http://www.washingtonpost.com
By Associated Press, Published: September 2 |
Updated: Saturday, September
3, 12:01 AM
HARARE, Zimbabwe — The
expelled Libyan ambassador has left Zimbabwe by car,
meeting a 72-hour
deadline set for his departure, the southern African’s
foreign ministry said
Friday.
Ministry official Joey Bimha said Ambassador Taher al-Megrahi
informed
Zimbabwe authorities that he planned to drive from
Harare.
A Zimbabwean embassy staff member said Friday that Libyan
diplomats left
Thursday in a five-car convoy headed for neighboring
Botswana, a trip of
about 300 miles (480 kilometers).
He said
al-Megrahi received a call from his counterpart in Botswana
guaranteeing him
refuge there.
South African officials said the Libyans had been granted
transit permits
through the Johannesburg airport but evidently chose not to
fly.
Libyan diplomats were ordered to leave after they swore allegiance
to the
rebel-led National Transitional Council in Libya that Zimbabwe does
not
recognize.
They are believed to be the first Libyan diplomats to
be deported for
defecting.
The expulsion has divided the already
fragile coalition between longtime
ruler President Robert Mugabe and the
former opposition of Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai’s
Movement for Democratic Change has welcomed reforms in North
Africa this
year while Mugabe has cracked down on public debate on the Arab
Spring that
toppled longtime rulers. Rights activists have been charged for
inciting
violence in an Egypt-style uprising and still await trial.
Tsvangirai
told reporters in Ivory Coast on Thursday that the Libyan embassy
was being
closed in Zimbabwe, but he opposed the measure.
“My position is it is not
up to Zimbabwe to decide what the sovereign right
is of the Libyans. It is
up to the Libyans to choose their representatives,”
he said.
Mugabe
once had close ties with Moammar Gadhafi but relations soured over a
gasoline deal when the southern African nation faced acute fuel shortages in
2004.
The Libyan leader offered a goodwill shipment of fuel but
Zimbabwe was later
unable to pay for subsequent deliveries and reportedly
owed Gadhafi $360
million.
Last year, Gadhafi’s son Saadi visited
Zimbabwe promising much needed
investment in agriculture, textiles, mining
and tourism but little was
forthcoming.
In 2002, his father traveled
through Zimbabwe and it later emerged Libya
took a 14 percent stake, worth
about $12 million, in the Commercial Bank of
Zimbabwe in which the
government also owned shares.
Relations between Mugabe and Gadhafi
chilled further when Libya restored
relations with former British Prime
Minister Tony Blair and Mugabe’s
harshest Western critics.
But Mugabe
last month called the North Atlantic Treaty Organization a
“terrorist” group
for its air strikes in Libya.
After their defection in Harare, Libyan
officials said they planned to
investigate the extent of local investments
that appeared to benefit only
Gadhafi and his family.
High profile
Libyan business activities have not been apparent in Zimbabwe
for more than
a decade.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Sep 2, 2011, 17:19 GMT
Harare
- Polls must be held in Zimbabwe before the end of next March,
President
Robert Mugabe said Friday, in an apparent new bid to impose his
will on the
fraught election process.
The 87-year-old president told a meeting of his
ZANU-PF party in Harare that
'elections will not go beyond March next year',
state ZBC radio reported.
The announcement is in defiance of his Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC)
partners in the strained coalition government,
who say elections cannot be
held before May next year - and could even be
pushed back to 2013.
In power since 1980, Mugabe was forced to sign a
power-sharing deal in 2008
after election violence waged mainly by militant
supporters of his ZANU-PF
party left at least 200 MDC supporters
dead.
Under a deal brokered by the regional Southern African Development
Community
Mugabe is supposed to have the agreement of both factions of the
MDC before
setting an election date.
'ZANU-PF has done everything to
accommodate the unending list of demands
from the other partners in the
inclusive government,' ZBC quoted him as
saying.
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, the veteran leader of the main MDC
faction, has said he
will not support any unilateral decision taken by
Mugabe on elections.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
02 September 2011
A nine member
anti-corruption commission, sworn in by Robert Mugabe on
Thursday, has been
challenged to investigate and prosecute politicians from
all the political
parties without fear of favour. The commission is one of
the many
requirements under the power sharing deal, but fears abound that,
like many
other commissions, it’s being cobbled together to give the
appearance of
progress.
This latest commission is made up of people in such fields as
administration, law, religion, law enforcement and is chaired by lawyer
Denford Chirindo, deputised by Teresa Pearl Mugadza. Other commissioners
include Emmanuel Chimwanda, Lakayana Chabaka Keith Dube, Zivanayi Zed
Rusike, Shepherd Gwasira, Anna Chitsike, Elita Tinoenda Sakupwanya and Dr
Goodwill Shana.
But even before the commission begins its work
several cases are sticking
out like a sore thumb and demanding attention.
Last year a messy divorce
involving Local Government Minister Ignatius
Chombo and his wife of 25
years, Marian, exposed the Minister’s spectacular
wealth, acquired while
earning a modest civil servant’s
salary.
Documents showed that Chombo has tentacles in virtually all
sectors of the
economy. They include interests in several farms, mines,
hunting safari
lodges in Chiredzi, Hwange, Magunje and Chirundu, as well as
properties in
South Africa. Local properties include 75 residential and
commercial stands
plus 14 houses and 5 flats, all dotted around the country.
Not to mention 15
vehicles.
Even when a probe team of Harare City
Councillors produced a report
implicating Chombo and businessman Philip
Chiyangwa in the illegal
acquisition of council land on the cheap, the
police refused to investigate
the matter. Instead the councillors were
arrested and journalists who
covered the saga were also arrested and
harassed by the police under
instruction from Chiyangwa.
In 2009 when
the coalition government came into being Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai
called for a probe into a controversial airport road construction
deal. The
‘Joshua Nkomo Expressway’ meant to link the Harare International
Airport and
the city centre had been valued at US$80 million, despite a
similar 2001
project in Chegutu covering 77km costing US$19 million. Adding
to suspicion
was that the airport road is actually 20km shorter than the one
built in
Chegutu.
SW Radio Africa reported then how Local Government Minister
Chombo and
former Harare Commission chairperson, Michael Mahachi, were
accused of
corruptly engineering the deal, that saw Ukrainian company Augur
Investments
being awarded the tender. When the MDC-T took over the council
Mahachi was
appointed a ‘special interest councillor’ by Chombo before he
resigned a
month later to become the project manager for Augur
Investments.
