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Zimbabwe civic alliance rallies behind protest call

Zim Online

Thu 7 September 2006

      HARARE - Pressure mounted against the Zimbabwean government yesterday
as the country's National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) civic alliance
announced it will next week join worker and student protests to press the
administration to halt a seven-year crippling economic recession.

      The NCA, which campaigns for a new and democratic constitution for
Zimbabwe, is a coalition of opposition political parties, human rights and
pro-democracy groups, media organisations, women and civic rights groups,
labour and student movements.

      NCA chairman Lovemore Madhuku told ZimOnline that the alliance will
take part in next week's protests led by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU), adding that NCA and ZCTU officials will meet this week to
cobble together a broad alliance of the two groups ahead of the September 13
protests.

      Madhuku said: "We are meeting to see how best we can work together to
push efforts towards a common goal. Whatever the ZCTU does promotes (the
objectives of) the NCA and Zimbabweans cannot just stand by in this struggle
for freedom."

      The ZCTU, the umbrella union body for Zimbabwe's workers, says next
week's protests are meant to force the government and employers to improve
living conditions of workers and to accept linking wages and salaries to
inflation, at 993.6 percent the highest in the world.

      The union says the phased protests will continue until employers and
the government acceded to worker demands.

      The Zimbabwe National Students Union, a grouping of students at the
country's universities and other tertiary colleges, this week also served
notice to the government to reduce fees and improve conditions at colleges
or face protests by students.

      Opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan
Tsvangirai last week caught security forces by surprise when he led his top
lieutenants in a march across Harare he said was a warning of more
protests - along the lines of Ukraine's Orange Revolution - to force
President Robert Mugabe to accept sweeping political reforms.

      Mugabe has however promised to ruthlessly crush protests against his
rule and last month boasted that the security forces would "pull the
trigger" against protesters.

      Zimbabwe's economic crisis, described by the World Bank as the worst
in the world outside a war zone, has spawned shortages of fuel, electricity,
essential medicines, hard cash and just about every basic survival
commodity.

      Critics blame the crisis on repression and wrong policies by Mugabe,
in power since Zimbabwe's 1980 independence from Britain. The veteran leader
denies ruining the economy and instead says Zimbabwe's problems are because
of Western sanctions meant to punish his government for seizing land from
whites for redistribution to landless blacks. - ZimOnline


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Mugabe's wife arm-twists council to allocate land to friends

Zim Online

Thu 7 September 2006

      HARARE - President Robert Mugabe's wife, Grace, used her position to
pressure Harare municipality officials to allocate residential land to her
friends, including her favourite musician, who were not on the city's
waiting list for residential stands, a senior municipal official has
disclosed.

      The cash-strapped Harare municipality has a housing backlog running
into several hundreds of thousands people. Municipal regulations and policy
are that residential land is allocated on a first-name-first-served basis.

      But the city's acting director for housing and amenities, James
Chiyangwa, earlier this week told a committee probing the dismissal of
Harare Town Clerk Ngoni Chideya that on countless occasions he had been
pressured by "influential people", among them the First Lady, to allocate
land to people who were not on the waiting list.

      Chideya, suspended by the government-appointed commission last month,
is accused of failing to solve cases of senior officials suspended from
council service as well as failure to ensure the allocation of scarce
residential stands was done in accordance with laid down procedures and
rules.

      Chiyangwa, who testified to the probe committee headed by Harare
magistrate Mishrod Guvamombe on Tuesday, said: "There are more cases where
influential people put pressure on me to allocate stands to individuals who
were not on the waiting list.

      "One clear instance I can cite was when the First Lady recommended
that we consider allocating stands to Mercy Mutswene and Fungisai
(Zvakavapano) Mashavave as special cases. I could give you more names that
benefited the same way if the hearing goes into camera."

      Mutswene and Mashavave are among Zimbabwe's top female gospel music
stars. The First Lady has publicly admitted that Mashavave is her favourite
musician and has always included the songbird at events she has organised to
raise money for charity.

      It was not possible to immediately get comment on the matter last
night from Grace's office.

      Chiyangwa, who painted a picture of rampant favouritism in the
allocation of housing land, also cited another case where he had allocated
land to one Senior Assistant police commissioner Murindi who was not on the
waiting list because he (Chiyangwa) was scared of the policeman's high rank.

      Harare - where the government seized political control in 2003 after
firing an elected opposition mayor and his council and appointed a
commission to run the city - is in a state of dereliction chiefly because of
corruption and mismanagement by the state commission.

      But this is not the first time that Grace has been caught up in
controversy over land and houses. She is  accused of seizing a lucrative
Iron Mask farm in Mazowe district near Harare from its white owners at the
height of her husband's farm seizure programme.

      She has however argued she wants to use the farm to establish a centre
to look after homeless children.

      In 1997, Grace looted money from a government fund that was meant to
provide housing loans to low-paid civil servants and used it to build a
three-storey mansion in Harare's Borrowdale Brooke suburb of the rich. She
later resold the house to the Libyan embassy in Harare at a huge profit. -
ZimOnline


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Botswana journalists' bid for freedom fails

Zim Online

Thu 7 September 2006

      PLUMTREE - Two Botswana journalists accused of violating Zimbabwe's
tough media and immigration laws will face trial in November after their
application to have the case dismissed failed.

      The two, Beauty Mokoba and Keketso Seofela, had argued that they
qualified for "sovereign immunity" as they had been arrested while working
on a project on behalf of the government of Botswana.

      Plumtree magistrate, Mark Dziva, dismissed the application and
remanded the two journalists who work for Botswana Television (Btv) to
November 7 for trial.

      A lawyer representing the journalists, Kucaca Phulu, immediately
attacked the ruling saying the magistrate had erred in arriving at the
verdict as his clients had not applied for "diplomatic immunity" as hinted
by the magistrate.

      "The magistrate dismissed my client's application after arguing that
the two journalists were not employed by the Botswana embassy and did not
therefore qualify for diplomatic immunity but the application by my clients
was for a discharge on sovereign immunity and not diplomatic immunity,"
Phulu said.

      The two journalists were arrested last May in Plumtree near the
Botswana border after they entered the country to cover a story on the
outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease and suspected cases of cattle rustling
between the two countries.

      They are being charged with violating the tough Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) which bars journalists from practising
their profession without first seeking accreditation from the state's Media
and Information Commission.

      If convicted, the journalists who are out on Z$4 million bail, face
two years in jail or a fine of $20 000 or both. - ZimOnline


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40 Air Zimbabwe passengers stranded in Harare

Zim Online

Thu 7 September 2006

      HARARE - At least 40 passengers have been "marooned" in Harare since
last Sunday because floundering Air Zimbabwe does not have aircraft to ferry
them to London while the few international airlines still landing at Harare
International airport have declined to accommodate the passengers.

      Air Zimbabwe, once one of the biggest airlines in Africa, only has one
plane plying international routes at present after most of its aircraft were
grounded because of a critical shortage of spare parts.

      The national airline, which has received several planes from China but
that can only fly shorter domestic routes, had apparently accepted bookings
for the stranded passengers hoping that one of its planes which is
undergoing engine repairs in Germany would be ready to resume operations.

      "The hope was that we would have both planes back in the air but that
was not to be and this is how we ended up with passengers stranded here,"
said a senior official at Air Zimbabwe who refused to be named because he is
not authorised to speak to the press.

      The passengers have been holed up at Crowne Plaza Monomotapa Hotel in
Harare since last Sunday.

      A shortage of foreign currency to buy spares for repairs, years of
under-funding, mismanagement and downright corruption have crippled Air
Zimbabwe. -  ZimOnline


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Part 2: SWRadioafrica's Violet Gonda talks to Zimbabwe women activists

Zim Online

Thu 7 September 2006

      Violet:  Welcome to part two of the teleconference discussion with the
women leaders of the opposition movement in Zimbabwe debating the issue of
mass action unity in the pro-democracy movement.

      Our guests are Jenni Williams, the co-ordinator of the pressure group
Women of Zimbabwe Arise or WOZA; Zimbabwe Women's Activist and former
chairperson of the NCA Thoko Matshe; Secretary for Policy and Research in
the Tsvangirai MDC Sekai Holland and  Deputy Secretary General of the
Mutambara MDC Priscilla Misihairabwi Mushonga.

      Thoko Matshe picks up from where the debate ended last week on whether
or not the people have become spectators waiting for change to happen.

      Thoko:  There's a lot of things that are happening. I was at a meeting
with about 180 women that were dealing with the issues of the struggles that
we've had; the Murambatsvina's and all that. OK?  That was another group
looking at how to survive, how to empower themselves, how to go over their
fear. There are different initiatives that are going. For me, I'm saying two
things alright.

      Those initiatives need somehow to link together to be able to be then
something  that is at a certain point that can push with the same force.
But, secondly, I still think, yes, some people they might not  be
spectators, but they are not putting their mouth where their money is.  They
are more about just the survival, the fighting of the poverty and things
like that and we still have a big chunk of people that think there's
politics out there and there is food that I have got to get and there's
complaining about this and this; me; politics, it's something that I  don't
want to. I still think we have a large chunk of that.

      Sekai: I agree with you Thoko, but I think that really the important
thing there is that the Zimbabwean people again don't have the situation or
the environment of understanding where historically we are at now.  There's
been a sixteen  year guerrilla war of which nobody knows about because
there's no inter-generational connectivity. All we hear is  people saying
they fought the war.

       They are the ones who are beneficiaries; people know they lost
relatives in the war. What have they benefited? No one tells them why they
have not benefited. You have all sorts of divide and rule refined on the
ground. The processes you are talking about Thoko are extremely necessary.
When you cut a tree down, when the leaves start coming out again; that's
where we are at. And, that the linkages you are talking about are  actually
taking place and I really believe that we are on course and we are really
going in the correct direction.

