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MDC-T fires 19 in spy scandal

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 16:54

PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T)
has fired 19 senior security officers from its Harvest House headquarters as
factionalism threatens to once again split the strongest opposition party to
emerge since the country's independence.

The officers had been on suspension after they were accused of supplying
vital party information to state security agents late last year.

They were officially relieved of their duties two weeks ago amid allegations
that a witch-hunt is intensifying in the party.

The letters of termination of employment seen by The Standard were signed by
MDC-T human resources and administration director Kudakwashe Matibiri.

The officers were neither brought before a disciplinary committee nor were
they given terminal benefits, some after working for the party for nearly a
decade.

Authoritative sources last week said the security officers were victims of
an intense power struggle between party secretary-general and Finance
minister Tendai Biti (pictured) and Tsvangirai's advisor Ian Makone.

They said Tsvangirai wanted the officers reinstated but some members in the
Biti faction were blocking the move as they had already employed people who
are allegedly loyal to the Finance minister.

A countrywide restructuring exercise carried out by the party has also seen
Biti loyalists landing influential posts, according to insiders.

The Biti faction is reportedly positioning itself to land key posts at the
party's congress next year, the sources said.

Last week, the party hastily convened an emergency Standing Committee
meeting to discuss the issue of the fired officers after they threatened to
take the matter to the Labour Court for arbitration.

The 12-member national standing committee is chaired by Tsvangirai and is
responsible for the day-to-day administration of the party. It reports to
the national executive.

The meeting resolved that the officers be reinstated but the party's
administration department declined to do so allegedly "on orders from above".

"It was discussed at both the party's standing committee meeting and finance
committee and they resolved to reinstate them but senior officials in the
administration department blocked the reinstatement on orders from above,"
said one of the sources.

Sources alleged Biti ordered the blockage.

"They (Tsvangirai and Biti) are fighting their own war at our expense," said
one of the affected officers.

"It is surprising that we are being branded sell-outs and yet we risked our
lives in all the past elections in which our colleagues lost their lives."

The officers claimed that MDC-T had been infiltrated at senior levels
including the Standing Committee and National Executive because some of the
information they were said to have passed on to CIO agents included
privileged secrets known by a few people in the party.

"They claim to be a labour-based party and yet they cannot handle a small
labour dispute. They are worse than Zanu PF," said one of the officers.

Repeated efforts to get a comment from Biti were fruitless.

Matibiri said he was not qualified to comment on the matter.

"I am not mandated to speak on any party subject. Can you please speak to
the spokesperson of the party Honourable Nelson Chamisa," he said.

Chamisa denied reports of a power struggle between Tsvangirai and Biti. He
also claimed that no security officer was fired.

"We are a workers' party," said Chamisa. "We just don't fire people.

"Phone me later. I might not be privy to some details."

The MDC-T has strong links with the country's largest labour body, the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), which ironically fights for
workers' rights.

One of the officers said there were camps among workers at Harvest House
pitting those from the President's office (Tsvangirai) in 2nd and 5th floors
against those in the administration department on 6th floor, which is run by
the secretary-general.

However, what has sent shivers down the spine of MDC-T is the threat by the
security officers to seek recourse from the courts. The party fears that
route might result in some critical secrets being laid bare.

Some of the officers have damaging party information about the goings-on at
Harvest House and were heavily involved in the MDC-T "rescue operation
missions" in 2008.

Over 200 MDC-T supporters were killed during the period between the March
and June 2008 violent elections.

Sources said the ongoing reshuffles in the party were an attempt by Makone,
Tsvangirai's most trusted ally to counter Biti's growing influence in the
former opposition party.

They said Biti is not directly challenging Tsvangirai but was trying to
close any gap for Makone, who is said to be determined to take over the post
of secretary-general from the Finance Minister.

Last week, Tsvangirai replaced his spokesperson James Maridadi with former
party director of information Luke Tamborinyoka.

Tsvangirai also reshuffled his cabinet in June in what insiders in the party
said was a culmination of a witch-hunt against officials believed to be
aligned to Biti.

The Finance minister survived the restructuring exercise.

Early this year, MDC-T director-general Toendepi Shone and security director
Chris Dhlamini were assaulted by youths allegedly belonging to a faction in
the party allegedly led by Tsvangirai.

The youths still mill around the party's headquarters even though they are
said to have been fired.

The case against Shone and Dhlamini was that they belonged to Biti's
faction.

Dhlamini, who was suspended in May this year, has since been replaced by
Emmanuel Chimwanda, a former top police officer.

BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE


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Chombo dragged to court over land grab

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 16:59

AFTER escaping investigation by the City of Harare over an alleged land scam
involving several Zanu PF officials, Minister of Local Government and Urban
Development, Ignatius Chombo (pictured) is facing a lawsuit from residents,
who accuse him of corruptly allocating himself land.

The piece of land in question is Number 61 Helensvale, which in 1994 was
declared as public open space for recreation, but was later allocated to
Chombo's company Harvest-Net Enterprises (Pvt) Ltd.

Harare residents, frustrated by the failure of the council probe to reach a
logical conclusion because of alleged political interference, last week
started a process that will culminate in class action against Chombo.

The case was lodged with the Harare magistrates' court on Thursday,
according to papers seen by The Standard.

Combined Harare Residents' Association (CHRA) are using part of the evidence
gathered by a special council committee investigating the alleged corrupt
land deals  that had recommended that Chombo and controversial businessman
Phillip Chiyangwa be arrested.

In his founding affidavit CHRA chairman Simbarashe Moyo states that after
the 1994 decree a number of organisations and individuals applied for the
piece of land and were turned down.

Among these was World Ablaze Ministries, which applied for the land in 2006.

After the appointment of caretaker councillors, Chombo's company applied for
the same land the same year.

Documents at hand show that the application was made on December 13 2006 and
the council only stamped it more than a year later on December 22 2007.

In the letter, Chombo sought to change the land from its stipulated use to
allow him to build residential cluster houses.

Moyo further states that on March 21 2008, City of Harare urban planning
director Psychology Chiwanga tabled a report on Chombo's application
recommending that the land be sold to the minister without going to tender.

This, Moyo says was in contravention of council policy and section 152 of
the Urban Councils Act.

"Three days later the caretaker council urgently sat solely to discuss the
sale of this stand for Z$23 486 800 000 000 without following procedures and
the Urban Councils Act," Moyo's affidavit reads.

Council minutes of the day read: "The director of urban planning services
was recommending that the stand be allocated to the applicant
notwithstanding council policy to dispose of such stands through tender."

Three days after the council had approved the sale of the stand, Chombo's
ministry then approved that the land be changed from public open
recreational space to a residential area.

"I am pleased to inform you that the Minister of Local Government, Public
Works and Urban Development has approved your above application," reads a
letter from an M Gandiwa, the director of physical planning in Chombo's
ministry.

However, on August 29 the same year Chiwanga wrote to the finance director
informing him that the stand, which measures 193 716 square metres had been
sold for Z$2 324,68.

It is Moyo's contention that Chombo connived with the caretaker commission
and abused his office to acquire and change the stipulated land use to suite
his own purposes.

In return, Moyo alleges that Chombo turned a blind eye when caretaker
councilors awarded themselves huge tracts of land.

He states that Sekesai Makwavarara allocated herself Number 19233 Salisbury
Township, measuring 831 square metres, while Shasha Jogi got stand Number
19280 Salisbury Township, measuring 40371 square metres.

Robson Mafoti acquired Stand 400 Willowvale measuring 6 420 square metres,
Commissioner T Torongo got stand 405 Willowvale, which is 4 404 square
metres.

Commissioners M Mahachi and C Mhende also got land in Glen Lorne and Harare
Township.

Moyo claims that these stands were unprocedurally allocated to the
councilors.

This case is likely to open a can of worms into how land is bought from the
city council, after the municipality decided to shelve an investigation into
the minster's land dealings.

BY NQABA MATSHAZI


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US$1,2 million to bring Akon, Sean Paul

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 18:04

A staggering US$1,2 million was splashed out to bring in music megastars
Akon and Sean Paul who were billed to perform at the National Sports Stadium
(NSS) last night, as the government continues with its controversial
celebrity host programme.
The show, sponsored by the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) and Zimswag, a
promotion company, is part of efforts to market Zimbabwe as a tourist
destination after years of economic and political decay.
ZTA has hosted a number of foreign artists, but the value to tourism is yet
to be ascertained. Critics dismiss the project as a waste of resources.
In April the tourism authority brought in Jamaican Sizzla Kalonji and the
ragga star was rumoured to be relocating to Zimbabwe after he was
controversially given a farm.
Zimswag chief executive officer, Prince Tendai Mupfurutsa revealed that they
had poured in US$1,2 million, although he would not disclose the sources of
the money.
"We put in U$1,2 million and we are working with ZTA," was all he said.
Mupfurutsa stated that the government had waivered some of its strict
requirements for bringing in foreign artists.
He added that the government had also provided the motorcade for the artists
in an effort to raise hype for the show.
A storm is also likely to brew over the involvement of Air Zimbabwe, a
poorly performing parastatal, which also poured money for the show.
There are reports that the government company was struggling with its wage
bill and for the past five months failed to pay its workers.
Tourism minister, Walter Muzembi claimed that the show was a
privately-funded event and ZTA was just an event manager.
"They (Zimswag) brought the artists and we are only facilitating," he said.
The celebrity-host programme was launched two years ago to help market
Zimbabwe's tourist attractions after years of bad publicity spawned by Zanu
PF land grabs and electoral violence.
Akon is a Senegalese RnB artist based in the United States and while Sean
Paul is from Jamaica.
Their visit to Zimbabwe comes at a time when ZTA is still trying to exorcise
the ghost of the Zimbabwe-Brazil match.
Brazil played the Warriors at the National Sports Stadium on June 2 after
Zimbabwe paid an estimated US$1,2 million to bring them in.
The deal has been followed by a number of scandals amid claims some
officials could have helped themselves to some of the money raised from
gate-takings and sponsors.