Currently the Marange diamond fields are also being
plundered by a complex
network of army, police, CIO and ZANU PF senior
chefs. Mines Minister Obert
Mpofu for example has accumulated spectacular
wealth from alleged corrupt
deals and is said to have gone on a real estate
shopping spree, buying
properties in the Bulawayo area including the Ascot
Race Course and Casino.
He also bought dozens of properties in Victoria
Falls.
So the anti corruption commission should be the busiest commission
in the
history of Zimbabwe.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
02
September 2011
A white tobacco farmer from Mvurwi, north of Harare, has
died after he was
apparently beaten to death in his home, following a
suspected robbery
attempt in the early hours of Friday morning.
Colin
Zietsman was with his wife in their home when unknown men broke into
the
house and demanded money. The assailants then attacked the couple and
Zietsman and his wife Tinks were both seriously beaten. Zietsman died on the
property.
According to the former president of the Commercial Farmers
Union (CFU) Deon
Theron, Tinks was beaten unconscious, but managed to escape
the house when
she came to. She has since been hospitalised in a serious but
stable
condition.
Theron told SW Radio Africa that Tinks is still not
clear on what exactly
happened in the attack.
“She’s obviously very
traumatised. All she keeps saying is that she can’t
believe someone could be
beaten to death like Colin was,” Theron said.
Theron, a friend of the
family, described Zietsman as a “typical Zimbabwean,
in that he was salt of
the earth.”
“He was a good guy, a good farmer. He’ll be remembered for
that,” Theron
said.
Theron explained that it was too soon to question
if the attack was anything
more than a robbery-gone-wrong, but he said his
friend’s death shows just
how much Zimbabwe has changed in recent
years.
“This kind of brutal and vicious attack is foreign to Zimbabwe
when it comes
to crime. We’re not like South Africa in terms of violent
crime,” Theron
said.
He added: “So many people now think they can do
what they want without
accountability and with absolute impunity. It’s just
so sad.”
Zietsman’s death comes almost a year after Chegutu farmer Kobus
Joubert was
shot and killed on his property, in what appeared to be a
violent robbery.
Thieves shot Joubert in the head, assaulted his wife and
stole US$10,000 and
mobile phones. At the time, the CFU said in a statement
that Joubert’s death
“highlights the deteriorating situation currently being
faced in the rural
farming areas. This is a symptom of the flagrant
disregard for the rule of
law in these areas over the last ten years.”
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
02 September
2011
Tensions within ZANU PF, which have continued to rise following the
suspicious death of former Army General Solomon Mujuru, threatened to boil
over on Friday at a top level party meeting.
ZANU PF’s National
Consultative Assembly was due to meet in Harare on
Friday, amid ongoing
speculation about the late Mujru’s death. It was
expected that the itinerary
for Friday’s meeting would be largely sidelined,
after it emerged that
Mujuru supporters would use the meeting to demand an
explanation for his
death.
Mujuru’s body was discovered in the burnt out remains of his
Beatrice
farmhouse last month and since then there has been a surge of
suspicion
about the cause of death. Many party members have flatly refused
to accept
some simple explanations being offered, including that the Retired
General
died in the fire that was caused by a candle.
Mujuru’s wife,
Vice President Joice Mujuru, has also called the death a
“mystery” and the
family has involved private South African investigators to
get to the bottom
of the situation. A report by these investigators has
since fuelled more
speculation, and has reportedly left the Mujuru family
“shell-shocked.” The
report has not yet been made public
Some observers have linked Mujuru’s
death to the battle for control of ZANU
PF when Robert Mugabe dies, which
has been fought with a faction backing
Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa
for the party leadership. Others
question if a rumoured allegiance with the
MDC-T could have led to Mujuru’s
demise.
Details of Friday’s meeting
had not yet been released by the end of the day.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Own Correspondent Friday 02 September
2011
JOHANNESBURG -- President Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF party has
been accused of
running a parallel fiscus through which diamond revenues are
being fleeced
for the benefit of the well connected at the expense of
national
development.
Addressing a conference convened by the South
African Institute of
International Affairs (SAIIA) and the Heinrich Boell
Foundation on the
subject of Zimbabwe's Diamonds, two prominent Zimbabwean
civic leaders
called for legislation to regulate the proper extraction and
management of
diamond revenues to benefit the Zimbabwean people.
Dewa
Mavhinga of the Zimbabwe Crisis Coalition (ZCC) and Farai Maguwu of the
Centre for Research and Development said they believed in the accurateness
of Finance Minister Tendai Biti's reported estimates that at least US$1
billion in potential revenue to the national treasury remained unaccounted
for.
Biti has been fighting a seemingly losing battle to exert more
control over
the diamond revenues from the Marange diamond fields which the
state seized
in 2008 after a diamond rush by illegal
panners.
Mavhinga and Maguwu said the disappearance of diamond revenues
was largely a
result of the parallel fiscus that was being run by ZANU PF
outside Biti's
official finance ministry. From that parallel fiscus,
diamond revenues were
directed to uses that did not benefit the Zimbabwean
people.
Maguwu presented a detailed report which showed that illegal
mining
activities by members of the state security apparatus still continued
at
Marange with the diamonds being smuggled through Mozambique. Other
concessions at Marange were now being mined by consortiums of the Zimbabwean
government and several Chinese firms.
However, a pro-Mugabe civic
organisation, the Affirmative Action Group
(AAG), electrified the conference
by vociferously refuting Mavhinga and
Maguwu's claims.
AAG President
and former prominent state media journalist, Supa
Mandiwanzira, said all
diamond revenues were accruing to the state and being
used to pay civil
servants, among other noble causes.
He refuted claims that Mugabe and his
cronies were running a parallel fiscus
to fleece diamond revenues. He
challenged anyone with information that
senior security officials were
enriching themselves from diamond revenues to
come forward, promising to
have such officials prosecuted should evidence be
made
available.
Mandiwanzira was asked to explain how Mines Minister Obert
Mpofu, a close
ally of Mugabe and the man at the centre of diamond deals,
had become so
filthy rich to reportedly own prime real estate in Victoria
Falls and
Bulawayo at a ministerial salary of, until recently, $150
monthly.
He was also asked to explain how military officials linked to
the illegal
diamond trade had become obscenely rich.
Mandiwanzira
said he had no mandate to speak on behalf of Mpofu and the
military but said
he could only presume that any senior state officials
perceived as being
rich had earned their wealth from their other businesses,
mainly in farming
and other sectors.