       In the multi-faceted thrust that are taking place, there's been huge
things achieved by yourself when you were in the NCA, by the women's
movement. I keep saying this to everyone all the time that the linkages are
occurring. We don't have a tradition as Africans, as scholars in Africa of
taking the correct subjects in our environment to write and then see how and
what we have achieved, in what time frame and where we need to go.

      Violet:  Now, Jenni, let's get your thoughts on this. You know, even
though there is unity of purpose, do you think it's  essential that people
with different approaches find different paths?

      Jenni: I think you know we shouldn't over-theorise this problem
because I think that we might think that we are theorising and we will find
a solution, but I think actually therein lies our problem; we have theorised
too much. It's time to stop talking and start doing something.  And, if we
start to do something, all those initiatives that are happening here and
there could become more focused and when you start to do things those people
who are wanting to do and stop  talking will begin to take steps in one
direction and focus.

      The bottom line that we have is we can call an election as part of
mass action, but the point is that we have someone who's an expert at
rigging elections. We now can no longer exercise those democratic rights.
The only way open to us is people power and that involves doing things and
not theorising, and I think, for me, that is the bottom line. The other
issue is on the liberation war. Yes, a liberation war was fought, but what
is the result?  T

      he result is further disempowerment of the people. The result is there
is no health, there are no jobs, no facilities, there's no education; all of
those things. But, it's time to stop complaining about those. Remove the
system that has put this further persecution in place, and the only way we
can do that is by doing  something.

      If we talk of social justice we can now complain on and on and on, but
now the time is to demand it. And, the only way we can demand it is people
power in the street with those brave enough to do it. If they're not brave
enough and they want to spend time cooking it in the kitchen, please let
them stay there and let other people get out and actually start doing it.

      Violet:  Priscilla, can you comment on this? Jenni says people want to
see tangible results

      Priscilla:  I think what the problem is, the basic problem in this
country is that we have created individuals and institutions who believe
that they are the only ones who are able to do certain things in a certain
way, and we therefore create a crisis of expectations. I still go back to my
point Violet.

      Mass action is only but one; going into the streets is only but one
way of pushing and pressurising the regime. There are other ways and other
methods of pressurising the regime so that it can open up spaces.  In fact,
sometimes I actually think that it is because we have become so
one-dimensional that we create the kind of problems that we face as
Zimbabweans.

      We go out and we say to Zimbabweans: the only way to get rid of this
regime is for people to go into the streets. Some of us have participated in
mass actions and final pushes before. We have had women getting raped, we
have had homes being destroyed and there has not been any support system in
this country; not any support systems in the international world, not the
view to create strategy in different areas.

      In Nkayi it may be a different thing altogether, it may be about
mobilising people and making sure that they go and say 'we will not have a
ZANU PF representative in this place, whether it's in council,  whether it's
in parliament, whether it's in Senate.' Elections are part of a legitimate
struggle in this country. We will not remove the Mugabe regime until we are
able to get people to get into those areas and vote, and I don't agree with
people, I know that elections have been rigged, but they've been rigged
because we have not been able to sufficiently  move the numbers that we need
to be able to ensure that this regime does not.

      And, even when it's done, we need to have the legitimate basis to
mobilise people. People don't get mobilised if they don't see something has
been stolen from them at this time. It doesn't matter which country you look
at where people have gone to the streets and been able to push a regime to
change a position. It's been after people have been pushed either told that
something have been stolen from them, which is why we all say that 2002 was
probably the time in which we could have been able to mobilise the
sufficient numbers that are there.

      But, my basic line Violet is that let's start appreciating that
everybody who's doing anything in this country is doing a  good job.  We
only need to begin to live. It's not the person just going into the street
and been arrested who is doing something that will remove the regime. It's
that woman who like I said walks 85kms to go to a rally, knowing pretty well
that they will be in trouble tomorrow, they are doing something to remove
the regime.

      Let's encourage them and let's say 'you are doing a good job, and what
more do you need to do? The WOZA women who get arrested over the weekend or
over one weekend and stayed singing in the cells, lets encourage them so
that the regime is dealing with multi faceted processes and procedures. So,
not one person has an answer to the problems of this country. You can say
that, then you can begin to move together. But, unfortunately, we have a
situation when somebody says that their strategy and their way of doing
things is the only way that you can get the regime out. That is not true,
and it will not happen.

      Violet:  Now Thoko what can you say about this? It seems, if I heard
Jenni correctly, she says that it's time for action and Priscilla says mass
action is not the only way. Now it seems there is a huge divide in terms of
social standing such that people don't agree on the formula for the
Zimbabwean crisis. You know, some say there appears to be a shared goal but
there seems not to be a united view. Shouldn't there be a meeting of minds
between feminists, intellectuals and the grassroots?

      Thoko: Ah it would be ideal to have a meeting of the minds and we all
go on, but also I think people are saying different things in a certain way,
and, I think I do agree with Priscilla where she says our definition of mass
action is wanting to see people in the streets tomorrow kind of thing. I
think that is problematic.

      That also negates, like Sekai said, all the other things that are
happening and the other co-operation that is happening. And, for me, it's
saying that all those should be encouraged so that we have more people
actually taking part because my point of contention is that there  are too
few people struggling. There is that woman who walks that much, there are
those 100 and whatever women from WOZA who do something, there is the MDC
trying to mobilise within their structures, but, we do not have the critical
mass that is relevant and that talks to actually the hardships of this
country.

      And, I think the hardships of this country, the response from me as an
individual old Zimbabwean does not match what we want to do.  Yes, there are
quite a lot of people doing a lot of things, but those quite a lot of people
and a lot of initiatives need much more of us to do.  And, there is also the
need then to recognise that there will be different strategies and that bit
where people are working together, they should strengthen that and make it
visible most probably.

      Also, the other thing is that people  want to see what they want to
see, and they will then not see what might be there. But, my contention is
that with all of us Zimbabweans that we really need to be involved in some
of all those initiatives and processes that are happening and maybe have a
way of strengthening them so that the pockets of action can also build a
bulk work to pushing what we want to push through.

      Jenni: What I'm concerned about.

      Sekai:  There was something about theory and that people should stop
theorising.

      Violet:  Sekai, just a sec, I think Jenni wanted to comment to what
Thoko has just said, is that correct?

      Jenni:  Yes, I wanted to respond to Thoko and also maybe to ask a
question of Priscilla.  Here, I want us to be very clear, because activists
like myself, radical activists like myself look at the definition of mass
action in terms of non-violent people power demanding social justice,
demanding their rights on bread and butter issues. And, we are  just
concerned, as the women of WOZA that there is a re-defining of that word
mass action.

      It is re-defined by  politicians, it's being re-defined by the media
and it's something that we are very worried about and, perhaps, for
purposes of this interview, it is important for us to define what we are
referring to because I have no objection to what Priscilla is doing, to what
Amai Holland is doing. Those are important processes, I have no wish to be
in Parliament, but we need a democratic system that will come into place and
be ready to bring a new democratic dispensation when the  people power have
achieved their demand for social justice.  We must be clear, but for me a
woman walking 65 kms to go and attend a rally is exercising her political
right but it is NOT mass action.  Mass action for me is action and it is by
the masses in one fell scoop in a non-violent activity.

      Violet:  Priscilla, can you respond?

      Priscilla:  In fact, that's where the problem is. For me, it's about
civic disobedience; it's about pressurising the regime. Elections in this
country are in fact about pressurising the regime. Elections are not a
luxury in this country. Anybody who decides to stand for election in this
country is basically standing up to a regime.

      They can die, their children can die, they can lose their jobs, they
can literally lose their livelihood. So for anybody to think that because
they have walked in the streets and they have been arrested that is mass
action. That is not true. Civic disobedience comes in various forms and it's
important that we respect that. We respect the fact there are certain
individuals right now who are in civic movements who are unable to live in
their homes because just the mere fact of being said you are in the  ZCTU,
the mere fact of being called you are in the NCA, the mere fact that you are
Pius Ncube means you have stood up to a regime.

      This is an activist Pius Ncube by what he's saying and what he's
doing, he's mobilising people power. So it's not about the person who's
going into the street only who can call themselves a radical activist.
Anybody who  stands up to the regime is having some form of civic
disobedience, they are beating on the system. There are risks one  way or
the other and the more we begin to appreciate that it doesn't matter what
they have done or what we are doing, everything is equal in terms of beating
the system.

      In fact, it goes back to the ZANU PF mentality where ZANU PF  believes
that the only person who is said to have dealt with the Smith regime is the
one who held the gun. They are not the only people that were in the struggle
that got the Smith regime down. The people that were in outside that
mobilised the international community to put sanctions on the Smith regime
were standing up to the regime; they were  fighters. The women that carried
the sadzas on their back during the pungwe were beating on the regime.

      They may  not have held the guns, they may not have shot the soldier,
but they did a part and everybody is a radical activist in  whatever manner.
And that woman who is walking, as far as I'm concerned, it is not just
exercising a political right, it is saying a statement; it is saying 'to
hell with you Robert', deny me food but I will continue to be publicly
associated with something that you say should not happen in this country.

      That's where we need to get back to and that's where my  bone of
contention is. The more we respect and thank everybody, no-one is having a
luxury in this system. Everybody, in whatever way they are doing are having
disobedience; they are beating on the system and trying to weaken the
system. You may not think it is the right way, but they are doing something.

      Violet:  Amai Holland we will come to you just now but I just.

      Sekai:  I have no electricity, I haven't had water, it's now dark, I
can't even write things down so I can go on with the conversation as well,
but can I just say something I am thinking about now about what Priscilla
and Jenni are saying?