BY NQABA MATSHAZI
 


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Makoni honours the Mandelas

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 18:03

CHILD rights activist and founder of the Girl Child Network (GCN) Betty
Makoni was among 10 "most respected child rights defenders" who honoured
former South African President Nelson Mandela (pictured) and his wife Graca
Machel by bestowing them with the World Children's Prize on Wednesday last
week.
The Mandelas were elected "Decade Child Rights Heroes" by more than seven
million children worldwide and Graca accepted the award at a ceremony in
Stockholm, Sweden.
The couple was honoured in the presence of 10 of the world's most respected
child rights defenders who included Makoni.
Other Child Right heroes present at the 10th anniversary included Asfaw
Yemiru, a  former street child who has devoted over 50 years to giving
underprivileged children in Ethiopia the chance to go to school; and James
Aguer, who has freed thousands of kidnapped children from slave labour in
Sudan in the last 20 years.
Young Lisa Bonongwe, the first Zimbabwean to be on the World Children's
Prize jury also shined as the master of ceremonies at the event attended by
Queen Silvia of Sweden.
"Nelson Mandela and I are very touched and humbled by being honoured by the
children," said Machel.
"At the same time we have respect for holding the trust and hope of millions
of children.
"The mission they have entrusted us with is huge. We have to ask: how do we
meet the aspirations of these children?"
The ceremony was conducted by children from 25 countries who are experts on
the rights of the child through their own life experiences, including as
child soldiers, slaves and homeless.
Makoni said she was proud of 15- year-old Bonongwe's performance who has
been empowered by her organisation to speak on behalf of Zimbabwean girls in
difficult circumstances.
"This is how I want to end the first decade - with my network of girls
expanding worldwide, with girls going to school," she wrote on her profile
on the social network site Facebook after the event.
"I want them educated as this is why I set up the organisation.
"I want to start another decade and set up a girls' fund and help girls like
Lisa.
"I want to do my work with friends who support me; I want every girl to know
they can be leaders and not victims"
At least 24 million children in 53 500 schools in 101 countries support the
World's Children's Prize for the Rights of the Child.
Makoni was one of the nominees to the World Children's Prize for the decade
1999 to 2009.

BY OUR STAFF


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Mpofu defamation case opens

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 18:02

THE case where a Kadoma-based mining commissioner is suing Mines and Mining
Development minister Obert Mpofu for defamation opened at the High Court
last week.
Byl Manyange is claiming US$30 000 from Mpofu and the state-owned Chronicle
newspaper after the publication of remarks made by the minister at a
pass-out parade in Ntabazinduna early last year.
Manyange argues that Mpofu accused him and three other commissioners of
corruption and said for that reason, they were supposed to be transferred to
other stations.
The minister is also being accused of claiming that Manyange and his
colleagues were refusing to be transferred.
Manyange told judge Bharat Patel that when he returned to work from a
two-months' leave on March 3 last year, he met police officers who had
accompanied an official from the ministry's head office in Harare to deliver
a letter advising him to surrender his office keys as he had refused to
follow instructions.
Patel also heard that a month later police officers visited Manyange's
office twice to advise him to surrender the keys and but on both occasions,
they did not locate him.
The chief mining officer, Fredson Mabhena and the finance director a Mrs
Mwamlowa also visited his offices where they allegedly hired a locksmith
from the street to break down the lock to his office door before replacing
it with one they had brought.
Mpofu's lawyer, Farai Mutamangira will this week lodge an application
seeking dismissal of the case which he says has failed to establish a link
between Mpofu's alleged utterances and Manyange's supposed defamation.
Mutamangira said Manyange brought up the case in an attempt to scuttle his
proposed transfer.
He said this was the reason the suit was lodged two months after the
utterances were made.
Mutamangira also argued that it was in the public interest for Mpofu to
speak against corruption.
Through his lawyers, Mpofu is also arguing that in the articles used as
exhibits, he did not specifically mention Manyange's name but simply said
"some officials."

BY JENNIFER DUBE


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Powercuts give Econet connectivity nightmares

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 18:01

ECONET Wireless Zimbabwe, the country's largest mobile phone operator, has
been experiencing serious transmission problems for the past two days making
it almost impossible to make calls and send messages.
Several people who spoke to The Standard said they have not been able to
conduct business or get in touch with relatives and friends for the past two
days because they could neither phone nor use the short message service
(SMS).
SMSes are either not reaching intended targets or are delivered several
hours after they are sent.
"It is a serious problem because I have not been able to carry out my
business transactions since Friday because of poor service delivery by
Econet," said Chris Mudungwe, an indigenous businessman who sells motor
vehicles parts in Harare.
"In cases like this, Econet should make people aware of the problem in
advance or as soon as possible because now it appears as if they don't
 care."
Econet Wireless Zimbabwe corporate communication manager Rangarirai Mberi
confirmed that the telecommunications provider was facing transmission
challenges.
He said technicians were investigating the problem.
"There are challenges on our transmission network and our technicians are
investigating the matter with a view to resolving the issue urgently," said
Mberi.
"Usually, the biggest threat to quality of service is power outages at our
base stations."
In June, Econet Wireless experienced similar transmission problems which
were attributed to faults in the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority
(Zesa) grid, which also led to extended power outages.
The power cuts affected the mobile phone operator's main switching centre in
Harare's Willowvale area.
Econet had to install two new high-capacity generators to ensure power
stability at the communications centre.
The telecommunications provider has been upgrading its network and
increasing the subscriber base.
Early this year the company announced that its subscriber base had reached
the four million mark after a record 233 % increase within a year up from
1,2 million.
The network has an overall share market of over 61% of the mobile sector.

BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE


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Wetlands threat, Ballantyne residents take council head-on

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:59

ONCE considered to be some of the best preserved wetlands in the region,
Harare's famed swamplands are slowly losing their lustre.
An unprecedented demand for land has seen property developers swamping these
areas, totally disregarding the status of these wetlands.
The City of Harare on the other hand, also stands accused of neglecting
these swamps and letting them lie idle.
Probably in an effort to redress this, council decided to lease out one of
the wetlands, so it could be developed and that has drawn the ire of
residents who have decided to take custodianship.
Residents of Highlands are up in arms over the local authority's decision to
lease out Ballantyne Park to Freshpro and it seems they have persuaded
council to rethink its decision on wetlands.
In correspondence between Ballantyne Park Conservancy Trust (BPCT) and
council, the city's director of urban planning services, Psychology Chiwanga
is reported to have said the city was failing to monitor developments due to
staff shortages.
Council had already drawn up an agreement with Freshpro, but rescinded it
after opposition from BPCT.
After raising a storm council rescinded its decision, allowing residents to
take ownership.
However, the conservancy trust felt the council was dragging its feet,
taking more than eight months, to award it custodianship of the park.
They fear that, because of its commercial value, council was not eager to
let go of the park, without getting revenue from it.
The residents claimed that the stand was issued to them and could not be
turned into a commercial area as it was sited as a game sanctuary.
While, on the other hand council intended to lease the land out, BPCT
challenged the local authority, arguing that they had not been consulted.
"Further be advised that council noted your concerns and reiterated that the
park will not be ceded to Freshpro," a letter by council to BPCT reads.
Adding to that the local authority has stopped the construction at a wetland
near Dandaro Village, while efforts to halt developments are underway in
Newlands and Mayfield Park.
In Mayfield, however, council might be fighting a losing battle, as the area
is now fully developed.
The wetland near Dandaro has raised controversy over who the council sold it
to. It is reported that the land was sold to Philip Chiyangwa, while OK
Zimbabwe, Air Force and an association of disabled people also claim
ownership of the same land.
Asked for comment, council spokesman Lesley Gwindi said its policy was that
construction should not be allowed on Harare's wetlands.
"Wetlands are always protected and we cannot allow anyone to build there,
that is our policy," he said.