Organisers of the conference came under fire for not
inviting the Ministry
of Mines and companies mining at Marange to defend
themselves against claims
by the civic groups. It was explained that
officials of the parliamentary
portfolio committee on mining had been
invited and confirmed participation
but failed to pitch
up.
Mandiwanzira also launched a scathing attack on Maguwu, whom he
accused of
being an MDC activist. Even the head of the EU delegation in
Zimbabwe, Aldo
Dell'Ariccia, was not spared by Mandiwanzira. But an
apparently angry
Dell'Ariccia, hit back at Mandiwanzira for suggesting that
EU sanctions on
Zimbabwe prevented the legal sale of Zimbabwean diamonds
into the European
Union.
Claude Karemba of the Southern Africa
Resource Watch said South Africa
should use its mediation role to help
foster transparency in the management
of Zimbabwe's diamond revenues. He
said economic governance issues should
have been included in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA).
He urged the establishment of a SADC charter
on resources to define and
prescribe how minerals should be extracted and
managed by regional
countries. Dell'Ariccia urged Zimbabwe not to implement
its threat to pull
out of the Kimberly Process. -- ZimOnline
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai Karimakwenda
02 September,
2011
Zimbabweans, tired of struggling every day just to get by and fed up
with
the continued lack of basic services, are beginning to blame all
officials
in the unity government (GNU) and not just ZANU PF.
Using
social media forums and mobile communication many people are
demanding
accountability from MDC leaders, who they accuse of
forgetting their
supporters, enjoying lavish lifestyles and failing to fight
for their issues
in parliament. Numerous foreign trips that come with
extravagant allowances
have also tainted the image of lawmakers.
It
has been three years since the Global Political Agreement (GPA) was
signed
by the political parties in the unity government, with a promise to
bring
peace and improved standards of living for ordinary Zimbabweans.
But
years later, councils collect exorbitant rates from residents who still
have
no running water, power cuts are worse, sewage flows through many of
the
streets in the high density areas and there is no rubbish collection.
A
Harare resident who wrote to MDC officials this week said: “For close to a
decade we have paid for waste removal we did not get; we have paid for water
we did not receive; we have paid for electricity that remained off; we have
paid rates to drive over potholes and through derelict cities and towns; we
have paid ZBC licencing for a service that uses and abuses
us.”
“Enough is enough” has become the common battle cry of many ordinary
Zimbabweans, who now want answers and some real action taken to improve
conditions. Some of the most disgruntled Zimbabweans have said MDC officials
have become “just like ZANU PF.”
“How much more does this GNU expect
the people to take? We do not even get
an apology or a decent explanation
from these service providers or
government,” one frustrated Harare resident
asked.
Tabani Moyo from the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition agreed that the
frustration is rightly channeled towards politicians from all parties,
including the MDC formations.
He said the recent 31% tariff hikes
announced by the power utility ZESA and
legislators’ approval of $20 million
for brand new, top of the range
vehicles for themselves, have further
angered residents who now want
answers.
“When they agree to upgrade
the ministers’ lifestyles almost to that of the
premier league in the UK or
Hollywood, it increases the frustrations of
Zimbabweans,” Moyo explained,
adding that the priorities are misplaced.
Regarding the behaviour of some
MDC officials in comparison to ZANU PF, Moyo
said: “The lines are getting
blurred. They are supposed to serve the needs
of the country but somehow we
live in the dark ages and no one knows what
government is doing,” he
added.
However, differences of opinion and approach reportedly exist
between MDC
officials. It is understood that some were against this latest
expenditure
on vehicles and are concerned at the behaviour of their
colleagues.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Nkululeko Sibanda, Senior Writer
Friday, 02 September
2011 14:54
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF could be headed
for another
showdown with Sadc leaders after the former ruling party’s
politburo
threatened to snub the three monitors seconded to Zimbabwe to
monitor
reforms.
The three from Sadc member countries who make up
the regional body’s Troika
on politics, defence and security are supposed to
work with the Joint
Monitoring and Implementation Committee
(Jomic).
However, on Wednesday the Zanu PF politburo muddied the waters
when it
resolved that it would not accept the Sadc appointees’ participation
in the
monitoring and implementation processes of the GPA.
Zanu PF
now wants to illegally give the monitors new mandates in violation
of the
Sadc resolution.
Sadc decided to include the three due to violations and
refusal to fully
implement the Global Political Agreement (GPA) by Zanu
PF.
Zanu PF, Sadc clash ...as party plots to snub bloc’s
monitors.
The resolution was passed and agreed to by the regional
bloc after its
Sandton, South Africa meeting in June.
The same
resolution was affirmed by the subsequent Sadc summits on Zimbabwe,
with
Zanu PF and Mugabe not raising issues about the mandate of the
three.
Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo said while his party would
welcome the
three, it would not take lightly to their participation in
discussions
around the GPA issues.
Gumbo said the party’s new
position was that the three would only wait for
updates from Jomic as
opposed to them proffering suggestions to the
avalanche of problems referred
to them by the political parties.
He intimated that it was Zanu PF’s view
that the three could be on a mission
to interfere in the internal processes
of Zimbabwe.
“We have no objection to their coming here. But we have
serious objections
to their participation. We are a sovereign state and an
independent state.
We do not expect anyone to come here and get involved in
our political
activities,” Gumbo said.
“We agreed that they would
come when Jomic has met and then getting an
update of what has been
discussed and not them fully participating in the
discussions. No ways. We
are not going to accept that,” he added.
This, effectively, kills the
reasoning by the regional leaders that the
three officials, seen as highly
experienced in dealing with crisis
situations, could add value to the entire
monitoring and implementation
process.
In its analysis, Sadc said
while steps had been taken to implement the
provisions of the GPA, there
were areas that still needed to be attended to.
The three officials, with
the mandate of the regional bloc, and the
facilitator, would play a critical
role in ensuring that some sticking
points and hurdles in the implementation
of the agreement would be
effectively eradicated.
Sadc executive
secretary Tomaz Augusto Salomao yesterday told the Daily News
from his
Botswana base that the regional bloc would not entertain issues
arising on
the Zimbabwean crisis through the media.
He said Zanu PF and any party in
the inclusive government, should use
official channels of communication if
it has problems with the mediation and
facilitation processes.
“We
have stated time and again that if any of the political parties in
Zimbabwe
has a problem with either the facilitation process or the mediation
process
in as far as Sadc is concerned, they should feel free to communicate
those
issues to Sadc through writing and using the available communication
channels.
