The ZIMBABWE Situation | Our
thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe - may peace, truth and justice prevail. |
Zimbabwe: Inniscor posts increase in profits by 107% | |||||||||||||||||||
It was reported that Zimbabwe food company Innscor has had an
84% increase in sales to Z$6.9 billion. Net profit was also up 107% from Z$246.5
million to Z$510.1 million. Local sales were up as well as regional sales up
125%, accounting for 9% of total sales.
The company recorded an increase in bread sales and a decrease in fast food sales. ================
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A coalition of churches, civic groups, political parties and students has launched a ''democratic'' draft constitution demanding that it be adopted before next year's presidential elections.
The most serious problem in our current constitution is an
all-powerful president with all sorts of powers |
Douglas Mwonzora NCA spokesman |
The NCA spearheaded the successful campaign against a new constitution in February 2000, which gave President Robert Mugabe his first ever electoral defeat.
'We are headed for exciting times,'' said Lovemore Madhuku, National Constitutional Assembly chairperson and constitutional law expert.
The NCA said it will campaign against any party that rejects the draft constitution in next year's presidential elections and could even encourage mass protests.
Ceremonial president
''If any person believes that this current constitution will deliver change, then that person is mad. It is not up to the government to decide but up to the people to decide,'' said Mr Madhuku.
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The key change in the NCA constitution is to limit the president to two, five-year terms of office and reduce his powers.
Under the current constitution, there is no limit to the number of terms a president can serve. Robert Mugabe, 77, has ruled the country since independence in 1980.
The NCA document also proposes reverting to the system of a ceremonial president, as Zimbabwe had immediately after independence.
No confidence
The prime minister would have more executive powers but he would be accountable to parliament, which would be able to pass a vote of no confidence in the government.
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''The most serious problem in our current constitution is an all-powerful president with all sorts of powers,'' according to Douglas Mwonzora, NCA spokesperson.
For the next two months, the public will study and debate the proposals.
Still up for discussion are the issues of abortion, dual citizenship and the funding of political parties.
After the final draft has been endorsed, it will be presented to the Government of Zimbabwe with a demand that it be enacted into law.
Opposition front
But having the dismissed the NCA as front for the opposition MDC party, the government is unlikely to accept the constitution, especially as its own draft was rejected in last February's referendum.
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The violent invasion of white-owned farms began just days after the referendum result was announced.
Zimbabwe has not had a popular constitution since gaining independence from Britain in 1980, following a protracted liberation struggle against the rebel Rhodesian Government of Ian Smith.
The country has been operating on the cease fire document, signed at Lancaster House in Britain in 1979.
Both the ruling Zanu-PF and the opposition agree that the Lancaster House constitution is heavily flawed,
Truth and reconciliation
''The draft guarantees a multi-party system based on regular, free and fair elections. To achieve this ideal, the bill of rights provides a set of political rights and the draft creates a truly independent electoral commission to manage the whole electoral process,'' said Mr Mwonzora.
Political analysts in Zimbabwe say a skewed electoral playing field has helped the ruling party dominate all elections held since independence in 1980.
If this draft is accepted, a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission will be put in place.
Its functions would be to investigate matters relating to past human rights abuses which include:
The government has been accused of gross human rights abuses while some people with close links to top political leadership have been freed from jail under controversial presidential pardons.
For instance, when bodyguards of Vice President Simon Muzenda shot and injured Patrick Kombayi, an opposition party candidate, the two were later released under a presidential pardon.
And following the violence associated with last year's parliamentary elections, Mr Mugabe announced an amnesty for all political crimes except murder, rape and fraud.