      Violet: Alright, OK

      Sekai:  Really, time for clichés is gone, if we don't have our theory
right our practice also doesn't come out right. If we understood more our
history of what happened before us we might get our mass action correct
because all the actions that people are taking now in their different
outposts, which is how it looks now, is working towards the actual action
that we all want.

      So, I really think that we should, when we have a debate like this,
try and listen to what each of us is saying. Because, what each of us is
saying is extremely important in putting in the big pot. I'm sorry I'm
talking in the dark because it's quite dark now and we have no water or
electricity here in Woodville.

      Violet:  That's Zimbabwe for you! Now, I just wanted to go back to
Jenni Williams because I am sure she would like to respond to what Priscilla
was saying. And, I wanted to add a question for Jenni that do you believe
that the intellectual and/or the feminist agenda is relevant to the daily
existence of people in Zimbabwe at present?

      Thoko: Hey! Violet why do you divide and rule us!

      Violet  No I.

      Jenni: Firstly, I think, what I wanted to clarify, and this I think
this is why we could have been more focused on exactly what we were
debating, because I agree that civil disobedience comes in many forms and
that many Zimbabweans are not spectators; they are civilly disobedient or
respecting their rights more than anyone else.

      But, you know, I still come  back to the point here of we need to be
more responsible in what we are defining mass action as, and, when we talk
about it, what exactly are we talking about.  And why we have a special
point, and I am belabouring this, is because it's  something, mass action is
a terminology and words that is thrown out, in my view, very irresponsibly.

      It's something that  needs to be planned and done very, very carefully
and non violently. So I still want us to be clear are we talking of  mass
action or are we talking of civil disobedience because we can argue all of
those points but get nowhere.

      The other issue here is it is very important that every single person
is engaged in the Zimbabwean struggle and they are engaged because there
aren't special shops for intellectuals, there aren't special shops for ZANU
PF people, there aren't special shops for feminists.  There's only one place
and one type of bearers cheque, courtesy of Gideon Gono,  that you buy with.

      They all have to be engaged.  But for me the bottom line is it's the
mothers who are facing most of  the burden; the women in Zimbabwe who are
carrying most of that burden on their shoulders and they aren't really
interested in great intellectual discourse and they don't even really want
to know what a feminist is because what they want to know is how can I
demand a socially just Zimbabwe where I will genuinely have rights and my
children will  have those rights and I can feel that the liberation struggle
has come to something, because right now, most  Zimbabweans think it came to
naught.

      And I think that for me is the major, major thing, we don't want to be
divide and  rule but right now, unless an intellectual and a feminist is
prepared to come and rub shoulders with those ordinary  people in the street
who make up the masses, that's why it's mass action, we aren't going to get
very far.

      Violet:  That was Part Two in a series of discussions with the women
leaders of the opposition movement in Zimbabwe.   There clearly needs to be
a uniting force to bring groups together to fight for change and Zimbabweans
are looking for  role models.

      But, there are concerns that divisions still exist within the
opposition movement.  In next week's discussion  we see that feelings
between the camps are still raw and that a level of  mistrust continues to
haunt the opposition  groups.  The key issues are given a full airing as the
debate continues, so don't miss the final segment next Tuesday.


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Now Zim's sick can get note from witch doctor

IOL

          September 06 2006 at 01:47PM

      Harare - Witch doctors in Zimbabwe have been given the authority to
issue their patients with sick notes allowing them time off work, it was
reported on Wednesday.

      A senior official in the ministry of health also said that
conventional doctors should be allowed to refer problem cases to the nangas
or traditional healers.

      But the healers will not be allowed to give their patients more than a
week off work, Deputy Health Minister Edwin Muguti was quoted as saying by
the state-controlled Herald newspaper.

      "It has become obvious that conventional medicines are not the be all
of medicine for if they were, why else would we still have HIV, BP, asthma,
all of which have no cure," Muguti said.

      "It is important that we encourage our traditional medical
practitioners and conventional doctors to work together for the benefit of
our people," he said.

      Rising medical costs have put conventional medical treatment out of
the reach of many and increasing numbers of Zimbabweans are reported to be
turning to nangas for help.

      There has also been an upsurge in the number of faith healers, some of
whom dangerously claim to cure HIV and Aids, which affects around one in
five Zimbabweans.

      There are at least 1 500 registered traditional healers in Zimbabwe,
the Herald reports. Only those registered with the Traditional Medical
Practitioners Council will be allowed to give patients off days, it added.

      Zimbabwe, which is in the middle of a severe economic crisis, is
critically short of qualified medical doctors and nursing staff, many of
whom have left the country to practice abroad.

      Traditional beliefs still hold a lot of sway in Zimbabwean society.

      In July, President Robert Mugabe warned officials from his ruling
Zanu-PF party not to consult witch doctors over the thorny issue of who will
succeed him.

      The president, who has been in power for 26 years, is expected to step
down when his current term ends in 2008. - Sapa-dpa


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Cash-strapped Zim police are 'struggling'

IOL

          September 06 2006 at 12:50PM

      Harare - Zimbabwe's police chief said his force is starved for funds
and lacks basic equipment to carry out its job, a local newspaper reported
Wednesday.

      "We as police are at a minimum in terms of resources," the private
Daily Mirror quoted the police commissioner, Augustine Chihuri, as saying.

      Chihuri told a parliamentary committee on defence and home affairs
that the police force was given Z$1,4-billion (R40,3-million) this year but
the money ran out in a month.

      "We had to make an urgent appeal to government saying they have to
give us money or we close shop and stop operating, and we were given
Z$15-billion dollars," the state-run Herald newspaper quoted him as saying.

      The police boss said the criminal investigations department (CID) was
operating with makeshift equipment, or none at all.

      "The CID needs basic equipment like brushes, rape kits and DNA testing
equipment," Chihuri told the Daily Mirror.

      "In most cases we end up using mechanical evidence rather than
scientific evidence which is more reliable."

      Zimbabwe's police force, often accused of brutalising civilians during
protests, is one of various state departments bearing the brunt of the
country's economic crisis.

      Police officers often use commuter buses or cycle or walk to crime
scenes as police stations either do not have cars or fuel to run the few
available vehicles.

      They were dealt a further blow when a British vehicle manufacturer
stopped suppling them with spares following an embargo by Zimbabwe's
erstwhile partners in the West.

      The southern African country is in the throes of economic crisis
characterised by record inflation which peaked at nearly 1 200 percent in
April and chronic shortages of fuel and basic foodstuffs. - Sapa-AFP


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Deep In Red, Harare Ruling Party Solicits Funds For Annual Conference

VOA

By Blessing Zulu
      Washington
      05 September 2006

Zimbabwe's ruling party has come under fire for demanding donations of cash,
cattle or maize from civil servants, farmers and businesses to help finance
the party's annual conference to be held in Goromonzi, Mashonaland East, in
December.

The unwelcome solicitations have been organized by by Rural Housing Minister
Joe Biggie Matiza, also finance secretary for ZANU-PF's Mashonaland East
organization. The conference will be held at a school in Goromonzi, 40
kilometers from Harare.

Business sources including bank executives who spoke on condition that they
not be named, said they have been pressured by ZANU-PF to make cash
donations.

ZANU-PF insiders said party finances are in bad shape because companies
controlled by the political organization, such as Zidco Holdings, M&S
Syndicate, First Banking Corporation, Jongwe Printers and Treger Holdings,
are deep in the red.

U.S. and European sanctions may have had something to do with this. M&S in
2004 was placed on a list of sanctioned Zimbabwean businesses which are
denied access to the U.S. financial system, among other so-called targeted
sanctions.

An investigation by ZANU-PF Finance Secretary David Karimanzira and
ex-finance Minister Simba Makoni was launched upon receipt of a damning
external audit which cited serious problems in party finances. Political
Commissar Elliot Manyika declined to comment on the probe or donation
requests, referring all questions to Matiza.

For commentary and perspective on the ruling party's solicitation of funds,
reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe turned to human rights
lawyer Jacob Mafume, who is also coordinator of the Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition.


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Zimplats fate in balance over electricity supply

Business Report

September 6, 2006

By Justin Brown

Johannesburg - Zimbabwe Platinum Mines (Zimplats), which is 87 percent owned
by South Africa's second-largest platinum mining company, Impala Platinum
(Implats), is concerned about Zimbabwe's deteriorating power supply
infrastructure, which is a critical factor in the company's overall growth
strategy.

Implats chief executive David Brown said last week that a key issue for the
company in Zimbabwe was certainty of electricity supply.

"Power supply is critical to the success of future development," Zimplats
chief executive Greg Sebborn said in the company's 2006 annual report, which
was released yesterday.

"Zimplats will urgently engage the government and the Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply Authority on ways to source and secure adequate power supplies for
its growth plans," Sebborn added.

Zimplats current electricity base load is projected at 50 megawatts during
the company's year to June 2007.

Zimplats produced 90 000 ounces of platinum in the year to June and the
company wants to increase output to 160 000 ounces at a cost of $258 million
(R1.9 billion) by financial 2011. The Ngezi expansion on the Great Dyke in
Zimbabwe will see two new underground mines built, as well as a smelter. In
addition, the group has initiated a study to increase its platinum
production to 300 000 ounces an annum. Over 15 to 20 years, Zimplats would
increase its annual platinum output to 1 million ounces.

During the phase one expansion to 160 000 ounces, Zimplats power need was
expected to grow to about 75MW, followed by 125MW during phase two, over
200MW in phase three and 400MW during phase four, according to the Zimplats
annual report.

Zimbabwe is vital to Implats production growth as the company has limited
options in South Africa.