“We are not going to entertain things that come through the
media. That is
not the official communication line of Sadc. If there is an
issue Zanu PF
feels should be discussed, it should do so in writing,” said
Salomao.
He also said it would be jumping the gun for Zanu PF to try and
solicit Sadc
assistance to a problem that Jomic could address.
“It is
in the best interests of Zanu PF to table the matter with Jomic. The
three
parties have the ability to deal with any matters that arise as they
are all
signatories to the GPA,” Salomao added.
Welshman Ncube, the leader of the
smaller MDC party dismissed Zanu PF’s
latest about turn, saying it was meant
to confuse Zimbabweans and Africa as
a whole.
“When we went to the
summit, we were all in agreement on almost everything.
Now that Zanu PF is
making a U-turn on the very item it agreed to, smacks of
an effort to
confuse the people of Zimbabwe and the region as a whole,”
Ncube
said.
He described Gumbo’s statements as a red herring which has the
potential of
causing problems for the unity government.
“The problem
is that we have two Zanu PF’s. One is the one that sits in
those Sadc
summits and agrees to almost everything that is said by Sadc."
We then
have another Zanu PF, made up of people like Jonathan Moyo who want
to
peddle propaganda all the time so that there is confusion all over the
place. This criticism is just but one red herring that Zanu PF, driven by
the likes of Moyo, would want to use to create confusion.
“There is
nothing new that can be said about the three facilitators from
Sadc. All
political parties, Zanu PF included, agreed to their terms of
reference and
their coming to Zimbabwe, particularly for the work they have
been sought
for,” he added.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Edward Jones Friday 02 September
2011
HARARE – Zimbabwe’s Economic Planning Minister yesterday
said the country’s
indigenisation and economic empowerment law requiring
foreign-owned mining
firms to surrender at least 51 percent of their shares
to blacks was
flexible and the country would not nationalise foreign
assets.
The Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act, which was signed
in 2008,
is being driven by President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, which
has set it
on a collision cause with its unity government partner, the
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) of Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai.
The MDC has been at pains to try to reassure investors that
their money will
be protected in Zimbabwe but ZANU-PF has threatened to
nationalise mines
which do not comply with the law, freaking out potential
investors for a
country emerging from a decade of economic
collapse.
"It is a flexible law and investors are given time to comply.
It's not about
seizure of assets, it's not about expropriation," Economic
Planning Minister
Tapiwa Mashakada, from Tsvangirai’s MDC party said at a
mining industry
conference in Australia.
Savior Kasukuwere, the
Youth, Indigenisation and Empowerment minister from
ZANU-PF is driving the
empowerment agenda.
Kasukuwere last month issued ultimatums to foreign
mining firms, including
the largest platinum producer Zimplats owned by
South Africa’s Impala
Platinum Holdings (Implats), Mimosa platinum mine
co-owned by Implats and
Aquarius and Rio Tinto's Murowa diamond mine to
submit fresh empowerment
plans within 14 days or risk losing their
licences.
The deadlines are this week but it is unlikely that Kasukuwere
will take any
action against non-compliant firms.
The companies have
a September 30 deadline to offload majority shares to
blacks but analysts
say this is unlikely to happen.
Mashakada said the empowerment law may
prove difficult for some miners, but
he said that some exemptions to the law
have already been made, pointing to
Indian conglomerate Essar
Group.
"For big mining firms, you may not be able to readily get a
partner who can
take up the 51 percent. The 51 percent is not going to be
nationalised. It's
not going to be expropriated," Mashakada
said.
Essar agreed to buy 54 percent in the Zimbabwe Iron and Steel
Company
(ZISCO) for $750 million, with the government keeping 36 percent and
10
percent owned by minority investors. -- ZimOnline
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Taurai Mangudhla, Business Writer
Friday, 02
September 2011 15:15
HARARE - Zesa Holdings’ recent 31 percent hike
on power charges could see
the prices of all locally produced goods
ballooning, Confederation of
Zimbabwe Industries (CZI)
says.
Joseph Kanyekanye, CZI president, told businessdaily that the
new Zesa
Holdings (Zesa) rates were in reality going up by 50 percent, and
likely to
see businesses increase prices of their finished products by the
same
margin.
“We are going to fight the new tariff regime and I am
certain we will win
the fight. If we fail, we are likely to see prices
going up by at least 5
to 10 percent, depending on the company’s cost
structure if companies review
their expenditure ethically,” he said, adding
that some businesses could
cease the opportunity to hike prices further than
the cost reflective
margins.
“We are also going to see rentals going
up and people will demand more wages
to meet the high bills because if Zesa
can increase charges by 50 percent,
other providers of social utilities can
do the same,” Kanyekanye added.
Zesa, through its distribution company —
the Zimbabwe Electricity
Transmission and Distribution Company (ZETDC) last
week announced plans to
increase power charges by 31 percent effective 1
September 2011 without
prior consultation with stakeholders and at a time
business and consumers
are reeling from serious power cuts, prompting
industry to block the move.
As a result, CZI is preparing a lawsuit
against Zesa to force the power
company to reverse its “50 percent” tariff
increase which it says could have
far reaching consequences on business and
the economy.
The blundering power giant said the increase will not reduce
load-shedding
but go towards rehabilitation of critical equipment which, in
future, will
improve power generation.
CZI came out with guns
blazing, warning that their lawyers were preparing to
fight the tariffs
which it said are illegal.
“We wish to advise stakeholders that
electricity tariff hikes distributed by
the ZETDC are unsustainable,
unjustified and illegal.
“The proposed tariff to be effected on 01
September 2011 results in a 53
percent aggregated increase.
“This
shows lack of understanding or empathy with the nascent and fragile
economic
recovery underway since 2009,” Kanyekanye said, dismissing reports
that the
increase was supported by industry and consumers saying that the
electricity
distributor has a technical committee with industry where the
results have
shown that the price hikes cannot be supported by ZETDC’s
reflective tariff
principle.
Concern has also been raised by the industry body over the
sustainability of
the tariffs, particularly at a time heavy users of
electricity like the
financially beleaguered Bindura Nickel Mine — which was
placed under care
and maintenance in 2008 — plans to resume
operations.
Meanwhile, CZI has implored on the transport ministry to
appoint an
independent regulator to come up with cost reflective
rates.
CZI said ZETDC is not properly constituted, adding that the
apparent use of
government officials as proxy for ZETDC was illegal and
introduces the
inefficiency in the regulation of tariffs.
Zimbabwe
requires 2 000MW of power a day but the country currently produces
only 1
300MW and gets 300MW from imports, leaving a deficit of 400MW.