BY NQABA MATSHAZI


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Ezekiel Guti: the man who built a Christian empire

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:41

WE arrive at the majestic offices in Waterfalls more than an hour late after
encountering some logistical problems on the journey from the city centre.
But if this is a problem, none of the smiling faces here show that. As we
enter the elegant boardroom, our elderly host too does not seem to notice
that we are late.
"Listen, I do not want to be known by anyone nor am I hungry for any
publicity," he says as he welcomes us. "I have granted you this interview so
you can sell your paper and not for any personal benefit.
"Yours is not a good profession, it teaches you to twist things so do not
forget to leave your contact details so I will know how to get hold of you
should you twist things about me."
Archbishop Ezekiel Guti, founder of the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa
(Zaoga) Forward in Faith Ministries, has every reason to be worried about
scribes.
They gave him too much positive coverage during his first days in the
ministry, contributing to his arrests and hatred towards him by some
sections of society.
After the warning, the man in a white suit and purple shirt smiles and
throws a glance at his wife Eunor, who returns the smile but utters no word.
That is how they will communicate throughout the 30-minute long interview.
The only time Eunor speaks is when asked to remind her husband specific
dates when certain events took place.
Our host is now advanced in age and seems to be forgetting some of the
things, so instead of giving a specific year, he would rather say 1937/1938
thereabouts and Eunor would remember the exact year.
It turns out the warning was an aside. So to formally begin interacting with
us, Guti delves through an expensive looking briefcase before him.
Everything at this place smells big money - the building itself, the cars
outside, the couple's dressing, the decorations in the building and even the
way things are done here, what with all that American Embassy-style security
at the entrance.
"Wait, I will need help for me to hear you," he says fetching his hearing
aids which he plants in his ears and smiles with satisfaction.
I only saw your questions today but all the same we can still talk.
"First, are you born again, did you accept Christ as your Lord and personal
saviour?"
He seems undecided about his glasses, occasionally putting them on and
removing them throughout the interview.
Unlike his secretary-general who asked the three Standard crew members where
they fellowship, Guti confines the question to the reporter.
That is when we first hear his little cough-like laugh which is going to
punctuate most of our exchanges.
He explains that healing is a major component of his ministry.
During the first days, he would fail to go out and look for piece jobs as he
would wake up to long queues of people wanting to be prayed for.
Women would contribute to his problems by later testifying publicly that he
healed them and their children.
"You women like kupupura (testifying)," he said. "That got me into a lot of
trouble with the missionaries from whose churches I operated during those
first days.
"They would hear the testimonies and chase me from their churches.
"At one point, I went for six months worried, crying, failing to eat and
growing thin not knowing what I should do to continue with God's work as
people used me like a ball to start their churches and chase me once those
churches flourished and they felt Ezekiel Guti was getting too famous with
the people."
To answer most questions, Guti gives this reporter a number of books on his
life and discloses that he is buying them for her.
The problem with Africans, he says, is that they do not read.
His story has been told in so many books, some authored by him and others by
other people.
Born to peasant farmers in rural Chipinge, Guti was the eldest in a family
of three.
He had a lot of responsibility in the family as his polygamous father was
not always at home, juggling among his three wives.
As a teenager, he went to work near Mutare and one day, when he visited
home, his mother told him about a sermon she had heard in which a missionary
said everyone was a sinner and would go to hell.
On that night, he did not sleep, pondering over the missionary's words and
wondering what one should do not to go to hell.
This drove him to the bush where he prayed to God to save him.
As he prayed one day, God spoke to him, advising him to "fear not, sin not".
This was the first of many encounters he was to have with God to date.
All this happened around 1937/8 when he was about 15.
He went to Chipinge and listened to missionaries' gospel of all sinners
going to hell but not getting an explanation on what he should do to avoid
that.
He later travelled to Harare where he met a man he had been shown in a dream
who explained and baptised him. He started to speak in tongues.
This happened around 1947/8.
He preached in Mbare but was to be chased from the church after getting
extensive press coverage. In 1958, he ministered in Highfield, in a church
started by a South African pastor who had been chased from his own church.
Guti too was later to be expelled from that pastor's church as the leaders
the pastor had left on his return to South Africa had not liked him.
He says God "advised" him to go to Bindura where no one was to follow him
and on May 12 1960, the Zaoga church was born under a gumtree.
The church is now a big empire, operating in 106 countries worldwide.
It has diverse investments, including 120 dressmaking schools in Zimbabwe,
bible schools, colleges and vocational training centres, hospitals and
clinics, primary and secondary schools, and so many other properties in
various countries.
The church is building a state of the art hospital in Waterfalls and plans
are in place to build a university in Bindura.
The church's fleet of vehicles in Zimbabwe only is worth $1,5 million.
Some of the money for these projects comes from members' tithes and Guti
says unlike some churches, Zaoga's tithes are based on net salary as the
church understands that gross includes taxes and other deductions which do
not necessarily belong to the member.
He says there is a misconception that Zaoga is rich so much that when the
church wants to purchase something, the price always balloons.
The misconception can be traced to the inception of the church whereby at
one point its books were taken away by the police and for three months, he
was investigated on allegations of spending people's money.
He remembers 1972 when he was about to graduate from college in America when
God "stopped" him from accepting funding from a man who had offered to
sponsor the church if he agreed to work with him.
He says that shaped the church's policy not to seek any external funding but
survive on members' contributions which have grown into big investments.
Before being whisked away to meet some visitors from Israel, Guti tells of
the pivotal role played by his wife who has supported him in his ministry
from the time he remarried on his return from America in the early 1970s.
Eunor was the first woman marriage officer in Zimbabwe and as an evangelist
she has ministered across the world and helped groom many pastors' wives
from across denominations.
She has won recognition for her work, including an Esther Award received
from the prime minister of Bahamas.
Guti says he draws knowledge gained from the "painful result" of his first
marriage in counselling couples and in his teachings on Christian marriage.
His children are also members of Zaoga, serving as administrative officers
and pastors among other duties.

BY JENNIFER DUBE


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Street children make a beeline for Egoli

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:21

"Please may you give me money to buy some buns," pleads a shabbily dressed
little girl along Harare's busy Angwa Street.

Tied to her leg is a long string attached to her visually handicapped mother's
arm so that she does not wander too far away.
Alongside the mother is another child wailing for attention.
People casually turn a blind eye and go about their business as if
everything is normal.
This is a common sight on most of Harare's busy streets although recent
observations by Streets Ahead - a Harare based welfare organisation -
indicate that the number of "street kids" in the capital is on the decline.
Shaibu Chitsiku, the Streets Ahead programmes coordinator said they have
seen a marginal decrease in the number of children living on the streets
this year.
But the organisation believes the seemingly positive trend cannot be
attributed to the economic turnaround in the country following the formation
of a unity government last year or parents becoming more responsible.
"The number of children goes down greatly during the rainy and winter
seasons as they go home and cannot endure these extreme weather conditions,"
Chitsiku said.
"However more children are heading to South Africa and Mozambique as the
going is now tough for them."
Chitsiku said although the number of children jumping the borders to
neighbouring countries could not be easily verified, a clear trend was
emerging.
"The World Cup which ended in South Africa in July was an attractive money
making destination for a great number of children who used to frequent our
drop-in centre," he said.
"We saw less children coming and a couple of them informing us upon
returning that they had travelled and left their companions in South
 Africa."
The drop-in centre run by Streets Ahead offers rehabilitation, food and
counselling for the street kids during the day and after the sessions they
return to the streets.
Last year in August, Streets Ahead carried out a census on the number of
children living and working in and around the streets of Harare.
Of the 705 children discovered to be living in and around the environs of
Harare about 43,5% of them had found a home in the central business
district.
For several years during the protracted impasse between the Zimbabwe's main
political parties Zanu PF and the MDC, the country witnessed an economic
breakdown, which also had its fair share of social problems.
Millions of Zimbabwe settled in neighbouring countries especially in South
Africa after escaping the almost decade long economic crisis in the country.
Although there are signs that the economy is on the rebound, the migration
of adults and children has not abated because unemployment and the cost of
living remains high.
Early this year, the UN Children's Fund regional protection advisor for East
and Southern Africa was quoted as saying the movement of unaccompanied child
migrants from Zimbabwe was one of the biggest problems confronting
humanitarian agencies in the region.
He said between 3 000 and 15 000 Zimbabwean children were known to move into
and out of their country every month.
Meanwhile, Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare minister Paurina
Mpariwa said government will continue to support programmes aimed at taking
children off the streets.
"We worked with Streets Ahead last year as part of our programmes to
alleviate the plight of street children," Mpariwa said.
"We have also encouraged other child welfare related organisations and well
wishers to continue working with us to provide accommodation and
rehabilitation for these children."
Rights groups say other than the health hazards associated with living on
the streets, the children were more vulnerable to child abusers who take
advantage of their poverty.
Girls living on the streets have not been noticeable because they are caught
up in the sex industry.
During daytime they appear well nourished and clothed.
Michael Bourdillon, a Streets Ahead board member, points out in a 2001
research paper that girls living on the streets needed more support because
of the traumatic sexual abuse that they go through.
Areas such as Sports Diner, Fife Avenue, Fantasy Land and toilets near the
Harare Central Police station are the most popular with street children.
Some members of the public in the streets of Harare expressed mixed feelings
on the reduction of children living in the streets.
"I just believe that most of these children are troublemakers so they should
stay at home.
"Right now the streets are peaceful," said a young woman who wanted to
remain anonymous.
A variety of factors have been cited for the increase in the number of
children taking to the streets.
They include pressure to supplement family income, being orphaned and the
desire to get pocket money.
But Abuse in its various forms by step parents has been cited by Streets
Ahead as the biggest driver.

BY KUDZAI CHIMHANGWA


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Controversy surrounds Gaddafi’s son’s visit

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:19

SON of long time Libyan ruler Muammar Gaddafi, Al-Saadi, nearly caused
diplomatic fallout between Harare and Tripoli recently when he turned up at
the airport with a delegation of “businesspeople” who had no visas.