Zimplats faces a number of threats in Zimbabwe, including uncertainty over
the indigenisation requirements and skyrocketing inflation. An
indigenisation requirement of 30 percent was realistic, while the Zimbabwean
government persisted with 51 percent, said Brown. "The economic and
sociopolitical environment in Zimbabwe has unfortunately deteriorated
further," said chairman Mike Houston.

Houston also expressed concern about the negative impact that the extended
economic downturn was having on Zimbabwe's infrastructure, in particular the
power supply, which might impact on Zimplats operations.


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Harare Taxpayers Move to Block House Sale to Commission Chairwoman

VOA

By Jonga Kandemiiri
      Washington
      05 September 2006

Taxpayers who want to block the sale of a house in the posh Highlands
section of the capital to Harare Commission Chairwoman Sekesai Makwavarara
for a fraction of its value are stepping up action following news she made a
deposit on the deal.

Reports said Makwavarara made a Z$1.4 million ($US5,600) down-payment last
week on the property. The payment was regarded by many as a tactical move in
a battle to conclude the sale that will be decided by a committee her
commission appointed.

Critics including he Combined Harare Residents Association have objected to
the sale because the house on Reinfontein Close has an estimated market
value of Z$13.75 million but is proposed for sale to Makwavarara for just
Z$5.5 million dollars.

The basis for such a deeply discounted sale is the so-called "standing
resolution" that the Harare City Council passed in the days before 2002 when
it was controlled by the ruling Zanu-PF party. The government installed the
commission in 2004, setting aside an MDC mayor and most of the capital's
elected city council.

Former Harare Mayor Elias Mudzuri, now a top official in the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change faction led by party founder Morgan
Tsvangirai, said the value of such a municipal property, and the discounted
price, should be set by the elected council, in the absence of which the
sale to Makwavarara should not go through.

Residents have until September 13 to make known their objections to the
sale.

Opponents of the sale include the ZANU-PF Harare provincial party. Its
spokesman, William Nhara, told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7
for  Zimbabwe that his party also wants to dissolve the commission and hand
local government back to an elected council once the Makwavarara housing
saga has been resolved.


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Experts Downgrade Maize Harvest Estimates As Grain Sits Uncollected

VOA

By Jonga Kandemiiri
      Washington
      06 September 2006

Though the maize harvest season is well past and planting season is coming
up fast, Zimbabwe's Grain Marketing Board state monopoly has still not
collected thousands of tonnes of maize sitting in piles by the country's
rural roadsides for lack of trucks and fuel. This and other factors are
leading experts to revise down harvest estimates.

Agriculture Secretary Simon Pazvakavambwa told the parliamentary committee
on agriculture this week that there remains much maize to be collected. He
also told the committee that staff members of the GMB intelligence section
had been dispatched in advance around the country to determine the actual
collection situation.

The government has estimated the maize harvest at 1.35 million metric
tonnes, but some experts say that it is not likely to exceed 700,000 tonnes.

Asked for figures on how much maize it has collected and how much is
estimated to remain in the hands of producers, the Grain Marketing Board
referred the request to the Agriculture Ministry, which did not respond to a
faxed questionnaire. The GMB said recently that it has already collected
230,000 tonnes of maize.

Opposition agriculture spokesman Renson Gasela, a member of the Movement for
Democratic Change faction led by Arthur Mutambara, told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that official delays in collecting
maize and paying farmers could lead farmers to reduce acreage planted in
maize next season.


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Journalist Paints Bleak Picture for Media in Zimbabwe

pbs.org

Digging Deeper

by Mark Glaser, 11:23AM

 The government shuts down independent newspapers. It jams radio signals
from outside the country. Internet access is sporadic. Inflation is out of
control. A bill is in Parliament  that would allow the government to censor
private email communications.

Welcome to Zimbabwe, the south African country born out of the former
Rhodesia in 1980 and led by strongman President Robert Mugabe every day
since its independence from British colonialism. Though the country has
immense natural beauty including the Victoria Falls and wildlife, it also
has a rough recent history for punishing and censoring the press. Reporters
Without Borders rates Zimbabwe's press freedom as a very serious situation .
(You can read the country's capsule history here .)

Authorities closed down four newspapers after a 2002 law was passed, the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), which made it a
crime to be a journalist without a special government-issued license.

Recently, I received an email from Zimbabwean freelance journalist, Frank
Chikowore (pictured above), who was looking for assignments from Western
media outlets. I had written about the trouble for the Zimbabwean media
before for Online Journalism Review, covering the Daily News moving
operations online. Chikowore, 26, updated me on the deteriorating situation
there for independent journalists, who he says now have to live like "street
beggars" if they aren't working for the state-run media.

While former Zimbabwe-based journalists have moved out of the country and
set up their own news sites such as ZimOnline  and NewZimbabwe , the
remaining journalists are faced with a choice of toeing the party line for
Mugabe or facing possible jail time or worse for reporting the truth.
Chikowore spent a horrifying night in jail in 2005 after filming police
beating street vendors.

The following is an edited version of my email correspondence with
Chikowore, who told me how bad things were for journalists in Zimbabwe - and
he has little hope for the Internet becoming a transformative force inside
Zimbabwe, where so few people have access to the Net.

Tell me a bit about your background in journalism.

Frank Chikowore: I started my journalism in 1999 with a provincial newspaper
called The Nation that was covering stories for Matabeleland North Province,
a province for the Ndebele minority. By then I was 19 years old and now I am
26. Because I could not pay for my rentals and bills with the salary I was
getting, I took the "hard decision" (by then) to be a freelance journalist.
My work was published by several media organizations, both print and
electronic. That was before I was employed by the Weekly Times in 2005 as a
senior reporter. Unfortunately, the paper was banned by the government in
the same year and I was rendered jobless together with other employees. Up
until today, I have been freelancing.

What's the current state of the press in Zimbabwe?

Chikowore: The media in Zimbabwe is so polarized. The government controls
the majority of the newspapers. It also runs all the radio stations and the
only television station that the country has. We have only one independent
daily newspaper which is not so independent as it is being run by well-known
state security agents who were exposed in what became to be known as the
Mediagate scandal . I am talking of the Daily Mirror which is published by
the Zimbabwe Mirror Newspapers Group. The group also publishes one weekly
paper, The Sunday Mirror.

Four newspapers have been closed by the government since the promulgation of
the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) in March
2002. These include the Daily News, the Daily News on Sunday, The Weekly
Times and The Tribune. Several journalists are living like street beggars as
a result of these closures.

Tell me about the time you were arrested in 2005 by police. How long were
you in jail and how did you get out?

Chikowore: I had just finished an assignment when I bumped into police
details beating vendors whom they accused of illegally dealing in foreign
currency and making the city of Harare dirty. I started filming the
incident. The police pounced after realizing that I was capturing their
heinous activities on camera. They assaulted me with cleched fists, booted
feet and butts of their guns. The police details used the sharp-pointed
front part of the gun to assault me. It was really painful. If the trigger
had been pulled by mistake during the beating, I would have been history by
now. At one point the gun was pointed onto my head. I am short of words to
explain how I felt at that moment.tears. That was the first time I turned to
God.

They took me to Harare Central Police Station, beating me along the way,
accusing me of being an enemy of the state. It was difficult for my lawyers
to locate me as I was being taken from one room to the other. They found me
after about three hours of searching. Normally it takes less than five
minutes to locate a prisoner at the station. What boggles my mind is that
the police went on to assault me even though I had a government license to
practice journalism. Even if I didn't have the accreditation, the police had
no right to assault me. It was horrible, the cells were overcrowded and they
were very filthy.

I was in jail for one night, in an overcrowded cell with no access to food
and water. For me, a night in jail was like a decade because of the inhuman
conditions that prisoners are living in. If I had a choice, I wouldn't go
there (to the police cells) again. It was like I had been sentenced already.
They accused me of all sorts of things, including mercenarism. They asked me
about a shadowy organization calling itself Zvakwana that is a strong critic
of President Robert Mugabe's administration. Frankly, I do not know who
was/is behind this shadowy group. I am actually interested in getting to
know who is calling the shots in this organization just like the police are.
But the police would hear none of it.

I was released without charges being leveled against me, thanks to the Media
Institute of Southern Africa and Harare lawyer Jessie Fungai Majome who
facilitated my release. The police could not charge me because I was doing
my duties lawfully, they had not basis whatsoever for leveling criminal
charges against me.

[For first-person accounts from Chikowore on his jail experience, read this
story  and this one .]

Do you fear that reporting news in Zimbabwe is dangerous and that you could
be arrested again? How do you protect yourself from that?

Chikowore: When one is a journalist in Zimbabwe, he or she must be prepared
to be arrested anytime. I remember a time when I lost my girlfriend because
she didn't want to be associated with journalists for they are always
targeted by the state. The fear of being arrested has caused many
journalists not to do their work effectively in some instances. But that is
no excuse for not following the ethics of the profession; one really has to
be serious and aggressive to get the readers and listeners informed.

Be that as it may, I have always tried to be very objective in my reporting.
One cannot claim that he is a protected journalist unless he is working in
cahoots with the state. We are informed that the intelligence has planted
some of its operatives in the media and there has killed debate among
journalists on key issues.

How do journalists get the news out around the censorship? Do they use the
Internet or blogs?

Chikowore: Unfortunately blogging is still very unpopular in Zimbabwe and
most African countries. Of course the use of the Internet has enabled
journalists to transmit their news and information to their readers and
listeners but the cost of doing so is very [high] considering that several
journalists are not gainfully employed and they live by the grace of God. In
fact, journalists have been reduced to beggars in Zimbabwe. Journalists now
use pseudonyms as the government continues with its onslaught against
independent journalists. The cost of registering as a foreign correspondent
has become inhibitive for journalists to register - hence they prefer using
pseudonyms.