Zimbabweans in US set
up funeral fund Maggie Mzumara Financial Gazette: 9/27/01 5:49:37 PM (GMT +2) NEW YORK-Caught unprepared once, the Zimbabwean community in Lansing, Michigan, has vowed it will be prepared the next time if and when a similar inevitability occurs. | |
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From The Guardian (UK), 28 September
Commonwealth deal fails to halt farm invasions
Harare - More than 20 fresh farm invasions have taken place in Zimbabwe in the three weeks since a Nigerian-brokered agreement was supposed to have put an end to the illegal land seizures by supporters of President Robert Mugabe. Violence or threats of violence have halted farming operations on more than 900 farms, according to the Commercial Farmers' Union which represents the country's white farmers. It says that the work stoppages will exacerbate Zimbabwe's food shortages. With the collapse of talks between Mr Mugabe's government and the farmers this week, the Commonwealth agreement thrashed out in the Nigerian capital, Abuja, was "a dead letter", a political analyst, Masipula Sithole, said. "Mugabe is flouting it shamelessly and has no intention of keeping up his side of the bargain," he said. "He is challenging the Commonwealth to do something about it...to hold him to his promises to uphold good governance, the rule of law and human rights."
The Abuja agreement called for Mr Mugabe to stop his followers from illegally invading farms and spreading political violence. In return for the restoration of the rule of law, the British government said it would provide substantial funds for land redistribution. The farmers' union had welcomed the agreement but is now frustrated following the collapse on Wednesday of talks with the government about the implementation of the accord's principles, such as an end to violence and the removal of the invaders from farms not officially designated for seizure. The justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa, was "intractable" on the issues and said the government had no intention of taking steps to implement the agreement, sources close to the talks said. Zimbabwe's supreme court adjourned on Wednesday after hearing government arguments that the court should overturn an earlier decision that ordered a halt to all compulsory farm seizures until a plan for orderly land redistribution was produced. A "new look" supreme court is considering the case, with a new chief justice and three new judges, all of whom are known to be ardent supporters of Mr Mugabe. Two of the judges have been named as leasing valuable state land originally acquired for the resettlement of poor black peasants.
Neither Mr Mugabe nor any other cabinet minister has publicly urged a halt to the violence or farm invasions. The government maintains that it has always followed the rule of law and does not need to change its policies to abide by the Abuja accord. The information minister, Jonathan Moyo, said on television this week that there was "no such condition in the agreement". The foreign minister, Stan Mudenge, told MPs last week that as soon as Britain provided funds for the purchase of farms, the violence would stop of its own accord. "That was not the agreement reached in Abuja," a Commonwealth diplomat who was present at those talks said. "The Mugabe government was told in no uncertain terms that things must change, and that it must stop illegal farm invasions and political violence. We do not see any movement towards that on the ground." In last weekend's Chikomba by-election, a school headmaster who had been accused of supporting the opposition Movement for Democratic Change was beaten to death, and scores of others were beaten and tortured, according to the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum.
From The Cape Argus (SA), 27 September
Carry out spirit of Abuja deal, urges Pallo
African National Congress member of parliament Pallo Jordan, in a hard-hitting motion in parliament, chastised Zimbabwe's Information Minister Professor Jonathan Moyo for saying that his country did not agree to curb violence on farms. In a notice of motion in the national assembly on Wednesday, Jordan noted statements by Moyo on the Abuja agreement and the effect that the "extra-legal" farm invasions were having on the economies of Zimbabwe and the region. He called on the Zimbabwean government to "follow the letter and the spirit of the Abuja agreement" to restore stability in Zimbabwe and the region. Under the agreement, Zimbabwe agreed to curb violence on the farms in exchange for British financing of its land reform scheme. Moyo said: "There is no such condition in the agreement."
From The Star (SA), 27 September
Murder-accused Zim farmer freed on bail
Harare - A white Zimbabwean farmer, accused of inciting violence and being an accessory in a murder case, was freed on bail on Thursday, but about 30 of his workers remain in jail, awaiting trial, legal sources say. John Bibby, 70, was granted bail by a High Court, but his workers were still being held as defence lawyers awaited instructions. Bibby's lawyer Ray Passaportis said that the defendant had been ordered to stay away from the farms for the next four weeks, to surrender his passport, to report to police once a week and pay a cash deposit of Z$20 000 as part of the bail conditions. The farmer and his workers last week appeared in court and were formally charged with the murder of two people who had just been resettled at Bita farm nearly two weeks ago.