The huge
deficits have seen the advent of massive load shedding schedules
that
stretch over off-peak periods.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Tendai Kamhungira, Court writer
Friday, 02
September 2011 18:40
HARARE - Zanu PF MP for Seke, Phineas Chihota,
has been summoned to court on
fraud charges.
The 60-year-old
former deputy minister appeared before Harare magistrate
William Bhila
yesterday for allegedly defrauding David Tapera Mabuwa, a
former Wallace
Laboratories (Pvt) Limited managing director.
Chihota has business
interests in Wallace Laboratories (Pvt) Limited.
The court heard how
between February 5 and April 9 last year, Chihota
allegedly requested Mabuwa
to secure $40 000 on behalf of the company, after
promising that he would
pay back within three months.
Prosecutor Zivanayi W Makwanya told the
court that Chihota asked Mabuwa of
Borrowdale to have the money paid in by
mortgaging his house as surety.
According to state papers, the agreement
meant that Mabuwa was to surrender
title deeds for his house as collateral
in order to obtain the said money.
Mabuwa is said to have borrowed $30
000 from one Antioc Kurauone, after
surrendering his house’s title
deeds.
The court heard, Chihota, who resides in Greystone Park gave the
promise
knowing very well that he was not able to pay back the money, which
resulted
in Mabuwa losing his $30 000 and the title deeds to his
house.
According to state papers, the two guarantee letters that Chihota
wrote and
the loan agreement between
Mabuwa and Kurauone are going to be
produced as exhibits in court.
The matter could not proceed to trial
yesterday after prosecutor Makwanya
told the court that he needed time to
peruse and familiarise himself with
the case record and prepare for
trial.
Chihota will be back in court on September 23.
Chihota nearly
lost an industrial complex that headquartered Wallace
Laboratories and a
three-bedroomed house in Harare’s Waterfalls suburb to ZB
Bank and the
Infrastructure Development Bank (IDBZ) over unpaid loans.
http://online.wsj.com/
Friday, September 2, 2011
By
PETER WONACOTT
HARARE, Zimbabwe—A new school here teaches Mandarin and
Confucian
philosophy. A state-backed Chinese firm controls a coveted diamond
mine. A
new parliament building, renovated soccer stadium and agricultural
school
are in the works, all courtesy of Beijing.
In Zimbabwe, the
appeal of the Chinese way—a model that prizes strategic
control of the
economy as opposed to the U.S. push for transparent markets
and
competition—is clear.
Under Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe's economy contracted
by 50% from 2000 to 2008.
The longtime strongman turned to China, in part to
combat sanctions from the
U.S. and other Western countries targeting his
regime.
China's loans and investments offered a lifeline. During a trip
in March,
China Vice Premier Wang Qishan announced a new $687 million loan
package.
"With friends like these, who needs a fading giant such the
United States?"
Zimbabwe Information Minister Webster Shamu said after the
vice premier's
visit.
China's aid has helped fund schools such as the
Confucius Institute, housed
on the University of Zimbabwe campus in an area
of Harare known as Mt.
Pleasant.
Posters of the Great Wall, the
ancient Buddhist Grottoes of Yungang and last
year's Shanghai World Expo
line the halls outside the institute's
classrooms. Down a leafy road, young
Chinese teachers share a cottage, where
between classes they stir-fry
noodles in a communal kitchen and surf the
Internet for celebrity gossip
back home.
"China needed to have a vehicle to understand the world and
have the world
understand China," says Prof. Pedzisai Mashiri, the local
director of the
Confucius Institute. "For an economic giant, it's a way to
communicate with
countries beyond what it exports."
Zimbabwe,
meanwhile, has extended remarkable perks to Chinese firms.
A big player
here is China's state-owned Anhui Foreign Economic Construction
Group, or
Anjin, which has been mining diamonds in the Marange area of
Zimbabwe. That
particular region has been barred from exporting the stones
because of
alleged human-rights abuses against local miners.
At the end of June, the
chair of the Kimberley Process, a global
certification body that aims to
keep diamond proceeds from funding war, said
miners could export from
Marange despite opposition from member countries
such as the U.S. and
Canada. Anjin hasn't yet been awarded certification to
export diamonds from
its mine.
In June, Zimbabwe's parliament approved a $98 million loan to
the Zimbabwe
government from China's Export-Import Bank to build a defense
college,
according to the loan agreement reviewed by The Wall Street
Journal.
Anjin workers are also building the college. In an indication of
China's
flexible dealmaking and the close links between the parties,
Zimbabwe is
able to pay the loan back with proceeds earned from selling its
share of the
diamonds from the Anjin mine in Marange, according to the loan
document.
At a conference on corruption earlier this year, Mr. Mugabe's
political
partner and chief rival, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, said
"Zimbabweans
have been shocked" with the concessions granted to Anjin and
other firms
"without the scrutiny of cabinet committees."
Mr.
Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba, called Mr. Tsvangirai's remarks
politically motivated. He says Anjin is one of many Chinese firms
contributing to Zimbabwe's economy.
Anjin executives declined to
comment when reached by phone and didn't
respond to faxed questions about
operations in Zimbabwe. China's embassy in
Zimbabwe refused interview
requests. Zimbabwe army and military spokesmen
didn't respond to written
questions and repeated telephone calls seeking
comment about
Anjin.
In a company statement about the project, posted on the website of
state-backed China Radio International, Anjin extolled its aid and
investments in Zimbabwe. It called the diamond venture with the Zimbabwe
army "a model for Sino-African cooperation."
Christopher Mutsvangwa,
Zimbabwe's former ambassador to China, says the
Chinese development model
may still be evolving but it has already succeeded
in delivering investment
to needy economies. Decades ago, he was a rebel who
fired Chinese-made
AK-47's. Now, he is a businessman who wears pinstripe
suits, trying to bring
a China-backed economic zone for Zimbabwe.
"The Chinese," he says, "have
created a new sense of optimism about Africa."
—Farai Mutsaka contributed to
this article.
http://mg.co.za/
JASON MOYO Sep 02 2011 00:00
The British
business community may be under threat in Zimbabwe, but one
billionaire is
flaunting his growing influence.
Nicholas van Hoogstraten, long a
mythical figure in Zimbabwe, has emerged in
recent months to wage a series
of corporate battles that have highlighted
his clout -- and the
contradictions of President Robert Mugabe's black
empowerment
rhetoric.