The incident that saw the Libyans being detained at the Harare International
Airport for several hours marked the beginning of a tour of the country by
the former professional football player whose real purpose remains a
mystery.
Sources said the delegation was only released by immigration officials
following the intervention of the Libyan embassy and the Minister of Tourism
Walter Mzembi.
“It could have caused a major diplomatic fallout between the two countries
had government not immediately intervened because Libya is very particular
as far as its citizens are concerned,” said a senior government official.
“You remember sometime in 2008 Libya threatened to halt oil deliveries to
Switzerland and to withdraw its funds from Swiss banks in protest at the
brief detention of Hannibal.”
Hannibal, Gaddafi’s fifth son was arrested in Switzerland in 2008 along with
his wife Aline after two servants claimed they had been abused by them.
Mzembi, who says he invited Gaddafi as part of his ministry’s so-called
celebrity host programme told The Standard the issue of visas was resolved
amicably.
He however added that there was need to change the current visa regime which
was “friendly to European countries but hostile to brotherly nations such as
Libya and China.”
“We need to prepare a new dispensation of a new visa regime,” declared
Mzembi.
“Friendly countries to Zimbabwe such as Libya and those in the East must be
upgraded so that they fall into category A and not C as is the current
state.”
Visitors from countries in category A, which are mostly European, do not
require visas, those from category B countries get visas at the point of
entry while those whose countries are on category C obtain the visas in
their home countries.
Mzembi said African countries must adopt a single visa system to enable
smooth travel and trade.
He said they should take a cue from the European Union (EU) which adopted
the Schengen system that allows visitors entry into several countries using
a single visa.
“In any case, all these boundaries we want to respect were imposed on us
during the partition of Africa in Berlin. Africa must go for single visas,”
he said.
Efforts to get a comment from chief Immigration officer Evans Siziba were
fruitless last week.
Mzembi declined to disclose if Al-Saadi had made any firm commitments to
investment in the country except to say he showed interest in agriculture
and tourism sectors.
Water Resources Development and Management Minister Samuel Sipepa-Nkomo also
confirmed that Al-Saadi never made any firm commitment.
“There was nothing firm but he expressed interest in Tokwe-Mukosi project
and he said we should talk more,” said Sipepa-Nkomo. “He seems to be a real
business person.”
But Mzembi was optimistic Al-Saadi would be able to lure investors to
Zimbabwe because of his influence as a businessman and former football star.
Al-Saadi once played for Al Ahly Tripoli and Italian Serie A team Perugia.
He only played one match for the Italian team before failing a drug test.
He was formerly on the board of the Italian team Juventus, of which 7,5% was
owned by a Libyan consortium.
On the business front, Al-Saadi and the Libyan government in 2006 launched a
project to create a semi-autonomous city similar to Hong Kong in Libya,
stretching for 40 km between Tripoli and the Tunisian border.
The proposed new city would become a high tech, banking, medical and
educational centre.
The city would have its own international airport and international visitors
will not require any visas.
Economists and political analysts said Gaddafi’s visit was more of a social
adventure and also to show political solidarity with President Robert Mugabe
than an investment scouting mission.
Independent economic analyst Daniel Ndlela said no investors, even the
Libyans, would invest in a hostile investment climate.
He said several investors, including the much-talked-about Chinese, have
developed a wait-and-see attitude as far as investing in the country was
concerned.
He said Al-Saadi, like any other potential investor, would also first
consider issues such as the controversial indigenisation law and respect for
property rights.
“The indigenisation law is an albatross hanging over Zimbabwe,” said Ndlela.
“Investors have permanent interests in their investment and have no
permanent friends.”
“If we are failing to safeguard Malaysian and South African investments,
which are protected by bilateral agreements, I wonder what will happen to
Libyan investment.”
Ndlela’s sentiments were also echoed by Prosper Mutambara, a development
economist with the Labour and Economic Development Research Institute of
Zimbabwe (Ledriz) in Harare.
“I don’t see much coming from Libya,” said Mutambara. “Without wanting to
sound unpatriotic, the country risk premium is very high in Zimbabwe so the
cost of doing business here is very high.”
Harare and Tripoli have in the past tried to enter joint business deals
involving the importation of fuel to the landlocked Zimbabwe.
However, most of the deals have fallen through because Zimbabwe has not had
enough money to meet its part of the bargain.
Nine years ago, Gaddafi senior’s convoy of at least 80 vehicles snaked into
Zimbabwe from neighbouring Zambia where he had been attending a summit of
African leaders.
His mission was to discuss the possibility of Libya, a major oil producing
nation, providing petroleum products to Zimbabwe.
But no concentrate trade deals emerged from the visit.
Mugabe is a long time friend of al-Saadi’s father who has been ruling the
North African country for the past four decades.
There has been speculation in the past that the two leaders share business
interests.
In 2002, Mugabe’s wife Grace reportedly sold a mansion in one of Harare’s
plush suburbs to Gaddafi for an estimated $5 million.
“Sons and daughters of presidents are part of the first family and this is
why he met the president,” said Mzembi.
Al-Saadi also met the ministers of Agriculture, Economic Planning and the
Zimbabwe Football Association board and executive.
There is little known Libyan investment in Zimbabwe at the moment.
It only emerged last month that Libyan had invested in transport and
property sectors after a man Stanely Musendo, tasked with overseeing the
investment allegedly converted US$4 million to his use.
There were also reports that Gaddafi had been given commercial farms in
Zimbabwe in exchange for fuel.

BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE
 


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Pfungwe men take up community health advisors’ challenge

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:02

FOR many men, maternal and children’s health matters are usually a preserve
for women.
As a result men’s participation in national health programmes, whose success
depends on the level of buy-in by communities, has been very low.
But a group of men from Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe (UMP) in Mashonaland Central
who have joined a team of mostly female volunteer village health workers are
determined to change the mindset.
The group works under the Community and Home Based Care programme for
mothers and newborns that seek to reduce the neonatal and maternal deaths by
bringing primary health care closer to the people.
The programme is supported by the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare
together with the Community Working Group on Health (CWGH) with the support
of the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef).
At least 15 out of the 300 volunteers are men.
Paradzai Manyande from Mutswe village said he ignored advice from friends to
train as a village health worker.
“When I heard about the programme I submitted my name without even thinking
twice because I don’t believe in gender prescribed roles,” Manyande said.
“We must all be allowed to play a part in developing our communities.
“Why should I sit back and watch women and children dying because of lack of
knowledge all in the name of being a man.”
His colleague, Edward Zimondi from Kademo village says volunteering for the
programme has already earned him a nickname from neighbours.
“Many people now call me mbuya utsanana (elderly woman health advisor) in my
village each time I arrive at their homestead to do my checkups,” Zimondi
said.
“For the women I know they are genuine when they call me that because they
appreciate my work.
“But I know for my male counterparts it’s sarcastic and they are mocking me
because they think I am doing work meant for women.”
Zimondi said he does not mind the name-calling because most people were
brought up believing that there were some jobs that were naturally reserved
for women.
“However, I am glad to say that there is a new generation of men like us
coming up who are more enlightened,” he said. “Gender roles shouldn’t limit
us in our contribution to society.”
Zuze Mapfumo from Marongo village said what mattered for him was that he was
passionate about his job.
“I think at the end of the day that is all that matters,” Mapfumo said.
“I know that secretly these men admire me for being brave enough to stand up
against wrong perceptions and doing the work I do.
“I don’t get paid for it and what I do is from my heart.”
The three were among the 300 village health workers who graduated from the
training programme at Mutawatawa growth point in UMP a fortnight ago.
Their role will be to help mobilise communities on the importance of
maternal and child health and seeking treatment for illnesses early to avoid
early death.

BY BERTHA SHOKO


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No joy for govt workers

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Saturday, 04 September 2010 17:17

FINANCE minister Tendai Biti on Tuesday said critical sectors such as
electricity supply need to be addressed before substantial increases can be
made on civil servants salaries.
"We will review everything in the budget including labour. This will not
just be in the context of labour and wages.
"A wage increase per se is meaningless unless you address other
fundamentals," he said, launching the 2011 national budget consultative
process.
"We will not push for populist things that don't benefit the worker at the
end of the day," he said.
The civil service has been agitating for a salary increment to cushion them
against the rising cost of living.
Government workers are currently earning monthly salaries of between US$165
and US$250, figures which are below the poverty datum line of around US$500.
Biti said next year's budget would be around US$2 billion although he had
anticipated double the amount on the back of revenue from diamond sales.
He said Treasury is collecting an average of US$140 million per month and to
reach the Gross Domestic Product levels of US$9 billion in 1996 it has to
collect an average of US$400 million per month.
Biti said the 2011 budget would be premised on a democratic consultative
process with an outreach programme in all provinces of the country.
However, he said the budget would be based on a "hard constraints"
perspective that leaves government with little room to manouvre in its
fiscal policy owing to limited financial resources.
"We don't want the budget to amount to an unrealistic wish list like the
situation last year.
"The list (of requirements) from line ministries came to US$12 billion when
government could hardly raise US$1 billion in revenue collections," said
Biti.
Biti said the budget consultative process would adopt a medium-term
perspective based on a macro economic framework, also taking into account
that the country may or may not go to elections next year.
He said the bickering among the principals in the Global Political Agreement
would act as a constraint to the effective execution of the budget.
"The uncertainty in the Global Political Agreement and a lack of  common
vision is a challenge.
"The failure to depoliticise the management of the economy is a hindrance as
politics is weighing down the economy," he said.
This year's budget was forecast at US$2,25 billion.
Of that amount revenue was supposed to contribute US$1, 4 billion with the
remainder coming from the vote of credit.
However, the vote of credit has performed dismally and US$207 million has
come in from cooperating partners.
Biti said there were expectations that money from diamond sales would give
Treasury fiscal space but the results so far have not been pleasing.
"We have to be realistic and the philosophy that we will have to eat what we
have hunted is still going to be correct but as shown by that sale (diamond
auction) even the hunting itself is proving to be difficult," he said.