"The position is that they (workers) are still being detained and no bail application has been instituted yet," a legal source said. Police accused Bibby's workers of beating to death two of the people who went to his farm, about 100km east of the capital, to take possession of land which had been allocated to them under controversial government reforms. But the workers said the two were run over by a car that was ferrying newly resettled people. Passaportis said it was unclear why police held Bibby for 12 days but claiming they did not have any evidence of his involvement in the unrest at his farm. "They had actually no evidence for holding him, the only evidence they have is that the district administrator in Hwedza believes that he was involved and believes that he ordered his workforce to attack," he said.
Violence on Zimbabwe's white-owned farms has been common since February 2000 when war veterans and pro-government supporters launched a campaign to invade and occupy farms in a bid to correct colonial imbalances in land ownership. Scores of people – black and white - have been killed in the violence that has also been linked to political developments in the country. International and regional diplomatic bids to restore order on the farms have so far proved fruitless.
From The Daily News, 27 September
58 UZ students arrested
Fifty-eight University of Zimbabwe (UZ) students were arrested on Wednesday night after they went on a rampage, destroying property worth thousands of dollars on the campus. Graham Hill, the UZ Vice-Chancellor, yesterday said the student body would foot the cost of repairing the damage. He threatened to close the halls of residence. The students say they are not happy with the high tuition fees that the government intends to introduce as well as the erratic disbursement of their pay-outs.
Emmanuel Mbofana, a student, was seriously injured after he jumped from the first floor when the riot police fired teargas into the halls of residence while several sustained minor injuries. Eddison Madondo, a Students’ Representative Council member, said Charles Mugaviri, the UZ Dean of Students, rushed the injured students to Parirenyatwa Hospital where they were treated and discharged. Madondo said the campus fracas started after the students clashed with the institution’s security guards. He said: "Students were coming in from Mount Pleasant Hall where they had expressed their displeasure over the recent suspension of some students and the pending increase of tuition fees. When we got into the campus, the security guards descended on them. The guards were overwhelmed and after about an hour the riot police came and started throwing teargas canisters at the students."
The students, said Madondo, then began destroying window panes in some halls of residence, the campus post office and one of the kitchens. When The Daily News visited the campus yesterday, the post office was closed and some students, fearing further violence, were leaving, luggage in hand. Innocent Mupara, the Students’ Representative Council president who was expelled recently, but has appealed to the High Court against the ruling, said Hill’s reaction would not help the situation. He said: "All the students want is a clear policy on pay-outs and tuition fees. The threat is meant to divide us." Meanwhile, 26 students at the Bindura University of Science Education were arrested after they blocked the Harare-Bindura road. The students, who were due to appear in court yesterday, allegedly stoned a bus resulting in their arrest.
From ZWNEWS: The UZ incident took place on Tuesday, not Wednesday, evening.
From The Daily News, 27 September
MP quizzes Nkomo over $28m CIO fraud
Pearson Mbalekwa, the MP for Zvishavane, yesterday asked John Nkomo, the Minister of Home Affairs, to explain to Parliament why the government is dragging its feet in dealing with a fraud case involving over $28 million in the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). Mbalekwa sought to know why nothing had been done to the former CIO deputy director-general, Lovemore Mukandi, who was allegedly involved in the fraud case involving the construction of five "safe houses". The Mukandi issue caused serious divisions within the CIO with the President eventually dismissing him together with his boss, Shadreck Chipanga, now the MP for Makoni East. The Speaker of Parliament, Emmerson Mnangagwa, however, ruled the Zanu PF MP out of order, saying such a question was not a policy issue, therefore, it could not be asked during the "questions without notice" section. MDC MPs shouted Mbalekwa would be dismissed from Zanu PF for asking such questions.