At a time when other foreign businessmen have taken to
appeasement and
cowering in fear, Van Hoogstraten, who claims a personal
friendship with
Mugabe, can call on the favours he has given out over the
years to protect
his interests, ranging from hotels to Zimbabwe's biggest
coal company.
In June, at a meeting for shareholders in Rainbow Tourism
Group, the
country's second-largest hotel company, Van Hoogstraten, in pink
shirt and
white jacket, berated management for its "incompetence".
He
demanded that the board be sacked and replaced by his nominees, including
his sons, Alexander and Maximilian.
After shareholders voted against
him, cheers erupted from the floor.
"This is a victory for empowerment in
this country. We can't have one man
holding us to ransom all the time," said
Paddingtion Japajapa, a black
empowerment campaigner. "Van Hoogstraten wants
to be everywhere. He is using
the money that they stole from us in Rhodesia
to suppress us."
But among top government figures, state companies and
big businesses, Van
Hoogstraten has a different image. He is the go-to guy
for loans. "I am the
lender of last resort," he boasted recently.
In
a fix
Everyone in Harare knows where to go when they find themselves in a
financial fix, he said. "People come here on their own looking for money. I
don't even advertise. They look for me."
State enterprises line up at
his door, giving him more leverage. Troubled
Air Zimbabwe approached him in
June, asking for a $2-million loan.
He has called Mugabe "a true English
gentleman" and "100% decent and
incorruptible".
In 2006 he showed
journalists documents allegedly reflecting a $10-million
loan to Mugabe from
Messina Investments, the company through which he holds
most of his assets
in Zimbabwe.
He recently pushed through board changes at Hwange, the
largest coal
producer in the country, in which he has a 31% shareholding. He
claims to
have donated the 36% that government holds in the
colliery.
Nobody knows how much Van Hoogstraten is worth. He calls
himself the largest
individual investor on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange,
where stockbrokers who
handle some of his transactions say his investments
are valued at
$250-million.
While white farmers were losing land he
was increasing his holdings in
estates and wildlife conservancies.
He
owns a string of commercial properties and apartments and is the only
known
white businessman to own a string of township houses.
His confidence in
the protection he enjoys was shown recently when he
dismissed Finance
Minister Tendai Biti as "foolish" for criticising his
dealings.
He
has mentored a network of young businessmen to do some of his heavy
lifting.
Among them is Frank Buyanga, who has a plush apartment at
Sandton's
Michelangelo Towers and is fond of speeding around Harare on
weekends in
pricey cars that include a $200 000 Aston Martin DB9, a Rolls
Royce, a
Bentley and a Lamborghini.
Buyanga claims links with
controversial arms entrepreneur Fana Hlongwane and
former South African
defence chief Siphiwe Nyanda. He was among the
businessmen who travelled
with President Jacob Zuma to Russia last year.
"Generally, Van
Hoogstraten is misunderstood. I can say without a shadow of
doubt that he
has love for Zimbabwe and its people … He speaks highly of our
president and
shares his vision of total empowerment," Buyanga said.
In contrast Van
Hoogstraten is known for his frugality. He has a Range Rover
Sport -- a gift
from Buyanga, he says -- but uses a Jeep Cherokee from the
1990s.
Claiming to have built a £40-million palace in England "to
house my
paintings", he lives between a cheap hotel room and a plain
suburban house
and maintains he is prepared to live in the
township.
Van Hoogstraten declined to give an interview to the Mail &
Guardian, saying
that in recent weeks he had given sufficient comment to the
media on his
affairs.
Former guerrilla commander Wilfred Mhanda, known by his liberation war name Dzinashe Machingura, speaks to SW Radio Africa journalist Lance Guma on Question Time. Mhanda recently released the book “Dzino, Memories of a Freedom Fighter” in which he writes about how he felt betrayed by both the late Solomon Mujuru and Robert Mugabe. He comments on Mujuru’s death, the assassination of fellow commander Josiah Tongogara and ZANU PF leader Herbert Chitepo.
Interview broadcast 26 August 2011
Lance Guma: Hallo Zimbabwe and thank you for joining me on Part 2 of this Question Time interview with former guerrilla commander Wilfred Mhanda, known more popularly as Dzinashe Machingura.
On Wednesday we spoke to Mr. Mhanda about a variety of issues including his relationship with Robert Mugabe and the late Solomon Mujuru. We continue the discussion this Friday in place of Reporter’s Forum and I got the interview off by asking him what he made of the assassination of Josiah Tongogara.
Wilfred Mhanda: Again like I said I don’t indulge in speculation because at the time when he died I was actually in prison myself so I’m really not a journalist who indulges in speculation. But I have said broadly, the circumstances that we had the grand design, after the fall of Portugal and the independence of Mozambique and Angola, by the west and the Rhodesians and South Africans to eliminate the external leadership. That was their grand design from the very beginning.
Guma: Okay let’s look at your relationship with the late Solomon Mujuru. In your book it’s pretty clear you felt betrayed by him because you thought he was having consultations behind your backs with Mugabe. Talk us through that.
Mhanda: Yah these were observations and developments that we experienced but they did not in any way stop us from having cordial relations. It was just one of those things that happened and it was a painful period because we believed that had he cooperated with his fellow commanders, I’m sure we would have prevailed over Mugabe, fate would have prevailed and I think Zanu would have been on a totally different political orbit and more amenable to tolerance of divergent views, to espousing ideals of democracy and freedom than at present.
Guma: You’ve obviously had quite a number of experiences with Mugabe; for those who don’t know him, not that there are many but how would you describe him as a leader from your experiences? What are his weaknesses?
Mhanda: I think he is intolerant of divergent views, he is single-minded, he is preoccupied about his position of power. He’s more interested in securing his power than anything else, that for him is the raison d’être, it’s the over-riding consideration and he is intolerant, like I said, of divergent views. And he’s not open-minded, he’s not accessible. He’s not open-minded in the sense that you could read his mind.
He blocks his mind to all others and does not reveal himself. You hardly know who the real Mugabe is or what he’s really thinking, which I think as a leader is not the right thing to do. People have to develop trust and confidence in a leader and be sure that what they are thinking is exactly what their leader is thinking also about.
Guma: You spent quite some time in prison; a few of our listeners want you to talk about that just briefly. How was it like and what did you go through?
Mhanda: Yah I think it was a terrible situation that we went through but we survived simply because of our belief in the justness of our cause and our commitment to our cause. They were sub-human conditions in terms of whether the cell conditions, crammed, crowded, no food, no medical attention – it’s terrible, it’s a terrible ordeal.