BY KUDZAI CHIMHANGWA
 


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SA company eyes mining investment in Zimbabwe

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Saturday, 04 September 2010 17:12

TWP Investments, a South African company, is exploring opportunities to
invest in Zimbabwe's mining industry in a major boost for the sector that is
crying out for funding.
Mining requires huge capital outlays and has a long gestation period meaning
that investors have to wait longer to recoup their investments.
Dean Cunningham, TWPI chief executive officer said the company has a
specific interest in gold, rock phosphate, chrome, coal and nickel projects.
He said they were inviting submissions from interested parties who are
either involved in active mining or who require capital for expansion
strategies or brownfield projects.
Brownfield projects are those that have been abandoned, idle or under-used.
"We are inviting any interested parties requiring funding for viable
processing projects, specifically gold dumps.
"Processing of these dumps will not only have the benefit of extracting the
available ore, but it will also address the environmental risks these dumps
pose, especially in areas where agriculture and mining co-exist," Cunningham
said.
Asked how much they had earmarked to invest in Zimbabwe, Cunningham said:
"The economics of the project will dictate the investment and the amount.
"Should the project be significantly appealing then we would look at it and
the risk return"
He said the ventures would "be backed by the Export Credit Insurance
Corporation, a South African state-owned export credit agency that provides
foreign investment insurance cover against political and commercial risks."
The proposed investment comes at a time when other investors are giving
Zimbabwe a wide berth over empowerment laws which say that businesses worth
over US$500 000 should be 51% owned by locals in five years.
Cunningham said it was generally accepted by the global investment community
that empowerment must take place within exceptable structures.
"Deviation from these acceptable norms would then be negative.
"Both partners must add value to the table; it should not just been seen as
a pure free carry, but value adding and the start-up capital repaid first
before dividends are paid," he said.
"In the greater scheme of things, it's about building a country, creating
employment and having a sustainable business opportunity that is legally
secure."
TWPI's financial and technical professionals specialise in project
evaluation and funding across the full spectrum of resources and
commodities, from exploration and development, through to beneficiation and
processing of metals and minerals.
The company is a wholly-owned subsidiary of engineering and infrastructure
consultancy TWP Holdings, which provides engineering, procurement and
construction management services to the mining industry via its biggest
subsidiary, TWP Projects.
In December 2009, TWP merged with construction giant Basil Read, enabling
TWP to also offer engineering, procurement and construction /turnkey
services to its clients.

BY OWN STAFF


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Risk profile stymies PPP projects

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Saturday, 04 September 2010 17:04

THE country's risk profile has contributed to the low uptake of
public-private partnerships (PPPs) according to deliberations at an ongoing
seminar on infrastructure development in Harare.

Paul Mavima, the principal director in Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara's office said Zimbabwe has been facing substantial challenges in
accessing funding for its infrastructure development programmes partly
because the country does not have resources to take up PPPs, as well as
prevailing political risks.
"There has been a low uptake for private-public partnerships largely due to
political risk.
"For instance the African Development Bank has billions of dollars in its
coffers but due to Zimbabwe's unique situation, resources have not been
forthcoming," Mavima told a week-long PPPs seminar organised by the
Development Bank of South Africa and the Infrastructure Development Bank of
Zimbabwe.
Siyanga Malumo, the Africana Finance and Investment director and facilitator
at the workshop said it was imperative for African governments to note that
due consideration is given by investors to the political situation before
they consider funding infrastructure related projects.
"A change in government policy can have a huge bearing on the success or
failure of a project, for instance nationalisation is a case in point as a
potential risk," said Malumo referring to Zimbabwe and other African
countries with controversial empowerment policies.
Malumo said investors place importance on a country's degree of political
risk before engaging in PPPs.
He said the general consensus was that government does not have sufficient
resources to take up PPPs and there is need to engage stakeholders from the
private sector.
However, the general agreement among participants was that the government
was too bureaucratic in processing PPPs as the whole activity can take up to
three years before the project commences.
"Why should the government be so bureaucratic in processing these projects?
"In South Africa, the whole process is transparent and efficient that's why
you find that the country's infrastructure is so well developed," said a
participant who refused to reveal his name.
The country's infrastructure needs repair after being neglected for over a
decade and funding for such projects is limited by current credit crunch.
The treasury is constrained as revenue generating measures are raking in an
average of US$140 million per month.
Mavima said the DPM's office was exploring new methods aimed at
rationalising PPPs in terms of infrastructure development.
The absence of a regulatory and policy framework was cited as a key area
that needs critical attention so that the success of PPPs is not hindered by
personal interests.
"The major problem surrounding these public-private partnerships are that
they do not have an institutional or policy framework therefore you find
that in previous agreements made, the engagement was on an individual's
personal interest in the project.
"If the project did not benefit the signatory individual (in government), it
would be thrown out of the window so lots of good projects were thrown
 away," Mavima said.

BY KUDZAI CHIMHANGWA
 


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Comment: Mutambanengwe should be resist political pressure

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:16

The appointment of Justice Simpson Mutambanengwe earlier this year as the
new Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) chairperson has been welcomed by
progressive people in Zimbabwe. The three parties in the inclusive
government endorsed his choice and the nation expects much of him.
This is in the backdrop of the much-criticised performance of Justice George
Chiweshe during his tenure at the head of the ZEC.
Chiweshe's conduct led Zimbabweans to conclude that the elections body was
an appendage of Zanu PF and Chiweshe himself was seen as Mugabe's instrument
who was supervising the conduct of elections on behalf of his master.
Zimbabweans wondered whether it would ever be possible for them to again
hold a credible election with Chiweshe in charge.
Mutambanengwe has had an illustrious career at the bar spending the last
decade presiding over the justice system in Namibia. This should stand him
in good stead.
Recently at a Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network workshop he vowed to break
with past practices that made Zimbabwe's elections an exercise in futility.
He emphasised that under his stewardship ZEC would regain the respect of all
parties by providing a level playing field for all political contestants to
square-up without complaining.
Unlike his predecessors, Mutambanengwe is only too aware that disputed
elections were of no use to a country that is desperate for stability. At
the workshop he was forthright in his determination to disentangle ZEC from
the past where it was seen as Mugabe's rigging machinery.
Reacting to analysts' grim assessment of Zimbabwe's readiness for elections
next year Mutambanengwe did not have time to defend ZEC for its past
misdeeds. He said provided there was national will, ZEC could succeed where
it failed in the past.
He also made it clear that his commission's brief was simple: to deliver a
free and fair election acceptable to all the contesting parties.
But this would all be wishful thinking if the retired judge does not have
the iron will to resist the pressure from political parties that would
rather see him pander to their whim.
He should make it clear to all and sundry that ZEC was not ready for the
elections since the voters' roll was in a shambles. Past elections have
lacked credibility for this reason, among others.
But with Justice Mutambanengwe at ZEC, the era of Zanu PF patronage may be
over.
The new ZEC boss should clearly preach the gospel of equal application of
justice so that perpetrators of electoral violence know from the word go
that no one is above the law and his body would treat all contesting parties
equally.
While Justice Mutambanengwe has good intentions, it is however important to
note that without the support of the inclusive government, his good
intentions may just be wishful thinking.
ZEC is in dire need of resources to carry out its mandate. It requires
several millions of dollars to come up with a clean voters' roll. The
current one, kept at the Registrar-General's office, is replete with ghost
voters and is as good as useless. The Ministry of Finance should loosen its
purse strings and release funding for ZEC's operations.
In the meantime, we applaud Justice Mutambanengwe for starting on a positive
note.
We need to see more officials charged with steering the various commissions
that are mandated to turn around the fortunes of Zimbabwe making similar
commitments to carry out their work without fear or favour.
Among these commissions are the Human Rights Commission, the Zimbabwe Media
Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission. The time for figureheads who
think their allegiance lies with those who appointed them is over.

 


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Editor's Desk: Can the ‘fringe’ parties pose a real challenge?