Do more people have Internet access now than a few years ago? Are there
cyber cafes? Who can afford Net access?

Chikowore: The majority of the people have no access to the Internet in
their homes. People rely on Internet cafes while those who are privileged to
be working access the Internet at their work places. Even some of the
employed citizens do not have Internet access as it is only restricted to
their bosses. There is generally no improvement in terms of access to the
Internet by the people. Although there are quite a number of Internet
service providers in Zimbabwe today, the only fixed telephone provider,
TelOne, is taking too long to connect phone lines which are used by
subscribers to connect to the Internet. Radio link  is still very unpopular
and expensive for Zimbabweans.

Has the government tried to block Internet sites or access? Which ones?

Chikowore: The government has not blocked any Internet sites but has
proposed a law that will allow state agents to censor email communication
which several human rights activists have condemned saying it undermines the
right to privacy. The bill is before Parliament and it will become law once
Parliament approves it. The chances of it being approved are very high as
President Mugabe's party has a two-thirds parliamentary majority and it is
known for rubber-stamping anything that is brought to Parliament by Zanu PF
[ruling party] members.

The state is currently jamming Studio 7 broadcasts to Zimbabwe. The station
broadcasts Zimbabwean news and information from Voice of America studios in
Washington, DC, and is run by exiled Zimbabwean journalists. The government
has described Studio 7's broadcasts as hostile. The privately owned Voice of
the People (VOP) radio station was also closed recently. Capital Radio was
also closed and SW Radio Africa was jammed at several occasions. The same
happened to Joy TV that was owned by veteran journalist-cum-politician James
Makamba. The media is really not free.

Is there a way for us in the West to help out the situation with journalists
there being beggars?

Chikowore: I would want to urge our media colleagues in the international
community to continue condemning the harassment of media practitioners as
and when it is necessary. This would help in keeping the government on its
toes and at the same [time] I think this would make the operating conditions
better for journalists. I would really encourage other media organizations
to adopt some of the journalists that were left jobless after the closure of
their organizations. That would make them people of better standing in
society. Even getting scholarships for them would be another great idea. At
least that would rehabilitate their disturbed minds.

Do you have hope that things might change there politically or in the media?
What might happen?

Chikowore: The only solution to all the problems we are facing in Zimbabwe
[is] a political solution. The present government has no new ideas and what
is needed is fresh blood. We can still give them the benefit of doubt but
there must be political will which is currently lacking. The media has a
greater potential of developing as the literacy rate is getting higher by
the day, but there is no one who is prepared to invest in the media today
because of the tough legislations that govern the operations of the media.
Until such draconian laws like AIPPA are scrapped, that is when we can talk
of development in the media sector.

*****

CPJ's Take and More Resources
Elisabeth Witchel, the journalist assistance program coordinator for the
Committee to Protect Journalists , has followed the plight of Zimbabwean
journalists  closely. She told me via email that Chikowore's comments about
the terrible situation in Zimbabwe was in line with what she had heard from
other journalists who had left Zimbabwe. Here are some of the main points
she made to me:

  It is important to understand that many journalists who were forced out of
work [in Zimbabwe] are extremely vulnerable to arrest and other forms of
persecution without the protection of established media outlets. Moreover
those who have been driven out of the country are often victims of smear
campaigns by the government. Competition, cultural differences and legal
obstacles make it very difficult for even an experienced, well respected
journalist to find work in his field in a new country.

  Many journalists I met are resourceful, adaptable people who are willing
to work in any capacity they can and have taken service sector and factory
jobs to get by and help their families. Unfortunately when a journalist is
squeezed out of the field and into this kind of work, it gives fodder to the
Mugabe administration to paint an unfair, demeaning picture of its critics.

  Zimbabwe media outside the country - online, print and radio - plays an
important role in keeping the news coming out of Zimbabwe and into the
international community. Sadly penetration of exile media into Zimbabwe is
quite limited, but some does get through and circulates. It also keeps the
Diaspora engaged and informed and able to develop campaigns to bring global
attention to the problems in their country, which many Zimbabwean
journalists feel are underreported in the international media. Blogs can
certainly help bring attention to this and add to the diversity of views and
number of platforms for political debate.


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More white Zim farmers welcomed in Nigeria



      September 6, 2006,

      By Michael Appel

      Johannesburg (AND) Following the expulsion of white farmers from
Zimbabwe in 2002 under the countries controversial land reform project, more
white Zimbabwean farmers have been welcomed in Nigeria in an effort to
further boost the country's agricultural sector.

      The first group of white Zimbabwean farmers entered Nigeria in 2004,
and immediately began work at Shonga, 110 km north of Ilorin, and harvested
their first maize and soya bean crop this year.
      The Nigerian government on Wednesday said it will invite more white
Zimbabwean farmers to come and farm its land, in an effort to boost existing
agricultural programmes, reported the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN).

      Nigeria's state agriculture commissioner, Saka Onimago, said that the
white farmers had brought a lot of economic development to the state.

      The NAN reported that he added, "The project is becoming more
interesting as it has changed the perception of most traditional farmers
about mechanised farming".

      He said Nigeria's commercial farmers were impressed by the farmers
expertise and skill in the mechanised farming.

      20 000 hectares of land are set to be allocated to Zimbabwean farmers
entering the country to boost the agricultural sector of the economy.

      AND Agencies


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Chibhebhe trial threatens to expose illegality of Mugabe's laws



      By Lance Guma
      06 September 2006

      It could be double whammy for Mugabe's regime if lawyers representing
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) Secretary General Wellington
Chibhebhe have their way. What started out as an alleged attempt by the
police to cover up the assault of the union leader is now threatening to
snowball into a test case on the legality of both the Criminal Codification
and Reform Act and Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures) (Currency
Revaluation) Regulations 2006.

      Chibhebhe is on trial for allegedly assaulting a police officer and
resisting arrest at a roadblock manned by police searching for large sums of
money under the controversial 'project sunrise' exercise launched by the
Reserve Bank. Chibhebhe denies the charge and claims it's actually the
police officer that assaulted him. Alec Muchadehama the lawyer in the case
has given notice to the Mbare magistrate court that they want the matter
referred to the Supreme Court so as to challenge both the law being used to
charge his client and the one that empowered the police to search Chibhebhe
in the first place.

      Prosecutor Edmore Nyazamba has indicated that they will oppose the
request by the defence. Meanwhile Mbare magistrate Never Katiyo is expected
to make a ruling on the application on Thursday. Muchadehama says they do
not expect to get a negative decision unless the magistrate decides to take
the view that 'the application is frivolous or vexatious.' This he says will
require that they appeal, but either way the matter would wind up in the
Supreme Court.

      Police at a roadblock assaulted Chibhebhe before arresting him.
According to ZCTU spokesman Mlamleli Sibanda, Chibhebhe was travelling from
Masvingo to Harare over the Heroes holiday in August before being stopped.
He is said to have challenged the legality of the currency searches at which
point an officer throttled him and slapped him twice in the face while he
was still sitting in the car wearing his seat belt. All this happened in
front of his wife and children. The state media quickly went on the
defensive with ZBC Radio reporting that he had been arrested for assaulting
a police officer and refusing to co-operate at a roadblock.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news


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Save the burning nation

zimbabwejournalists.com

      By Tabani Moyo

      ON the 29th of July 2006, an estimated 500 leaders from the church,
student movements, labour, political parties, women's movement and the civil
society at large convened at the Rainbow Tours grounds under the umbrella
banner of The Save Zimbabwe Convention.

      The convention was in response to the intricate Zimbabwean crisis
borne out of the corrosive government policies and equally so the
illegitimacy of the Robert Mugabe led government. This article shall revolve
around the out come of the convention and how it feeds to the grand picture
of liberating the country from the precipice of socio-political and economic
demise.

      The convention, which was convened by the Christian Alliance came out
with seven noble resolutions and adopted the Democracy Charter as the main
instruments of challenging the enigma demeanour of Zanu PF holding into
power till perpetuity.

      Chief among them is resolution number one, which saw the afore stated
pro-democracy movements pledging unity against the faggots of the oppressive
regime that has clung to power for the past quarter of a century through
both hook and crook.

      On the other end, the Democracy Charter, which is modelled on the same
lines of the Freedom Charter of South Africa that defined the tone of the
struggle against apartheid, was found against the austere of the weakening
of the bodies that have been relentlessly engaging the regime for the past
twenty-five years.

      The outcome of the convention, if enforced will definitely brew a
democratic storm. Kindred storms which defined the face of local politics
such as the students uprisings in the let 1980s against corruption by Robert
Mugabe's "holy cows", the workforce causing pandemonium in the late 90s, the
peasants genuinely roaring for equitable land distribution programme, the
constitutional processes which led to the 2000 referendum, and the gallant
victories in the 2000, 2002 and 2005 elections which were robbed by Zanu PF
through defective electoral processes and constitutional framework will
become inevitable.

      It is in tandem with resolution number one, that the above stated
movements which long graduated from the brutality of the incumbent state
should enforce the resolutions in a bid to save the nation from the razor
sharp jaws of Zanu PF. The Democracy Charter will serve as the campus and
glue to keep the mammoth ship on course. This approach has produced
favourable results in the land mine political environment in countries such
as Kenya, Sebia, South Africa to mention just but a few.

      The Unity resolution, is a milestone in that it notes the religious
task by the government since the early 1980s of using both the legal and
illegal means of weakening progressive forces in its bid to maintain the
status quo.

      The state footprints are evident in the formation of surrogate
organisations to promote the state citadels against its dwindling power
base. Sullenness organisations such as ZICOSU, Zimbabwe Federation of Trade
Unions, National Development Assembly (as revealed by Professor Jonathan
Moyo) sprouted from the Zanu PF coffers to undermine the splendid work of
Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU), Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) and National Constitutional Assembly respectively.