It is difficult to imagine that anyone could have survived that ordeal, it was a real hell on earth, and ordeal and like I said, it’s also all well explained in the book and we are not surprised with what is happening now because I think for the majority of people in Zimbabwe, other than the Zanu PF elite, Zimbabwe has literally been transformed into a prison.
People have a hard time making ends meet. It’s like a prison and if you want to understand the nature of a society, just look at its prisons. I think we’ve heard horrendous stories about what has been happening in our prisons and, but that in no way, I think it’s a fraction of what we experienced, whatever might be bad about our prison system.
Guma: The former chairperson of the Combined Harare Resident’s Association, Mike Davis sends us a question; he says was Wilfred incarcerated with Everisto Mwatse a.k.a Grey Mapondera or was he part of a different group? I look forward to reading the book soon.
Mhanda: Yes definitely Everisto Mwatse was arrested together with us because he was one of, he was actually deputy director of our ideological college, that is Wambuwa College and he was obviously targeted, we were arrested at the same time and he was actually extremely helpful towards the end of our, particularly in the last year or so of our restriction to some remote area in terms of his public relations and inter-personal skills.
He actually managed to cultivate links with the common people, the local Mozambicans and also with some of the ex-patriot workers there. That eventually helped us in terms of reaching out to the outside world and also in terms of fighting for our own release. So he was quite instrumental in that.
Guma: There’s a question from Abi Nyoka who wants us to ask you whether the betrayal you feel because of what happened, is the word disappointment or betrayal, because I think he is linking this with what happened after 1980, saying if you feel betrayed, there would be a suggestion that maybe you would have wanted to join the gravy train. Are you not supposed to be happy that you were not part of the madness that we have seen since Mugabe took over? I think that is what he is trying to say.
Mhanda: I absolutely have no bitterness over what happened and I have never really solicited, which I could have easily done, to be forgiven and ‘rehabilitated’ in quotes and go back I’ve never really made that I’m a principled person and I believe in my ideals and I really have no bitterness at all.
The bitterness that I have is that we have betrayed our people. The hope that we gave them, the hope of liberation, the hope of freedom, the hope of democracy, that is what touches me, that is my greatest disappointment, not my personal circumstances.
Guma: Have any attempts been made to court you and have you join the regime?
Mhanda: There are others who would have liked that and attempts have been made by others whom I cannot mention at the present moment but I think the stumbling block would have been, had I accepted, Mugabe himself because I don’t think he would ever forgive me for having spoken out my mind freely.
So yes there were overtures, there were people who approached me from Zanu, from the military and but I simply said no, no ways. It’s based on principle, I turned down those offers. Not that they would have materialized because I’m sure Mugabe would have actually vetoed them.
Guma: Interesting comments, you were quoted talking about Jabulani Sibanda in Zimbabwe Standard newspaper and obviously we would like you to broach this subject and talk about it. Jabulani Sibanda is the leader of the Zimbabwe National War Veterans Association – is he a war veteran?
Mhanda: First of all I would dispute who made him leader, what criteria, what constitution? The constitution of the War Veterans Association is there, has it been followed? As far as I’m concerned, from 1998, there’s been no legitimacy over the leadership of that association so let’s not talk about the leader. He is the leader of the Zanu PF aligned war veterans, I think I would accept that, not war veterans. I’m a war veteran as well, there are many others who don’t believe in him.
Guma: But is he a war veteran?
Mhanda: I cannot say that; what I am saying is from what I heard from authoritative sources within Zipra and former Zipra commanders who were based he joined towards the end of 1976, of 1979 and went for training and when he came back after, he probably finished his training after independence.
How could he be a war veteran when he didn’t participate in the war? War means having fought or having been assigned another responsibility after training to support the struggle. Which struggle did he support in 1980 when the war was already over?
Guma: And Joseph Chinotimba?
Mhanda: Ha, ha, I challenge those who claim that he is a Zanla fighter to show me evidence. Where he trained and who his commander is and who his instructors were. I’m waiting for that.
Guma: It’s been asked by many, we’ve close to four questions from people here saying given your significant contribution to Zimbabwe’s liberation, have you ever considered joining one of the major political parties, the MDC for example?
Mhanda: It’s not a question of just joining political parties. When I went to the struggle, it’s not that I had joined Zanu PF, in fact I’ve never been a formal member of Zanu PF, it’s the ideals that I subscribe to. So really it’s not just a matter of joining this and that.
It’s a question of the ideals and the political programme of the movement that I, it doesn’t mean that I’m opposed to all the political parties. It doesn’t mean there are no progressive forces with Zanu but I subscribe more to ideals and principles the politics at present, more with other interests than just the ideals of freedom and democracy.
Guma: Several years ago we reported on attempts to destroy the Zimbabwe Liberator’s Platform which you led at the time and later investigations also showed that one of the people making accusations at you was actually a member of the Central Intelligence Organisation. Several questions, want to find out from you what has become of the organisation because it’s not as prominent as it used to be in the past?
Mhanda: Yes the organisation is not dead. Yes it was hi-jacked; they took advantage of my trial period and the trial period of my colleague, the Programmes (Manager) which stretched over two years, to actually destroy the organisation in terms of ridding the organisation of its assets from offices, vehicles, furniture and equipment, computers, all that.
So the organisation is still there and what I need to reassure the people, the organization is still there and rebuilding and we will be back on the scene. We are working very hard on that but we are obviously working from scratch, from the bottom so it’s an uphill struggle to reclimb after having fallen but we are actually in the efforts of actually resuscitating the organisation and very soon actually it will be vibrant again.
Guma: You are obviously very familiar with the way Zanu PF evolved from the liberation struggle to where it is, we have a question from Dadirai from Masvingo, she wants to know how you see the succession issue in Zanu PF being resolved because every year there’s speculation and it’s never clear how it’s going to pan out but if you were to engage in a bit of prophesying, how do you see things shaping up?
Mhanda: Like I said earlier, I really don’t wish to indulge in speculation but with regard to succession within Zanu PF, Mugabe succeeds himself. I think a few years ago he said who do you want to succeed? I am here, there is no vacancy here. So what succession do we talk about? There can be no succession during Mugabe’s lifetime, he succeeds himself.
It’s a question of when Mugabe is gone, what happens? And that will throw a totally different dynamic into the power politics of Zanu PF but for now I think it’s an ideal question to ask Mr. Mugabe because he will not be succeeded by anyone as long as he lives.
Guma: But from your feelers? Obviously this is Mugabe’s stance but the mood in Zanu PF – are they happy with him there?