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:14

This week we conclude our series on fringe parties which we began by
profiling Job Sikhala of the MDC99 party. We had a chat with Simba Makoni of
the Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn formation; we also featured Dumiso Dabengwa of the
revived Zapu and Welshman Ncube, the secretary-general and heir apparent of
the contraption called MDC-M.
This week, to regulate the anomaly we feature its president Arthur Mutambara
who seems to enjoy talking to Violet Gonda of SWRadio rather than local
scribes. We would have featured Zanu Ndonga but no one knows if it still
exists. We haven’t heard anything from Vurayayi Zembe of the Democratic
Party in a long time. Any party we haven’t featured is, therefore, not
worthy of its salt.
Many readers may question the use of the word “fringe” to describe these
parties. The MDC-M for example is part of the inclusive government running
our country today so its members might argue that they are not a fringe
party. But we all know that its leadership is where it is by dint of
fortune — none of those fronting this party in government was elected into
office and many in local government councils are quitting it to join MDC-T.
The MDC-M’s luck is likely to run out sooner rather than later. In its
present form it can hardly be compared to the Liberal Democrats of the UK
who after many years on the fringe made an impact in this year’s general
election forcing a coalition government for the first time in living memory.
The question to ask is: Out of these fringe parties, which one is likely to
have an effect on the Zanu PF/MDC-T political matrix in the next elections
which are likely to be held next year?
In this regard Zapu is going to be very interesting. Two things are likely
to happen to this resurrected party. Either it will go the way of Zanu
Ndonga — that is fade quietly into oblivion — or it will reclaim Joshua
Nkomo’s “20 seats”. Zapu under Nkomo never really became a national party in
the strictest sense of the word — except perhaps in the 1960s — but no
matter what happened, come an election it would always win its 20 seats in
the Matabeleland provinces where Nkomo originated.
For many years Zanu Ndonga also just existed on the strength of the Chipinge
vote. No matter what happened the Chipinge constituencies would always vote
Zanu Ndonga. Chipinge was the home of its founding president, the
charismatic Ndabaningi Sithole.
Nkomo and Sithole were stalwarts in the liberation struggle and their
charismatic leadership styles ensured that their parties thrived. But with
Sithole’s  death Zanu Ndonga’s fortunes plummeted; besides an occasional
press release no one knows if the party still has any structures to talk
about.
Nkomo was forced into an unholy alliance with Zanu PF after gukurahundi and
his party was swallowed totally by Robert Mugabe’s party. Eleven years after
his death some former members of Zapu led by Dabengwa have decided to revive
it. If Dabengwa et al also manage to revive the party’s regional appeal then
Zapu can reclaim its 20 seats and that will likely change completely the
political picture in Zimbabwe.
Paradoxically the 20 seats will not be Zanu PF seats but MDC-T ones. With
the demise of Zapu, the majority of the people of Matabeleland, who have
never loved Zanu PF, swung to Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC. In 2005 when the MDC
split the majority still stuck with Tsvangirai while a small minority clung
to Welshman Ncube and the late Gibson Sibanda. The party head-hunted for a
leader and came up with Arthur Mutambara. They have almost totally lost
their grip on Matabeleland.
If Zapu reclaims its 20 seats what will this mean for Zimbabwe? We are
likely to have a situation in which Zapu will have 20 seats in parliament
while the MDC-T will have maybe 40 and Zanu PF 50. None of the three parties
will be able to govern on its own, so a coalition government would be the
very likely outcome.
Zapu will become the Liberal Democrats of Zimbabwe but who would they rather
coalesce with?
The fact that they snatched their chunk of seats from MDC-T means they are
unlikely to want to have much to do with Tsvangirai’s party. The natural
choice would therefore be Zanu PF.
Many people as we speak think that the revival of Zapu is a Zanu PF project.
Their thinking is based on the very scenario just described. Dabengwa and
other senior members of the new Zapu such as Thenjiwe Lesabe are former
members of the Zanu PF politburo. Their political fortunes had waned because
the people who had supported them all along had become disgruntled with the
Unity Accord which put them in the same bed as their archenemy Zanu PF. Very
few, if any, of the top old Zapu leadership who were now in Zanu PF were
winning elections. Dabengwa himself was being beaten by mere children in
general elections and was surviving through Mugabe’s largesse.
There are several members of the old Zapu who have remained in Zanu PF whose
lives are intractably linked to their comrade-in-arms Dabengwa. They are not
winning elections either and are therefore also surviving on Mugabe’s
magnanimity.
Mugabe sees a lot of advantage in the revival of Zapu hence we have not
heard anything from the Zanu PF information department disparaging this
project. Zapu will deliver Mugabe’s long-wished-for life presidency.
Zimbabweans are faced with a grim scenario of a perpetual Zanu PF
suzerainty.

Nevanji Madanhire


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Sundayview: Copac divided civil society

http://www.thestandard.co.zw/

Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:04

Most of the problems that are encompassing the world today are a result of
unprincipled leaders and societies that have no morals to stand their
ground. As the saying goes, "In order for evil to triumph, it only takes the
silence of good men". In some cases it also takes "good men" to misinterpret
the truth to the people to destroy the truth. It is usually the case where
men and women who are revered in furthering certain causes start moving in
the wrong direction and even demanding that all followers should trail
behind without asking questions.
To drive the point closer home, when Zanu PF took the reins of power in
1980, thereby becoming the first democratically elected government of the
land, the hopes and aspirations of the majority of the people were soon
shattered. The illusion of independence soon turned to one of the scariest
of all nightmares.
As society tried to come up with solutions, it was necessary first to come
to terms with the root of the problem. The problem was found to lie in human
nature; goodwill is too weak to be trusted. The culture that was instilled
in people was that the government was the master of the people not the
servant of the people. The norm of the day was that only faithful supporters
would get something from the government hence all those with different
points of views were sidelined and pushed to the periphery of development.
Zanu PF, which is known for its anti-imperialist rhetoric was soon found to
be enjoying the imperialist (Lancaster) constitution and in some cases even
making it more repressive. The constitution allowed the government to
flagrantly violate human rights  and destroy justice willy-nilly in the name
of maintaining peace.
Civic society traced the problems of misgovernance to the adopted
constitution. The majority soon realised that fighting the monarchical
government of Robert Mugabe was doomed to fail as long as there was no
people-driven constitution. The people-driven constitution was therefore
seen as the panacea to the problems of the country.
It was against such a background that the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA) was formed to fight for a people-driven constitution in the late
1990s. Morgan Tsvangirai becoming its first chairman.
The milestone success of NCA was to force Zanu PF to heed the demands of a
new constitution. Zanu PF soon found out that without a repressive
constitution it would be vulnerable. It therefore came up with a new
constitution which was rejected in the referendum in 2000.
With the people also pinning their hopes on MDC in parliament, in 2005 Zanu
PF connived with MDC to bring about the Kariba draft.
The issue of the new constitution was so hot that every civic society
organisation spoke with one voice for a people-driven constitution. Even as
late as just the before the 2008 harmonised elections the MDC seemed to
believe in a civic society-led constitution. With the formation of the
inclusive government, goal posts started shifting. It became one of the
greatest blows to civic society when parliament-led Copac was formed. The
division in civic society came in the form of "take part" or "take charge"
factions. The first faction believed that contributions could only be made
from within whilst the second believed that any process led by Zanu PF was
likely to be flawed. At that time it was proven that those who do not know
where to stand and what to stand for would fall for anything. It was
surprising to see how the majority of civic society organisations fell for
the bait. It was The NCA, ZCTU, MISA and Zinasu and a few other
organisations that remained demanding a people-driven constitution not a
government-imposed one. It was so surprising to hear some civic society
organisations are not even tolerating pluralism and castigating NCA and Dr
Madhuku as misguided. It may be true that Dr Madhuku is not always correct
but on the issue of Copac being flawed he has been vindicated. Copac divided
the civic society which had long been united.

BY MLUNGISI DUBE


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Zanu must conclude succession debate ASAP

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

Written by PSYCHOLOGY MAZIWISA
Friday, 03 September 2010 14:38

While everyone else concentrates on putting into effect the so-called
'implementation matrix', salvaging the now doomed constitution making
process and considering the feasibility of holding an election next year
among other things, Zanu (PF) needs to preoccupy itself with one thing- and
one thing alone- namely the completion of the succession debate within that
party.

To tiptoe around the issue and pretend it is of no consequence is to
deliberately put the future of this country and its people in harm's way.
Mugabe's health is swiftly deteriorating and his journey into the unknown
has noticeably begun. Time is of the essence.
The moment has come for Zimbabwe to attain its political maturity, with
power changing hands and life going along. After all it is not the state of
the leader that matters, but the state of the nation. As a matter of urgency
Zanu PF needs to make up its mind. Only then can the voters remember them
and have a clear picture of their intentions.

Guaranteed instability
As it stands Zanu (PF)'s conservative old guard remains intact, and they
fight amongst themselves not over policy but purely for power and prestige.
They have an enduring desire to maintain the status quo at any cost.
The fact is that the upheavals of the past will continue so long as these
dinosaurs remain in charge of operations.
Here is the crux of the matter though: Our country's political instability
is guaranteed to worsen should President Mugabe die in office -especially if
there is no succession plan in place acceptable to the two well-known
factions within Zanu (PF). The decision must be made without delay. Everyone
who cares about this country knows it.
It is cause for considerable heartache, therefore, that there seems to be
such a striking lack of preparation for a Zimbabwe after Mugabe. Not enough,
if anything at all, is being done by the relevant people to show that they
understand what could befall Zimbabwe if the President dies before the
succession debate in Zanu (PF) has been completed.
The reality is that no one lives forever and we are witnessing the effects
of old age compounded by ill health and the exacting demands of public
office as Mugabe approaches the inevitable.