      The recent co-opting of the Bishop Manhanga led church wing forms part
of the dragnet strategy of the regime, which it has been employing for the
better part of its existence. The realisation by Zanu PF of its power
erosion led to the manifestation of the one party state agenda through the
use of coercion and extra-legal methodologies, firstly culminating in the
subjugation and imminent swallowing of Zapu. The co-option of the war
veterans, peasants from the broader impetus movement spell out with alacrity
the need of a unified approach towards the regime.

      Resolution number five is quoted as saying: "We resolve that there is
need for sustainable and peaceful democratic mass resistance to create a
situation where the government is compelled to talk to its people to resolve
the crisis. This should be done through the creation of a broad alliance for
coordinated efforts."

      It is in this area that both the civil society and the opposition
political parties have been limping specifically in the aftermath of what
the late Professor Masipula Sithole referred to as the "stolen election".
There has been a lack of consistence in the opposition after the 2002
presidential election towards exploring this avenue, with the June 2003
"final push" being the exceptional case in settling for the democratic
resistance as a viable option of holding the regime accountable for its
record high human rights abuses and the prevailing kwashiorkor mind set on
national issues.

      The opposition political parties have an umbilical role of providing a
democratic alternative and raising the cost of authoritarian rule to the
citizenry. The post 2002 period generally been barren of such a leadership
role from the opposition, failing to capture the pregnancy of anger that was
boiling in the majority of the oppressed people of Zimbabwe. In this the
opposition political parties should redeem themselves by committing to the
execution of resolution number five, failure of which the people of Zimbabwe
shall render them irrelevant. Politicking has got a limit, sloganeering does
not aid in any form to the political, social and economic solutions that are
long overdue.

      Instead, the civil society has been on the forefront engaging in
sporadic protests against the iron feast rule of the regime. Institutions
such as the NCA, ZCTU, ZINASU, WOZA have been persecuted for engaging in the
constitutional processes. I am not taking anything away from these brave
efforts, but their demonstrations were not continuous and persistent, in the
process injuring the cadres who took time to recover from the police
brutality before engaging another protest. In the spirit of the Save
Zimbabwe Convention, there is a paradox need for keeping the protests
impetus rolling to rejuvenate the nation's spirit of participating in the
political processes and re-igniting the ever fading hope of a new political
dispensation that is found on firm foundation of constitutionalism,
separation of institutional power, independency of electoral organs and
respect of the rule of law.

      The opposition has remained without response as Mugabe and his cronies
trudged on the vulnerable groups of the society through the execution of
crude Operations such as Operation Restore Order (Murambatsvina) and
Operation Sunrise. It is in such moments of national adversity that the
opposition is mandated to behave like an alternative option by undermining
the regime's misconstrued assumption of being the deity status by virtue of
having led the nation during the liberation struggle.

      During Ian Smith's tenure of office, what made the nationalist
movements relevant was the ability to offer an alternative to the prevailing
political order that was marred by segregation, repressive laws and the
minority hegemony over public goods such as the land. What made Smith gave
in to a negotiated settlement was not imbedded in the globe trotting
packages nor empty sloganeering which will sound nothing closer to the
desire for change but more of career politicking. In the people of Zimbabwe
will fall back into the nostalgia of the gallant sons and daughters who lost
their lives in the struggle for a just and free nation. Their names are
still written as the rocks and foundations of the millennium struggles,
whenever the opposition fails to forward the same cause they died for,
Zimbabweans will secure other alternatives.

      Everything under the sun is working against the regime with inflation
in a quadrant digit, unemployment ragging at more than 85%, food shortages,
collapse in social services, escalating costs of education and health among
other copious symptoms of the governance crisis. Any opposition worth its
salt could harness such fertile soils as a platform of exhibiting the
alternative solutions to Zimbabweans. The situation at hand is not conducive
for personality parrot singing, for the majority it is a matter of life and
death. The failure by the opposition to stick to its perennial promises of
"change coming soon", is tantamount to dicing with the same lives which
commissioned the formation of the same part. Opposition political parties
should start behaving and start using the language that resonates with the
people who were instrumental in its conception, the workers.

      A comprehensive constitutional framework was also enunciated as one of
the panacea to the multi-layered crisis. This is yet another milestone which
if engaged with persistence will lead to a new people driven constitutional
settlement that would become a contract between the people of Zimbabwe and
their government on how they want to be governed.

      The campaign for a new constitution should however be unpacked into
messages that are familiar with the people in the marginalized areas of the
country. The need for a new constitution should be outlined in the bread and
butter issues. To the majority of the people of Gokwe for example, their
lives revolve on farming the cash crop, cotton. What they need is
fertiliser, logistics to the market place, the seed and calling for a new
constitution will be a secondary issue. There is a need therefore to marry
the constitution to the better selling conditions of the produce and
elaborating on how the constitution would stop the barbarism by the Grain
Marketing Board of confiscating the gain they laboured for the whole season.
Without such modalities being put in place, it will remain 'just another
concept'.

      It is in this spirit that Jesus Christ, during his last super,
converged with his disciples shared bread and wine and reminded them to keep
on doing the same in his absence. The all stake holders should make the same
commitment of facing the ghost in the eyes as they elaborately spelt it in
the last paragraph of the resolutions, "In making these resolutions the
convention is reminded that for them to succeed it is our collective
responsibility to make them succeed. Like many before us we therefore commit
ourselves to walking side by side in the struggle to achieve the Zimbabwe we
want." The struggle for a free and just Zimbabwe shall therefore continue,
aluta continua.

      Tabani Moyo is a journalist based in Gokwe. He can be conducted on,
      rebeljournalist@yahoo.com


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Ongoing harassment of WOZA activists

OMCT.org - World Organisation Against Torture

New information
ZWE 002 / 0206 / OBS 015.1
Not guilty verdict / Arbitrary arrests /
Releases / Judicial proceedings
Zimbabwe
September 5, 2006

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint
programme of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), has received new
information and requests your urgent intervention in the following situation
in Zimbabwe.

New information:
The Observatory has been informed by reliable sources, including Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), that the Rotten Row Magistrates Court
declared 63 members of the NGO Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) not guilty on
August 28, 2006. Yet, the harassment of WOZA activists continues.

According to the information received, on August 28, 2006, 63 members of
WOZA were found not guilty in a ruling by the Rotten Row Magistrates Court,
after a trial that lasted 14 days. The women were facing charges of
"breaching the peace", under Chapter 9.15 of the Miscellaneous Offences Act
Section 7 (C), whilst conducting a Valentine's Day protest outside
Parliament in Harare on February 14, 2006 (See background information).

The Observatory thanks all the persons, organisations and institutions,
which intervened in favour of all WOZA activists in this case.

However, on August 21, 2006, over 200 activists from WOZA took the streets
in the city of Bulawayo in order to protest over the introduction and
implementation of the Monetary Policy by the Governor of the Reserve Bank.
Among the concerns of the women's organisation were the arbitrary searches,
confiscation and subsequent depositing of old bearer cheques with
authorities from the Reserve Bank. In the open letter that WOZA members
wanted to deliver to the Governor, they protested against the government's
alleged solution to Zimbabwe's economic crisis, the so-called "Operation
Sunrise".

At around 11:15 am, the activists began their procession along Main Street.
They were then intercepted by the police at the corner of Leopold Takawira
Avenue and Main Street. The police arrested 153 of the women, who were
brought to five separate holding places and police cells, namely: Bulawayo
Central, Saucitown Police Station, Mzilikazi, Queens Park, and Barbourfields
Police. Later on that day, their lawyers managed to secure the release of 39
persons, on condition that they report to Bulawayo Central Police everyday
until the date of the initial appearance in court.

During their arrest, Ms. Ephy Khumalo, one of WOZA activists, fell from the
police truck and sustained a fractured arm. Besides, several juveniles
complained of beatings while being interrogated by members of the Law and
Order Section at Bulawayo Central before being released into the custody of
their lawyers.

On August 23, 2006, the activists appeared in court and were charged for
contravening section 37(1) (b) of the Criminal Law Codification and Reform
Act, which provides that "any person acting together with one or more other
persons present with him or her in any place or at any meeting performs any
action, utters any words or distributes or displays any writing, sign or
other visible representation that is obscene, threatening, abusive or
insulting, intending thereby to provoke a breach of the peace or realising
that there is a risk or possibility that a breach of the peace may be
provoked shall be guilty of participating in a gathering with intent to
promote public violence, a breach of the peace or bigotry, as the case may
be, and be liable to a fine not exceeding level ten or imprisonment for a
period not exceeding five years or both". However, on the same day, all the
WOZA activists were granted free bail and remanded out of custody. They are
due to appear in Court on October 10, 2006.

The Observatory expresses its deepest concern about this ongoing harassment
of human rights defenders in Zimbabwe, who face serious risks to their
security as well as infringements of their freedoms of expression and
association.

Background information:
On February 13, 2006, approximately 181 persons, mainly women, who were
demonstrating under the banner of WOZA, along with 14 children, were
arrested in central Bulawayo, as they were dispersing from a peaceful
protest against human rights violations. Among those arrested were four WOZA
leaders, Mrs. Jennifer Williams, Mrs. Magodonga Mahlangu, Mrs. Emily Mpofu
and Mrs. Maria Moyo, who were finger-printed and ordered to make statements.
The detainees were charged with "organising an unlawful gathering" (Section
24 of the POSA).

Those arrested were allegedly exposed to heavy rains as they were detained
in the open police courtyard at Bulawayo Central police station for several
hours, before being moved to cells at around 10:30 pm.