"I’m sure you remember a case of fraud in 1998 involving about $28 million," said Mbalekwa. "What has happened to this case?" But Mbalekwa will have to re-introduce his question with notice to the relevant minister. In July last year the Attorney General’s Office said it was still investigating the docket implicating Mukandi in the fraud case with the amount pegged at $17 million and this was nine months after the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) had completed investigations. The CIO first instituted its own investigations into the matter in 1998 before handing the matter over to the CID. Also allegedly involved in the case are David Nyabando, a former chief administration officer in the CIO, Ricky Nelson Silvern Yeukai Mubvumbi-Mawere, the organisation’s former chief transport officer, and businessman Mohamed Ahmed Meman. They allegedly defrauded the organisation of over $17 million between June 1996 and July 1998.
From ZWNEWS, 28 September
Civil rights activists urge West to set October deadline for Mugabe
Three leading Zimbabwe civil rights activists on a tour to London, Brussels and Washington are urging Western countries to set a five-week deadline for President Robert Mugabe’s government to implement conditions for free and fair elections. "When a state fails to protect its citizens or protects them selectively, this is anarchy," University of Zimbabwe political scientist John Makumbe told a meeting Thursday evening at the Royal Commonwealth Society in London. "We are close to anarchy – some would say we already have it." Makumbe, along with former ZIPA guerrilla leader Wilfred Mhanda, and Tony Reeler, founder of the Amani Trust which chronicles human rights abuses in Zimbabwe, addressed the meeting – organised in association with the Zimbabwe Democracy Trust – after lobbying in Brussels and London. They represent a loose coalition known as the Civil Society. The trio, who head for Washington on Saturday, acknowledged they received no firm response in London or Brussels to their pleas. They argued to British Foreign Office and EU officials that unless there is a return to the rule of law, a drastic decrease in state-sponsored violence, equal access to the state-run media and acceptance of international monitors by the end of October, next year’s presidential elections cannot be free and fair. The elections must be held by the end of March.
Speaking from the floor, Zimbabwe’s top diplomat in Britain, High Commissioner Simbarashe S. Mumbengegwi, accused the organisers of ``trashing’’ Zimbabwe. He maintained that Mugabe’s government permitted free speech, and that the country’s problems stemmed solely from white ownership of farm land. "In the whole history of Zimbabwe the question of race has been the central question," said Mumbengegwi. "Would you all be here if the landowners in Zimbabwe had been black," he added, to interjections of "Yes" from the multiracial audience. Mumbengegwi declared that the Commonwealth agreement brokered in Abuja, Nigeria, September 6 was ``the way forward.’’ The Abuja deal called for an end to invasions of white-owned farms, a halt to political violence and restoration of the rule of law in return for funds from Britain and other Western countries to compensate white farmers and aid poor blacks settled on the former commercial farms. However, some 20 more white farms have been invaded since the September 6, and state-sponsored violence has continued unabated, or in some areas increased. Many observers see the Mugabe government’s tactic as paying lip service to the deal in order to fend off criticisms at a meeting of Commonwealth leaders in Australia next month and to distract international attention from continuing political violence and intimidation ahead of the election.
Makumbe, describing the Abuja deal as "as dead as a dodo," said the group was disappointed that the Foreign Office appeared to have no fall-back position. "I think they somehow hope the crisis will go away," he added. "They know they have offered to make money available to Mugabe on conditions Mugabe cannot implement without losing the presidential election. This is Catch-22." Some 120 people have been killed in political violence, almost all perpetrated by government supporters, including self-styled war veterans and in some cases by members of the police and the Central Intelligence Organisation, said Reeler. About 300 people who have testified in court in election abuse cases and are now in hiding in safe houses. Mhanda, a former guerrilla leader, told the audience: "We see what is happening now as a betrayal of the original aims and objectives of the liberation movement."
Comment from The Insider (Zimb), 27 September
Too Much Ado About Abuja
Bulawayo - The Abuja Agreement, under which the Zimbabwe government is reported to have agreed to end all illegal occupations of white-owned farms and return the country to the rule of law in return for financial assistance mainly from the United Kingdom, is unlikely to get off the ground unless the ruling Zanu PF wants to commit political suicide. Although the ruling party's supreme policy making body, the politburo, has endorsed the agreement, observers say Zanu PF could just be buying time to let things cool off as it has been under intense pressure. It only received temporary relief when world attention was swayed to the terrorist attack on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon in the United States.
