like Shuvai
Mahofa, who later clashed with Chinamasa over the committee, did not join
it."

After his exclusion, Moyo is said to have unleashed the state media in a bid
to nip the initiative in the bud.

"When the plot became clear to Moyo, journalists were deployed to approach
party heavyweights to find out whether they had succession ambitions," the
source said. "That is why the Herald started in June running succession
interviews just from the blue."

The interviews - seen as fishing expeditions to catch the unwary - started
on June 14 with Mnangagwa, seen as Mugabe's anointed heir, followed by Nkomo
on June 21, Mutasa on June 28, Msika on July 5 and Dabengwa on July 12.

Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi and ex-Finance minister Simba Makoni
declined the interviews.

As the succession plot thickened, Moyo is said to have brought Mahofa, a
politburo member, into the fray to try to sink the initiative. Mahofa was
given considerable space in the Herald to denounce the committee. This is
said to have angered senior Zanu PF members like party spokesman Nathan
Shamuyarira who knew what was going on.

      Since its launch in 1999, the Daily News has given a voice to critics
of Mugabe's 23-year rule. The paper, with 300 employees and a daily
readership of more than 940 000, has said it will challenge the ban in
court.

      The churches' statement yesterday demanded that Mugabe's government
"immediately" repeal the current constitution which "does not nurture
democracy" and replace it with a "new people-driven constitution".

      It also demanded the repeal of all repressive legislation - including
the laws used to ban the Daily News.

      It also called for the abolition of Zanu-PF's "youth national service"
which, it said, was used for the "indoctrination and abuse of young ... to
commit serious human rights abuses and violence for party political ends".

      The churchmen said the "culture of violence" begun when Zimbabwe was
under white minority rule "has been taken to higher levels with impunity by
the present regime".

      They accepted there was a need for a redistribution of land after a
century of white domination, but condemned Mugabe's "revolutionary land
reform programme".

      "We do not approve of irresponsible, inhuman, violent, partisan and
non-transparent methods of addressing the problem," they said.

      Zimbabwe is classified as having the fastest-shrinking economy in the
world.

      Gross domestic product is forecast to drop 15% this year and inflation
has hit 427%.- Sapa-AP