Moreover, on February 14, 2006, over twenty uniformed police, armed with
baton sticks, and some sporting full riot gear, arrested between 60 and 100
women from WOZA in Harare at lunchtime, as they gathered in the city centre
as part of a peaceful protest against social and economic inequalities faced
by women in Zimbabwe. The women were rounded up and callously loaded into
trucks marked "City of Harare Municipal Police" to be taken to the Law and
Order section at Harare Central police station. Mr. Tafadzwa Mugabe, a
lawyer from the Rapid Reaction Unit of ZLHR, was harassed, verbally abused
and finally arrested and bundled into the truck with his clients. Amongst
the detainees is a considerable number of elderly women, as well as at least
one young child of around four years of age.

Action requested :
Please write to the Zimbabwean authorities, urging them to :

  i. Guarantee, in all circumstances, the physical and psychological
integrity of all WOZA members, as well as of all human rights defenders in
Zimbabwe;

  ii. Ensure that the 153 WOZA activists be granted a fair and impartial
trial so that all charges against them be dropped, as they are arbitrary;

  iii. Put an end to all acts of harassment against WOZA members and all
human rights defenders in Zimbabwe;

  iv. Conform with the provisions of the Declaration on Human Rights
Defenders, in particular its article 1 which states that "Everyone has the
right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive
for the protection and realisation of human rights and fundamental freedoms
at the national and international levels", and article 12.2, providing that
"the State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the
competent authorities of everyone, individually or in association with
others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure
adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a
consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in
the present Declaration", as well as to comply with the African Charter on
Human and Peoples' Rights, in particular articles 9, 10, 11 and 12, which
guarantee the fundamental freedoms of expression, assembly and association;

  v. Ensure in all circumstances respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms in accordance with international human rights standards and
international instruments ratified by Zimbabwe.

Addresses :
  a.. President of Zimbabwe, Mr. Robert G. Mugabe, Office of the President,
Private Bag 7700, Causeway, Harare, Zimbabwe, Fax : +263 4 708 211

  b.. Mr. Khembo Mohadi, Minister of Home Affairs, Ministry of Home Affairs,
11th Floor Mukwati Building, Private Bag 7703, Causeway, Harare, Zimbabwe,
Fax : +263 4 726 716

  c.. Mr. Patrick Chinamasa, Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary
Affairs, Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Fax: + 263 4
77 29 99

  d.. Mr. Augustine Chihuri, Police Commissioner, Police Headquarters, P.O.
Box 8807, Causeway, Harare, Zimbabwe, Fax : +263 4 253 212 / 728 768 / 726
084

  e.. Mr. Sobuza Gula Ndebele, Attorney-General, Office of the Attorney, PO
Box 7714, Causeway, Harare, Zimbabwe, Fax: + 263 4 77 32 47

  f.. Mrs. Chanetsa, Office of the Ombudsman Fax: + 263 4 70 41 19

  g.. Ambassador Mr. Chitsaka Chipaziwa, Permanent Mission of Zimbabwe to
the United Nations in Geneva, Chemin William Barbey 27, 1292 Chambésy,
Switzerland, Fax: + 41 22 758 30 44, Email: mission.zimbabwe@ties.itu.net

  h.. Ambassador Mr. Pununjwe, Embassy of Zimbabwe in Brussels, 11 SQ
Josephine Charlotte, 1200 Woluwe-Saint-Lambert, Belgium, Fax: + 32 2 762 96
05 / + 32 2 775 65 10, Email: zimbrussels@skynet.be

Please also write to the embassies of Zimbabwe in your respective country.

***
Geneva - Paris, September 5, 2006

Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in
your reply.

The Observatory, a FIDH and OMCT venture, is dedicated to the protection of
Human Rights Defenders and aims to offer them concrete support in their time
of need.
The Observatory was the winner of the 1998 Human Rights Prize of the French
Republic.

To contact the Observatory, call the emergency line:
Email: Appeals@fidh-omct.org
Tel and fax FIDH: 33 1 43 55 55 05 / 01 43 55 18 80
Tel and fax OMCT: + 41 (0) 22 809 49 39 / 41 22 809 49 29


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Tormented by the central bank

From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 5 September

Zimbabweans are being tormented by their central bank. The big brothers at
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe are on a terror campaign, and it's been going
on since they lopped three noughts off the value of money on July 31, and
made old notes obsolete 21 days later. Last Saturday a businesswoman spent
Z$175 000 or about £370 (at the official rate of exchange) on a trolley full
of groceries for a month for her extended family. She was owed about that by
a friend and as she issued her cheque at the supermarket she phoned him and
asked to be urgently repaid by electronic transfer. On Monday, (September 4)
an official at the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe phoned the friend who had done
the transfer and asked about the recipient, asked what the money was for and
why such a large sum of money was being transferred and other questions.
Both of the people involved in this money episode were shocked. Neither of
them knows if the answers they gave, which were entirely truthful, were
accepted or if they are going to be arrested.


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Zim union to march against poverty

Mail and Guardian

      Tiisetso Motsoeneng | Johannesburg, South Africa

      06 September 2006 11:12

            Zimbabwe's biggest labour movement, the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (Zactu), will be organising countrywide processions on
September 13 to demand an end to poverty.

            "Eighty percent of Zimbabweans are living in poverty because
workers' 'take home' salaries cannot even take them home," the union said in
a statement late on Tuesday.

            Zactu demands that minimum wages and salaries be linked to the
Poverty Datum Line (PDL) and that income tax be reduced to a 30% maximum.
Other demands included tax exemption for workers earning below the PDL and
stabilisation of prices of basic commodities.

            This comes amid concerted efforts by Zimbabwean monetary
authorities to weed out indiscipline in an economy battered by a high
inflation rate and poverty.

            The Zactu leadership also demands that police stop harassing
workers in the informal economy, as well as free access to antiretrovirals.

            A petition will be delivered to the minister of public service,
labour and social welfare, the minister of finance and the Employers'
Confederation of Zimbabwe in Harare, while in other centres the petitions
will be delivered to the offices of the chief labour relations officer.

            The march on September 13 will take place between 12pm and 2pm
local time. -- I-Net Bridge


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Gono bids to cool Murerwa feud

New Zimbabwe

By Lebo Nkatazo
Last updated: 09/06/2006 06:27:54
ZIMBABWE'S central bank governor Gideon Gono has moved to cool a public row
with Finance Minister, Herbert Murerwa.

Appearing before a parliamentary portfolio committee on budget and finance
Monday, Gono said there was "no time to quarrel on who was doing what while
Rome was burning".

Gono and Murerwa first clashed when Finance Ministry officials told a
visiting delegation from the International Monetary Fund last year that the
Reserve Bank was engaged in "quasi-fiscal activities".

Murerwa escalated the row two weeks ago when he appeared to blow holes into
Gono's monetary policy reforms, saying that a central bank policy to drop
three zeroes from the country's inflation-hit currency only had short term
results.

Murerwa's comments, made before the same committee which called Gono to give
evidence Monday, angered the central bank chief who accused Murerwa of being
"devious".

Dzivarasekwa legislator Edwin Mushoriwa (MDC) directly asked the central
bank chief if there was "bad blood" between him and Murerwa, citing
Murerwa's comments last week in which he said he had not been consulted when
Gono rolled out his currency reforms.

Gono refused to answer how their personal relations were, instead preferring
to focus on the relationship between the Ministry and the Central Bank.

He said: "We work very closely that is as far as I can say. This country
should stop being petty and realise that out there, there is need for
development. There is no time to quarrel on who is doing what while Rome is
burning."

Meanwhile, Gono also revealed that local banks have failed to account for
$25 million earmarked for fuel imports, and warned they faced a heavy
penalty if they misused the money.

"Certainly a sledge hammer is coming and rest assured ... in the event that
we get to know a bank which gave (foreign currency) above the official rate,
serious consequences would follow that bank including the withdrawal of
(its) licence," Gono stormed.

Zimbabwe is in the throes of a punishing eight-year recession marked by
severe shortages of foreign exchange, which has hit critical imports such as
fuel and electricity.

The crunch worsened after international donors, including the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), halted lending to the country over policy differences
with President Robert Mugabe's government. It objected to the seizure of
white-owned farms for blacks.

Most of Zimbabwe's industries are operating below 30 percent capacity due to
the foreign currency squeeze and rocketing production costs, stemming from
world record inflation of nearly 1,000 percent.

In July Gono unveiled a set of measures to kickstart the economy, including
a 60 percent devaluation of the local dollar.

He allowed exporters, including gold producers, to keep 70 percent of their
earnings in foreign currency accounts indefinitely.

The Nairobi-based PTA Bank said on Tuesday it would provide $40 million in
credit lines this year to fund shipment of Zimbabwe's exports, crucial to
generate foreign currency for the country's struggling economy.

Last year the Preferential Trade Area (PTA) Bank -- which provides trade
finance for its member states in eastern and southern Africa -- extended $30
million in credit to Zimbabwe.

"We are looking at providing $40 million this year which will be used to
finance short-term ... exports," Michael Gondwe, the bank's president told
Reuters after signing a $5 million credit facility with local bank ZABG
Bank.

Gono said the country had this year raised $1.1 billion from exports.


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Zimbabwe's fate lies in hands of Zimbabweans

New Zimbabwe

By Terence M Mashingaidze
Last updated: 09/06/2006 08:44:55
ZIMBABWE'S political and economic fortunes are at their lowest ebb in its
twenty-six year history as an independent state.

For the past half a decade violent elections, chaotic land reforms, a
plummeting economy, unemployment, increasing levels of food insecurity,
debilitating brain drain, international ostracisation, high-level corruption
and constriction of the media and citizens` basic freedoms have been the
dominant aspects of Zimbabweans' daily experiences.