According to the agreement, although land was at the core of the crisis in Zimbabwe, it could not be separated from other issues such as the rule of law, respect for human rights, democracy and the economy. Land reform had therefore to be implemented in a fair and sustainable way, in the interests of all the people of Zimbabwe. Orderly implementation of land reform could only be meaningful and sustainable if it was carried out with due regard to human rights, the rule of law, transparency and democratic principles. The Zimbabwean government agreed that there would be no further occupation of farms. It also said it was going to speed up the de-listing of farms that did not meet the criteria for land reform and to move occupiers from farms that are not designated. It also said it was committed to the return of the rule of law and freedom of expression. But perhaps the most important reason both parties were interested in signing the deal was the need to avoid a division within the Commonwealth, especially at its heads of government meeting in Brisbane, Australia.
Before the agreement there was pressure to bar Mugabe from attending the summit in Australia. He can safely go now and perhaps renege on the agreement on his return. One political observer said the Abuja Agreement was a major coup for Mugabe because it gave him time while it gave farmers false hope that they could be compensated. The agreement is full of loopholes which Mugabe could exploit to back out. He can argue, as he has done in the past, that there is rule of law in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe has a law which says it is entitled to take over white farms without compensation. It does not need to move out any occupiers because almost all farms have been designated. Besides, there is a law that bars anyone from moving occupiers from land they would have occupied. By moving them out, Zimbabwe would be breaking its own laws. All the other reasons fall away as Zimbabwe is already claiming that it is a democratic country and the ruling Zanu PF brought democracy to this country so no one can preach to it about democracy.
But most important of all, reneging on its promises for land redistribution would be political suicide for Zanu PF as it is now the only election platform it has. The ruling party has lost the powerful women's league to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change largely because of the hardships people are now facing. Inflation has shot up to 76 percent and is expected to peak at 100 or above before the end of the year. Poor households are the worst affected. It has also lost the youth to the MDC because of increasing unemployment. Its only base is now the war veterans and they are for the fast-track resettlement not the gradual resettlement which the Abuja Agreement advocates. While Zanu PF is in a Catch 22 because it badly needs money but at the same time needs crucial votes for the coming presidential elections, observers say, it will opt for the votes because it is desperate to win the presidential elections at any cost. That cost could be peace and stability which it has already sacrificed since February 2000.
War vets demand more money
Muckraker THERE has been a mischievous rumour doing the rounds on the Internet suggesting CNN used old footage to show Palestinians celebrating the attack on the World Trade Centre. The mailings, which originated in Brazil, claimed CNN used material filmed at the time of the invasion of Kuwait. CNN, in response to inquiries from this newspaper, among others, has said “there is absolutely no truth to the information that is now distributed on the Internet that CNN used 10-year-old video when showing the celebrating of some Palestinians in East Jerusalem after the terror attacks in the US”. The video was shot that day by a Reuters camera crew, CNN says. “CNN is a client of Reuters and, like other clients, received the video and broadcast it. Reuters officials have publicly made the facts clear as well. The allegation is false. The source of the allegation has withdrawn it and apologised. It was started by a Brazilian student who now says he immediately posted a correction once he knew the information was not true.” A statement by his university, Unicamp — Universidad Estatal de Campinas-Brasil — said: “Unicamp would like to announce that it has no knowledge of a video-tape from 1991 whose images supposedly aired on CNN showing Palestinians celebrating the terrorist attacks in the US. The tape was supposedly from 1991, and there were rumours that the images were passed off as current. “This information was later denied, as soon as it proved false, by Márcio AV Carvalho, a student at Unicamp. He approached the administration today, 17.09.2001, to clarify the following: the information he got, verbally, was that a professor from another institution (not from Unicamp) had the tape; he sent the information to a discussion group e-mail list; many people from this list were interested