Saluting Tsvangirai
Zanu PF has had plenty of time to think about it but still bears a stark
resemblance to Ethelred the Unready.
Let me not be misconstrued as condoning or in anyway seeking to entrench the
dictatorship and the now irretrievably damaged legacy of Mugabe and Zanu
(PF). Far from it! I beg instead to be regarded as a realist and a
peace-loving Zimbabwean democrat who loves his country too much to foresee a
potentially devastating political crisis without alerting his fellow
citizens to it.
Nor can the MDC be relied upon to single handedly avert what could easily
develop into an aggravation of our political woes. It is a matter of public
record, for instance, that some of Zanu (PF)'s notorious Joint Operations
Command members have stated unequivocally that under no circumstances will
they salute Morgan Tsvangirai should he attempt to wield any kind of
authority as Commander in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces.
Whereas Mugabe was sensible enough to invite the MDC- by all accounts the
outright winners of every election this country has held since 2002- it can
be assumed that neither Mujuru nor Mnangagwa will be willing to recognise
them as the people's party of choice or even their very existence as a
political player.
Absurd though it may seem, therefore, the reality is that with the right
ingredients the MDC stands a much better chance of forming a substantive
government while Mugabe is still in politics than after his exit.
There is a better chance of Zimbabwe becoming a democratic country, a
prosperous nation and a land of limitless opportunities with a living and
breathing Mugabe still around than when his body lies at what has become the
Zanu (PF) Heroes Acre.

Succumbed to temptation
If you sense, dear reader, that I am fed up with the MDC you are dead right.
Of course I am! Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC loudly proclaimed all sorts of
policies and promises before joining the inclusive government. Every right
thinking Zimbabwean looked to him and his party to make things better.
Alas, MDC officials, like their Zanu (PF) counterparts in the inclusive
government, have quite evidently succumbed to the temptation that comes with
power and the greed that can accompany bureaucratic privilege.
Consequently, they have killed whatever momentum was gathered against the
tyranny of Mugabe. By so doing they have afforded him and his men with much
needed time to re-group.
In the circumstances, if the MDC is not going to realise and correct the
mistakes made during the tenure of the inclusive government. If it is not
going to insist on genuine and lasting political reforms. If they are going
to ignore the lessons of the past in shaping the future. If they choose to
continue to put faith, and so responsibility, on SADC and not themselves,
then they ought to go to hell and stop wasting our precious time.  The
future does not belong to the timid. They do not deserve it.
Meanwhile, and in the interest of averting a possible civil war after Mugabe's
demise, Zanu (PF) needs to urgently conclude any further debate and set a
succession strategy in place. If in the process of doing so Zanu (PF)
officials see the benefit in reforming their outmoded movement to become a
relevant and credible political party then that will truly be a huge step
forwards.
As the country anxiously waits for the MDC to regain its old self and for
Zanu (PF) to stop fudging, we all must welcome and enjoy Akon and hope that
he finds our otherwise beautiful country as 'free and uplifting' a world as
the United States of America.
Psychology Maziwisa is a member of the Union for Sustainable Democracy.


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Correcting historical account by Professor Welshman Ncube


Professor Welshman Ncube included in his article in Sundayview on August 28, 2010, on the great legacy of Gibson Sibanda, an historical account of one of the many meetings held by various individuals, provinces, civil society organisations and others prior to the MDC founding Congress in January 2000. His account about my position distorts our sincere efforts at that time to push the democracy agenda forward and appears to use his brilliant tribute to our Organ co principal Gibson Sibanda to divide me from our President Morgan Tsvangirai. At this time, MDC was preparing to deliberate on selecting the best team to win the 2000 Parliamentary elections, and then to successfully negotiate a peaceful transition out of the one party state politics.

Prof Ncube wrote that Priscilla Misihairabwi Mushonga was present at this meeting.  Grace Kwinjeh and I talked. We agreed that there were three women present; that our colleague Priscilla was not present in that meeting. The position I articulated was not my personal one but that of the MDC Midlands South Provincial Executive Committee (PEC). The Trade Union based PEC was chaired by the late Hon. Bethel Makwembere, succeeded by James Gondo with Lucia Matibenga as Secretary and others. I had to get their consent to stand in Midlands South Province for Mberengwa East. On signing my papers they briefed me on how our province would vote at the inaugural Congress leadership line-up.

The New Politics - focusing on new structures not personalities

Their logic was that civil society gave the task of facilitating the birth of the new political formation MDC to the ZCTU, the main Trade Union centre in the Zimbabwe, because the unique partnership between the ZCTU President Gibson Sibanda and its Secretary General Morgan Tsvangirai had stabilised the Trade Union movement nationally for 10 years improving workers’ lives. This leadership structure was the magic formula to be kept intact, to give time to everyone in Zimbabwe to work towards stabilising the political environment for new inclusive structures of democracy to be established to take the struggle further and open more democratic space - a sentiment shared by many Zimbabweans then.

The transitional period was to give Gibson Sibanda, Morgan Tsvangirai and the new political class from civil society entering politics, time to mature in the new politics of their own creation. Sibanda would be the titular president for two terms while Tsvangirai was executive Prime Minister.  Both would retire in 2010 for    Tsvangirai to move onto to the Presidency for his two terms. This plan would  give Zimbabweans twenty years to complete the enormous transitional work of structural transformation to take the country from the old one party state politics to the new Zimbabwe. I believed this to be the ZCTU position. Unfolding events threw up other suggestions, one of which won the day.  We accepted defeat.

This idea and other suggestions were put for discussion and amendment.

For example the PEC hoped that the new party would go for the tried-and-tested formula of a titular President - Gibson Sibanda - and an executive Prime Minister - the SG Morgan Tsvangirai. They saw Gibson Sibanda handling the required negotiations with ZANU/PF and achieving a smooth transition, as he was a brilliant mediator especially of difficult situations. On the other hand, they saw Morgan Tsvangirai, the gifted natural organiser working on the ground with the people to create the conditions conducive for democratic change over ten years.

Strategic placement of Party and Parliamentary Candidates

The MDC strategy was to search for local talent to voter confidence-build and establish the new party at grassroots and throughout the country. Based on this the PEC sent a delegation to Prof Ncube to invite him to take his Parliamentary seat in his home province - Midlands South. The general agreement at that time was to send the strongest candidates to stand in their rural homes. Professor Ncube rejected the offer, explaining to the emissaries that he had already been invited to take a seat in the Bulawayo Province. That PEC was convinced that Professor Ncube’s presence in the Midlands as leader would stabilise the new MDC in the province as the new party spokesperson (his old job in the National Constitutional Assembly) in the new top party leadership to include women, other interest groups and reflect all the regions.

The PEC was convinced that the partnership between Gibson Sibanda as President and Morgan Tsvangirai as SG with Professor Ncube and other new blood from civil society, entering politics for the first time, strategically placed in the MDC leadership, was the new structure required at that time to take Zimbabwe to the new transition – moving from the past one party state to the future - which should have begun in 2000, start of the new millennium. These suggestions were thrown out; we accepted the majority decision without question.

Since that first MDC Congress elected its leaders, I have fully supported President Tsvangirai as our leader, despite the many painful and dramatic events our internal struggles have encountered on the path to democratic change. Based on my own political convictions I remained in MDCT after the split. I have been and continue to be a vocal and passionate MDCT member by choice. 

As Organ co principals we discussed our brief until we agreed on an inclusive process. Through open and honest dialogue between and among all Zimbabweans at home and abroad we have the capacity to build together the foundations of the new culture of Peace. Now Gibson Sibanda has gone. Our immediate past - indeed our distant past - can teach us all a lot if we as a people learn to hear one another’s voices with empathy, learn to dialogue honestly together for positive answers from ourselves on the way forward, use the opportunity created by the GPA to get our country moving on. 

Gibson’s final contribution was his work in the Organ to establish with everyone the foundations of that process to bring lasting Peace to our country. Some of us from that beginning of MDC used the space created by the GPA to look at these past eleven years with Gibson Sibanda. We sought his account of what really happened when critical decisions were made while we were one party. His calm detailed responses helped us to appreciate much better these past situations and energized us to work for change for a better Zimbabwe.  Many remain hard hit in our hearts by the passing of our highly esteemed colleague Gibson Sibanda. The best way to honour his memory is for us to fulfill his unfinished work.  May his soul rest in the Peace that he worked so hard throughout his life to establish in Zimbabwe and on our fragile earth.

Senator Sekai M Holland

Minister of State; Co Organ Principal;

Organ for National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration.      

 


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JAG open letter forum - No. 715- Dated 3 September 2010



Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
jag@mango JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM - No..zw with "For Open Letter
Forum" in the subject line.

To subscribe/unsubscribe to the JAG mailing list, please email:
jag@mango.zw with subject line "subscribe" or "unsubscribe".

=================================================

1.  Cathy Buckle - Load shedding

2.  J.L Robinson - Sanctions

3.  Nick Meikle - Land Truths

4.  J.L. Robinson - Commercial Farming

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1.  Cathy Buckle - Load shedding

Dear Jag

We've had an electricity crisis of major proportions this past week
which has bought the routines of everyday life to a standstill.