Mhanda: Oh yes they have not been happy with him for a long time. It is known. There was an attempt to put pressure on him to resign and we all remember the Goromonzi Congress where he then changed the goalposts; there was a build-up of opposition to him running again and unfortunately he still wields a lot of power to push his will through but it’s clear he is unpopular. It’s clear he is unpopular, it’s clear he is disliked by the majority.
I think there are a lot of pointers like for example when he started talking about, just before the December Zanu PF Congress or conference was it in Mutare last year, he was the one who single-handedly said we are going to have elections next year.
But this has not been supported by everybody and I remember listening to the Zanu spokesperson, the Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo saying we stand guided by our leader, I cannot express an opinion about that. It’s quite clear that his will prevails.
Guma: And finally your book, “Dzino, Memories of a Freedom Fighter”, a lot of people in the Diaspora sending us questions wanting to know how they are able to get the book, obviously there’s a lot of interest in it. What can you tell them?
Mhanda: Yah of course I am not the publisher of the book, I’m only the author of the book. The publishers are making arrangements for the book to be available soon in the UK and I’m sure someone is also working on making it available through Amazon and so forth but I think something that we are still working on with the publishers but I’m sure very soon, in the next week or so it should be available internationally.
Guma: One can’t help but make comparisons between you and Mr. Rugare Gumbo because, this is just an extra question I’m throwing in because almost similar circumstances of victimization during the war, one later integrated into the system, the other not. What are your thoughts on Zanu PF getting Rugare Gumbo from out of the cold?
Mhanda: Yah I think it has to do with a number of calculations and permutations that he had a role to serve in terms of the internal power politics of Zanu PF, particularly with regard to the ethnic dimension of politics. He’s a counter with Emmerson Mnangagwa, as a Karanga politician representative. Unfortunately it’s gutter politics but that’s the way I see it. He was preferred as a counter weight to somebody else, regionally and ethnically.
Guma: Well Zimbabwe that’s former guerrilla commander Wilfred Mhanda, known by his liberation war name Dzinashe Machingura, joining us on this edition of Question Time and we would like to take this opportunity to thank Mr. Mhanda for sparing his time and talking to us. Mr. Mhanda thank you very much
Mhanda: Thanks Lance.
To listen to the programme:
http://swradioafrica.streamuk.com/swradioafrica_archive/qt260811.wma
Feedback can be sent to lance@swradioafrica.com http://twitter.com/lanceguma or http://www.facebook.com/lance.guma
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www.swradioafrica.com and daily broadcasts on 4880 kHz in the 60m band between
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Read Dzino. Memories of a freedom fighter by Wilfred
Mhanda
Friday September 2nd 2011
Far from
giving a clear lead to Africa on the Libyan question, the AU has
once again
demonstrated that it is a powerless talking shop locked into the
past and
seemingly unable to recognise present realities. The change that
has taken
place in Libya is just one of those realities, representing as it
does the
will of the Libyan people. Twenty African countries, including the
two most
populous, Ethiopia and Nigeria, have recognised the NTC and even
South
Africa has agreed to unfreeze Libyan assets.
Zimbabwe is, of course,
another matter. There may be a Government of
National Unity but Foreign
Affairs remain firmly in Zanu PF hands. It was
Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi,
on the orders of Mugabe no doubt, who expelled
the Libyan Ambassador and
ordered the new Libyan flag to be taken down. The
Unity Government – or the
Zanu PF side of it – does not recognise the NTC in
Libya.
If anyone
wonders why the Zanu PF government is so ardent in its support for
Gadaffi,
it is no secret that it largely comes down to money. Lucrative
commercial
deals were signed when Gadaffi visited Zimbabwe in 2002, deals
involving
land and mining ventures. So last Sunday’s report that the Colonel
had been
seen in Harare en route to an up-market property in the affluent
northern
suburbs where his female guards had been seen patrolling the
perimeter
seemed, momentarily, to have the ring of truth. Reports that
Gadaffi’s son,
Saadi, was in Zimbabwe last week may turn out to be equally
erroneous but
Saaidi, who certainly has extensive business interests in
Zimbabwe was
apparently treated in right royal fashion by Zanu PF
officials.
Representatives of the new Libyan government have told Mugabe
that
“democracy is the new trend in Africa” and that must be worrying him as
the
shoots of the Arab spring spread down through the continent with riots
in
Malawi just over the border from ‘his’ Zimbabwe. Mugabe’s 31-year rule
has
not been without its grizzly secrets, including what is really going on
at
the Marange diamond fields right now.
The full horror of Gadaffi’s
42 year rule in Libya is being uncovered as the
fighters reveal more
evidence of how Gadaffi treated his opponents. One
report in particular was
a shocking reminder of the barbarity of the Gadaffi
regime. The rebels - or
freedom fighters as they deserve to be called - had
broken through into one
of the many tunnels under Gadaffi’s headquarters in
Tripoli and found
skeletal prisoners, close to death, who had been entombed
alive on Gadaffi’s
orders as he retreated from Tripoli. The fact that Mugabe
continues to
support such a man indicates that their long relationship is
based on shared
views on the nature of leadership. Both men have ruled
through fear They are
both vehemently anti-west, both have demonstrated
extreme authoritarian
tendencies and both of them inspire fanatical loyalty
in their followers. In
Mugabe’s case, demonstrating loyalty to the ‘Dear
Leader’ grants even
criminals impunity. We saw that this week when the
leader of the Chipangano
gang was allowed to travel unimpeded to Mudzi,
Mutoko and Murehwa to stir up
more trouble in this already volatile area. At
the other end of the country,
another gang of thugs openly takes over people’s
properties in Bulawayo as
“part of Zanu PF’s indigenisation programme”.
Police say they can do nothing
to stop it and the Minister of Higher
Education, declares, “That is the
reason we went to war, to free you to take
everything from the former
colonialists…”
The reality that the AU refuses to acknowledge is that
Mugabe and Gadaffi,
along with other African dictators, have maintained
their long rule through
oppression and fear. The courageous Libyans have
demonstrated to the world
that when ordinary citizens find the courage to
throw off the shackles of
fear then dictators should tremble for their end
is not far off. So, while
Gadaffi – wherever he is - continues to shout
defiance at the world, he must
know that the game is almost up. And then
what will happen to all his
investments in Zimbabwe?
Yours in the
(continuing) struggle, PH.aka Pauline Henson, author of the
Dube books,
detective stories with a political slant, available from Lulu
.com