in the subject and requested more details; he again contacted the person who first gave him the information and the person denied having the tape; the student immediately sent out a note clarifying what happened to the people from his e-mail list,” the university said. “The original message, however, was distributed all over the world, often with many distortions, including a falsified by-line article from the student. He affirms that a hacker attacked his domain. Several e-mails have been sent on his behalf and those dating from 15.09.2001 should be ignored. “Among the distortions is the fact that Unicamp would be analysing the tape, which is absolutely false. The administration considers this alert definitive and will be careful to avoid new rumours.” As a result of this episode the New York Times on Monday carried an article highlighting the danger of Internet rumours. This one ranks second only to the one about how to make money from Microsoft by sending out chain letters which dozens of people in Zimbabwe fell for despite our warnings when it first surfaced a couple of years ago. While on the subject of gullibility we weren’t surprised to see ZTV’s Reuben Barwe taking the Rhodesians Worldwide website seriously. They have a link to the Rhodesian “government in exile” which is of course a spoof government, including as it does a “Minister for Breweries”. But Reuben, in pursuit of a conspiracy, took this all literally as “proof” (hopefully non-alcoholic) of a plot against the president. Last year he was expecting “evidence” to turn up in a diplomatic bag! ZBC is also taking seriously a silly e-mail that purports to show a link between the flight number of one of the doomed planes, Q33 NY, and a diagram of the attack. “If you have MS Word, type in Q33 NY (the flight number of one of the airplanes that crashed into the WTC). Then change the font size to 26 and change the font to Wingdings,” the e-mail says. This could be linked to the bombings, ZBC surmised, or it could be a computer virus. It could also be a load of hogwash. Q33 NY is not a number of any of the flights involved. It is in fact a New York bus number. The guys at Pockets Hill appear to be unaware that Wingdings is a form of font that converts letters into pictures and symbols. Any decent computer with MS Word has the font so you can see it for yourself. Go to Format and select the Font “Wingdings” which should be at the bottom of the scroll. We were amused by Jonathan Moyo’s remarks that the CFU’s court affidavit seeking Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku’s recusal “had unwittingly exposed some judges by giving the unfortunate impression that they were in the pockets of the CFU”. Presumably then, by the same logic, Moyo’s remarks in support of Chidyausiku give the impression that the Chief Justice is in the pocket of President Mugabe — or worse still Moyo? And who was that Inyika Trust spokesman attacking former Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay in the same Herald article? Why doesn’t he identify himself so we can see the link with Moyo? It is interesting to note that in addressing the international community the government pretends the dispute with the judiciary was settled “amicably”. Yet in its domestic propaganda it allows its proxies such as the Inyika Trust — meaning its legal spokesman who also happens to be Moyo’s lawyer — to trash the former Chief Justice in violation of the terms agreed between Gubbay and the government. And why is it racist to accuse Chidyausiku of bias? Wasn’t it the view of dozens of black lawyers who wrote to the Law Society when his appointment was being mooted that he is biased in favour of Zanu PF? Isn’t that a view widely held by Zimbabweans from different backgrounds since his maladroit handling of the constitutional commission’s deliberations? And why do some of his colleagues think that episode, in which he demonstrated manifest partiality, should not be cited in a court hearing where he is being asked to exercise judicial independence? Why should his record be regarded as irrelevant? But no, Chidyausiku insisted, he would not recuse himself. What a contrast to the behaviour of those judges who voluntarily re cused themselves when Chidyausiku heard the citizenship case! In the proceedings last week Chidyausiku made a number of remarks about the land issue that could at best be described as naive. “We are likely to have a breakdown in the rule of law where we have a law that acquires notoriety of three quarters of the popuation,” he opined. Which law is that? The law passed by Zanu PF in 1992 and amended last year? And what is his view of the majority of voters who repudiated the clauses on land which he did nothing to prevent President Mugabe inserting in the constitutional proposals last year? Why doesn’t he give any regard to the views of the majority that legally and democratically expressed itself on the issue at the polls? Jonathan Moyo was once again threatening journalists last