Businesses without computers, offices unable to access records, machines
that cannot be operated and of course, no electricity means no water
which makes things even harder still. Repeated calls to electricity
supplier ZESA have yielded nothing: no explanation, apology or excuses
just two little words spat contemptuously at you for daring to ask: load
shedding they say. 12, 15, 18 and even 22 hours a day we've been
subjected to load shedding at a time when the country is desperate for
business, production and growth. One man home businesses have come to a
complete standstill. Small businesses without the means to provide their
own electricity are complaining that they've been losing about five
hundred dollars a day. Bigger businesses estimate lost income of around
five thousand dollars a day, not to mention employees sitting around
doing nothing who will all have to be paid at the end of the month.
Employees who came to work in the morning without having had a proper
meal and will go home to much the same: a smoky fire outside and no water
to bath or wash with.

Every outlet that can afford to run them, have resorted to generators. In
all shapes and sizes the machines clutter pavements and alleyways and
pedestrians have become adept at picking a safe path through the wires
and conducting their business over the clattering, thumping and roaring
of the engines. The power cuts have become so ridiculous this week that
even the petrol stations have resorted to using generators to pump fuel
into customer's vehicles.

It's a slow process if you happen to be in a car though because
there is a steady line of people on foot jumping the queue as they wait
to fill plastic bottles with a litre or two of petrol for generators.

Craziest of all about this week's nonexistent electricity is the
sure and certain knowledge that come the end of the month our electricity
bills will be as high as they always are. First world bills for fourth
world service or even no service at all.

The knock on effects of these extended power cuts is having a devastating
impact on the environment. From early in the morning to last thing in the
evening the sound of wood chopping is all around.

Emerging from bush and woodland all the time is a steady stream of women
carrying huge piles of newly cut wood on their heads. Some is for their
own use but more is for sale, a small bundle of half a dozen pieces of
indigenous wood costing five US dollars ^S enough to cook perhaps two or
three meals.

Despite it all, Zimbabweans really have become masters of ingenuity when
faced with adversity so now, if you know where to go and have a few
dollars, you can have a haircut or charge your cell phone on
someone's generator. What a shame it is that ZESA aren't
blessed with a similar ingenuity. Until next time, thanks for reading,
love Cathy.

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2.  J.L Robinson - Sanctions

Dear Jag

The Minister of Education recently commented on BBC Hardrive that he
believes that Sanctions - on the few hundred Zanu heavies should
now actually be lifted.

This might be commendable, but I do believe that it would need to be done
as trade off for those same Zanu heavies lifting the political and
economic sanctions that they have inflicted on the people of Zimbabwe.

For thirty years they have imposed their very own Zanu sanctions on:

an independent judiciary,

a professional Police force,

human rights - Matabeleland in the eighties and today,

more recently a further repeat of the destruction of suburban homes
(Borrowdale),

the murder of civilians in the diamond fields

the murder of MDC supporters and farm workers

new or on going sanctions on business through recent sabre rattling

on the national legal tender (Zimbabwe Dollar) by printing "free
money" for Zanu cronies to buy hard currency to bank externally
- the very issue of the sanctions!

sanctions on agriculture and title through discriminate theft and
patronage of both fixed and movable assets from around 4 000
agribusinesses

job sanctions precipitated by their policies - 90% unemployment

resulting in residence, citizenship and voting sanctions - on some 4 to 5
million citizens leaving the country

economic sanctions on the entire country and populace - except
themselves

I do believe that the Honourable Minister needs to not only "smell
the roses" but also "smell the sewerage" of these
sanctions.

Has he perhaps forgotten who and where his electorate are? I do not
believe that he was voted in by a flock of jongwes.

We must not forget that "what is good for the jongwe is good for
the goose."

Millions of Zimbabwean "geese" have worked, and continue to
work hard to lay the golden eggs for the country - as against a few
hundred jongwes who continue to crow and strut around the place thinking
that the sun came up to hear them squawk - and then watch them loot
anything that might tickle their tail feathers.

The Honourable Minister needs to remember that today with the GNU it has
to be a two way street for a goose and a jongwe - not a one way
street for jongwes only.

A one way street with a sign saying "Jongwes Only" is called
APARTHEID.

J.L. Robinson

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3.  Nick Meikle - Land Truths

Dear Jag

Ian Brown and Chris Lightfoot's thought-provoking contributions
refer.

ZANU PF has been very successful in creating gross misconceptions about
land tenure in Zimbabwe - in essence that the white farmer owned a
grossly disproportionate amount of land. In fact the 70% number (70% of
"arable" land) was a Trojan horse. The repetitive use of that
number in speeches and articles by the political establishment and press
has, over the years, persuaded people to believe that the white farmers
owned the majority of the land in Zimbabwe. In the process it managed to
isolate the knowledge of the true statistics like a virus had removed key
data from a computer. Its impact was such that even a debate on land in
Zimbabwe in March of this year in the House of Commons suggested that the
minds of the MP's in this debate in the UK had accepted this number
as a valid statistic. Hugh Bayley Lab. MP, when leading a debate on the
All Africa Group report on "Land In Zimbabwe", is quoted from
the report on 24.03.10, saying:

"One matter that we examined in some detail in our report was
Zimbabwe 's dual land ownership law. Roughly 70 per cent. of land
was originally commercially farmed, with a system of title, which brought
with it the sort of benefit that the hon. Gentleman describes. Owners can
use the equity in the land title to borrow for the purchase of inputs
such as seeds and fertilisers and to pay for irrigation; when good legal
title is lost, such benefits disappear. However, on the remaining 30 per
cent. of the land-the so-called communal lands used largely by
African farmers.."

 "The correct values were quite simply - at Independence,
white farmers (large scale commercial farmers) owned 30% of the land; by
2000 this had contracted to 17.5%.See
linkhttp://cfuzim.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=460:fact-sheet&c
tid=49:land-facts&Itemid=89   It's heresy that the House of Commons
should be so grossly misinformed.

Chris raises some good points. However everything ZANU PF have done
withers in the face of two undeniable facts:

1.     For 20 years the law of Zimbabwe made all the land the nasty
whites owned legal. During this time the Government of Mugabe was largely
sovereign expressing the will of the people and surely then one can argue
that the political establishment had embraced the current tenure.
It's rather like the law of precedent, and all the legal transfers
and certificates of no interest re-enforced that fact. The fact that
Mugabe and his government didn't exploit the opportunities to buy
up more land and advance the cause of re-distribution, as Chris points
out, was their failure and nobody else's. What ZANU PF did purchase
with British aid was soon exposed to predictable flaws when subjected to
an audit, as the chefs benefited, and not the povo.

2.     The 13 February 2000 Referendum on the draft constitution rejected
Mugabe's proposals to increase his executive powers and most
importantly to seize the farms belonging to the white farmers. This was
the most sovereign vote that Zimbabwe has ever had before or since. And,
Mugabe said he would abide by the wish of the people!

Logically then, everything that has been promulgated since that vote to
advance Mugabe's political agendas, was rendered "null and
void" by that vote! Yet no one, I say again, no one advocates this
as a platform for the way forward on the land issue. Everything can be
defaulted to that point in time as a reflection of the wish of the people
currently prevailing. Yes, there would be numerous obstacles; however
that does return us to a point where the law that governed life in
Zimbabwe was overseen by an Independent judiciary when Mugabe's
presidency largely reflected the will of the people.

It's pertinent to note there appears to be a gathering opinion even
within some Government circles that the land seizures were illegal. This
sentiment has some currency even on the streets here and in South Africa
where as many as 3 to 4 million Zimbabweans live in economic exile. There
is a strange irony here - dispossessed farmers have convinced
themselves that they must surrender to a land reform programme, yet black
folk and MT's vice-PM disagree. There goes that Trojan horse again.

There is evidence to suggest that ZANU PF created the expectation that
tenure would be awarded outside the commercial areas, but never followed
it up. The reason was simple - ZANU PF and specifically Mugabe considered
control of the land as his most powerful political tool. Wresting control
of the land from the farmers effectively gave him control of all land in
the country which was in-keeping with the absolute role of a chief of
old.

Awarding tenure to the small holders in the communal areas would
transform that sector, and stimulate small scale farming. But that would
require oversight by an effective system of law and order which remains a
dream at present as the political establishment cannot bring themselves
to relinquish the control they have enjoyed these last 10 turbulent and
destructive years.

In conclusion, why, I ask, is it so hard for us not to demand that all
title should be should be re-instated as per the sovereign vote of
February 2000 Referendum? And, at the same time advance with equal
determination land tenure within the communal areas - that would be
a massive victory for the rural population. If successful, that would be
the ultimate insult to Mugabe - the very thing he promised the
povo, being delivered by the people he accused of stealing the land in
the first place!

Thank you.

Nick Meikle

Bulawayo.

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4.  J.L. Robinson - Commercial Farming

Dear Jag

The Zimbabwean has reported that a War Veteran who claimed 95% disability
form the War Veterans Compensation Fund has succumbed to the remaining 5%
disability and passed away "on his farm."

The article goes on to say that the "95% disabled War
Veteran" forced the previous owner off his property, then reaped
$35 million worth of crops and claimed the $200 million property for
himself.

This makes for most entertaining reading in the broader world - about law
and order, and property rights and get rich quick in Zimbabwe.

J.L. Robinson.

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All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters,

and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice for Agriculture.

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