week when he addressed a meeting with academics in Gweru. Asked about the arrest of journalists, he replied: “We are arresting them because they are breaking the law and we will continue to arrest them.” This showed Zimbabwe upheld the rule of law, he said. But he omitted to say which law. The law currently being used by the CID to detain and question journalists is the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act (1960, as amended 1962-79). Why is this law being used when the government has professed its distaste for all things colonial? Selective justice, it would appear, favours Rhodesia. And haven’t successive ministers promised to repeal it because it is anomalous? Is this the law Moyo wants upheld? “The police have to do their jobs...” he said. But isn’t it his job they are doing? Moyo followed up these remarks with a vicious and defamatory attack on Basildon Peta which the Herald — once again flouting the most elementary precept of media ethics — published without asking Peta for his comments. Moyo accused Peta of being an “economic terrorist” by writing “negative articles” on the land issue that were damaging to Zimbabwe. In fact it is the plain truth that is damaging to Zanu PF. It must be evident to everybody now that the government has no intention of upholding the terms of the Abuja agreement. Far from winning over international opinion or discomfiting the MDC, the agreement has simply exposed the yawning chasm between government promises and reality on the ground. Peta is not alone in pointing that out. In fact, with the exception of the emasculated state media, everybody has. Moyo accused Peta of writing negative articles “in order to earn a couple of British pounds”. Does Moyo think everybody has forgotten how much he earned in the 1990s working for the Ford Foundation and other donors? He presumably wasn’t paid in Zim dollars! Now he is earning his keep by “echoing the president’s sentiments”, as the Sunday Mail so helpfully put it. The paper was reporting Mugabe’s speech to the central committee in which he tried to put a brave face on the humiliating rebuff the party — and in particular Moyo — had suffered in Bulawayo which no amount of rigged by-elections in Zanu PF’s heartland can compensate for. Zanu PF had “a strong basis for recovering support in urban areas”, the president said. There was everywhere “palpable disenchantment” with the opposition and “people want to be walked back to their party”, he said. We thought only children and the infirm had to be “walked”. And who is it exactly that the country is expressing “palpable disenchantment” with? What planet has he just come down from? There is massive disenchantment with him and his useless cronies who preside over the country’s ruin. And what is his answer to the myriad problems the country is facing? The leadership must be “firm”, he said, and united in “singing the song of land to the people”. That sounds a bit like a broken record to us. But Moyo it seems is prepared to join any chorus that pays well! Who by the way are the real “economic terrorists”? Those who write about the anarchy on the land, or those who have occupied undesignated farms and prevented farmers from planting crops? We are already seeing the cost of the economic terrorism Moyo’s party has unleashed in the collapse of agriculture and looming food imports. As for Mugabe’s observation that Morgan Tsvangirai was “like a mad man who goes everywhere”, do we detect a note of pique? Now Mugabe can hardly go anywhere he understandably resents doors being opened to Tsvangirai, especially in places like Pretoria. And why does the president have to keep reminding us that he is a head of state? Is there some doubt surrounding this? Chogm is for heads of state only, he reminded Tsvangirai. Chogm may indeed be for heads of government (not heads of state as Mugabe appears to think) but the Commonwealth can no longer remain indifferent to civil society. The president, it seems, has yet to take on board the accommodations Sadc leaders were urging on him at their meeting in Harare recently. Holding forth in the Sunday Mail on the prospect of US retaliation against Afghanistan after the attack on the World Trade Centre, Garikai Mazara observes: “It would be folly of the highest order for America to assume that Bin Laden carried out those acts, if indeed he carried them out, single-handedly.” Since when has the US suggested he carried out the acts single-handedly? Haven’t they said the opposite — that he is part of a worldwide network? And why does Mazara tell us the Soviets were in Afghanistan for two decades? How many years is 1979-89? Finally, was Cambodia’s “Lon Col” any relation of premier Lon Nol who took over in 1970? We appreciate the Sunday Mail wants to beef up its op/ed sections, but what it calls “Analysis” should be reasonably factual and not just a rather poorly researched anti-American diatribe that looks as if it has come from the Osama bin Mahoso School of Journalism. |