Now we have the dubious distinction of having the highest inflation record
in the world. Within seven years, Zimbabwe turned into a regional basket
case and a test case for democracy. Essentially, this is the Zimbabwean
entrapment, though some ruling party aligned pundits mischievously, if not
sadistically, deny that the country is in a crisis. There is need for
nonpartisan and resolute measures to negotiate our way out of the morass.

The resolution of the crisis is entirely up to Zimbabweans themselves. This
supposition does not underestimate the role of multilateral institutions,
foreign governments, international proactive engagement with Harare, quiet
or shuttle diplomacy in effecting positive change in Zimbabwe, it is
informed by a historical appreciation of the fact that in any nation major
questions of the day are resolved by those who belong to and identify with
particular geopolitical entities. The right political culture can not be
imported or imposed from outside, it should be organic to a people. Citizens
must struggle for, evolve, and nurture the best system of governance for
themselves.

In this installment I am going to outline and critique some salient factors
that caused and still continue to aggravate the Zimbabwean crisis. I also
argue that the resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis is not exclusively about
changing personalities and political parties in power, at any level of
society and in any party, but about a radical paradigm shift in our
political culture and value systems. Right now, corruption, intolerance and
violence are not occasional inconveniences in our lives, they have become
regular, structural, deeply embedded and accepted modalities of doing
business and conducting other national affairs. We celebrate ill gotten
wealth, are indifferent to sloppy parastatal management, and extol violent
and self-serving politicians!

The Liberation Struggle: Abuse, Appropriation and Instrumentalisation

The post-colonial era has witnessed increasing appropriation and
instrumentalisation of the liberation struggle legacy by ZANU PF. It has
become a discursive tramp-card and a convenient weapon to defend itself,
attack its opponents, include and exclude some citizens and organizations
from national projects. This has constipated the Zimbabwean body politic.
The liberation struggle legacy is a cause for celebration but,
paradoxically, due to the manipulative/exclusionary politics of the ruling
elite, an albatross to the implementation of a comprehensive nation-building
project. To a large extent, and history is replete with such examples,
nation building is about inclusion, incorporation and managing diversity.
ZANU PF, the ruling party, is sardonically opposed to this philosophy. This
has negative effects on national harmony and cohesion.

In the 1980s the Zanu PF nomenclatura tried to underestimate and rubbish PF
ZAPU's liberation war credentials. In the context of the Gukurahundi Crisis
PF ZAPU politicians were portrayed as either disruptive political midgets or
ethnic political entrepreneurs rather than nationalist politicians with
extraterritorial grievances and agendas. Today opposition politicians suffer
the same fate. Nationalists such as Ndabaningi Sithole, Sheba Tavarwisa,
Enoch Dumbutshena, Henry Hamadziripi and James Chikerema lie buried in their
villages away from the National Heroes Acre because they either contested or
tried to expand Zanu PF's parochial approach to pertinent national
questions. Long after his death, General Lookout Masuku's remains had to be
exhumed and interred at the Heroes Acre after vigorous lobbying by his PF
ZAPU comrades. Why did Masuku, a liberation war military supremo with an
unimpeachable nationalist record, suffer such post-humous humiliation? He
had died at the wrong time in the wrong camp.

The ruling elite have totalitarian approaches to nationhood. They cannot
manage political plurality and harness diversity for development. If you do
not belong to and identify with the ruling party and did not participate,
under its banner, in the liberation struggle you are vilified as unpatriotic
and a traitor without any rights to participate in the country's body
politic. Those who try to get breathing space on the political arena, as
individuals, organizations and political parties outside Zanu PF set
parameters have to endure, diverse forms of violence, a hostile state
controlled media, restrictive laws and labels of being stooges and fronts
for Western imperial agendas. Zanu PF considers itself the national vanguard
movement and every Zimbabwean should subscribe to its politics and ways of
doing things. It operates as an intrusive and all permeating entity. This
commandist thinking and approach to governance has constricted space for
citizens` democratic participation, in the political, social and economic
realms. The current political interference into the Zimbabwe Red Cross
Society affairs is emblematic of this overbearing attitude. A government
should not be a burden to citizens, it should be enabling and empowering.

To a large extent the ruling party is still stuck in the exclusionary mode
of liberation war politics (Then it was a convenient survival strategy)
whereby citizens, groups of any nature and even countries are separated into
neat binaries of friends and enemies, patriots and traitors, western stooges
and anti-imperialists/Pan Africanists. The Third Chimurenga/Liberation War
(Is it over?) and other associated fissiparous struggles are being fought on
two fronts. On the domestic arena, they are against (former) white farmers,
civil society and the legitimate domestic political opposition. On the
international arena, they involve vitriol against the United Kingdom, the
United States of America, multilateral organizations and the international
community at large. This bellicose stance obliterates sensible debate on
national issues and even Zimbabwe's position in the community of nations.

On the domestic political arena, Zanu PF refuses to engage the domestic
opposition, notably the MDC, because they assume they are surrogates of the
British and in resolving the Zimbabwean crisis they would rather engage
their principal at Number 10 Downing Street. This is incongruous thinking,
especially for a government claiming to be on a warpath against foreign
interference, a government that thinks it can go it alone. Do these arch
proponents of sovereignty and territorial integrity still want a Second
Lancaster House Conference twenty six years after uhuru? I thought, they
would look east, and have the Dragon Diplomats intervene to hammer out a
modus vivendi on the polarized domestic political scene!

The abuse of the liberation war legacy is partly responsible for the
implementation of teleological and puerile intellectual projects such as the
National Youth Service, National Strategic Studies and television programmes
such as Nhaka Yedu/Our Heritage in the past few years. In the post-2000 era
patriotic history emerged, a discipline whose writers and articulators are
largely ruling party ideologues and politicians. A monograph of President
Mugabe's speeches, Inside the Third Chimurenga, is the trendsetting text in
this revisionist/authentication project.

The National Strategic Studies curriculum is informed by this narrowly
defined and partisan premise. It is designed to give Zanu PF a hegemonic
position in the liberation war narrative, accord it all the kudos for
post-colonial developments and simultaneously obliterate its political and
administrative malfeasance. The elementary aim of appreciating history is to
enable us to understand the present so that we can plan for the future from
an informed standpoint. Therefore if we teach bad and partisan history to
what extent do we comprehend the dynamics of our contemporary reality and
map out an all inclusive well thought-out plan for the future?

Between 2000 and 2003 programs such as Nhaka Yedu (Our Heritage) and
National Ethos, whose regular panelists were academics, were aired on
national television apparently to revive national consciousness and
indirectly to teach the lost youths about the country's past. These
programmes advanced ZANU PF political positions. For example the central
tropes for the discussions were land and the ruling party slant of the
liberation struggle. Topical issues such as the economy, human rights, and
brain drain were skirted. This in a way was an abuse of the public media, or
specifically taxpayers' money. The panelists rarely critiqued and
synthesized contesting national perspectives on politics, the economy or
even land itself. These people were simply making intellectual noises on
behalf of the ruling regime. It becomes unfortunate when intellectuals sing
for their meals, step on each other, and get out of their way to scramble
for crumbs from the political high table. This is an abnegation of
intellectual responsibility, to serve the powerless majority not to coy up
to the powerful few.

Groping in the Penumbra: National Policies and Planning

Since the penultimate stages of the previous decade, the government has been
managing through ad hoc measures and ministers have become inveterate liars
and gotten away with it. In 2001 we almost starved simply because some
tetchy fellow had made some aerial surveys in a helicopter and came to the
culpable conclusion that the nation had ample food resources. Authorities
continue lying about the nation's food stocks! The Land Reform, the Winter
Maize Fiasco and Operation Murambatsvina, which resulted in the demolition
of urban slums in May 2005, are just some of the telling cases of wacky
national planning. With the land reform landless peasants, politicians and
their associates, and other interest groups were simply encouraged to get
into the farms without proper infrastructural back up and measures to ensure
agricultural viability. Recent comments by some Zanu PF politicians in
parliament testify to this.

Operation Murambatsvina/Restore Order was launched in May 2005 to enforce by
laws and to stop alleged "illegal activities in areas such as vending,
illegal structures, illegal cultivation" within urban confines. (See UN
Report on Operation Murambatsvina). The operation resulted in more than 700
000 people being rendered homeless overnight and close to 2, 4 million
people were indirectly affected. Most of these were illegal vendors or
specifically informal traders. Operation Murambatsvina compromised the
livelihoods of the vulnerable members of society, women, children and the
youths. A significant number of those in the informal sector are youths. No
measures had been put in place to offer alternative accommodation and
livelihoods to the people. Because of pressure from the international
community and civil society, the government sought redress through Operation
Garikai/Hlanikuhle, an accelerated, but poorly funded, urban housing
development programme.

Once in a while the national television shows some indolent and gaudy
minister or government functionary handing over incomplete, structurally
deformed match box houses to desperate men and women. Most of the associated
operations, commissions of enquiry, parastatal restructurings reflect this
trademark insensitivity, ineptitude and lazy thinking. Consider the on going
chaos at the Ministry of Agriculture, the fuel procurement sector, Air
Zimbabwe, the Harare City Council, and the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings.
The maladministration is turning out into something worse than a circus, its
becoming a strange game of agitated and showy dimwits.

Youths co-option in politics is part of these ad hoc measures as well. Their
involvement in politics at the instigation of adult political entrepreneurs
and social manipulators has compromised good governance in contemporary
Zimbabwe. Youths on both sides of the country's political divide have
destroyed property, violated freedoms of assembly, _expression and
association. Between 2000 and 2002, ruling party aligned youths regularly
set up road blocks, conducted political party card checks, declared certain
areas off-bounds to certain citizens and organizations. This should not be
allowed in a civilized society with development oriented people who deserve
to take themselves and to be taken seriously by others. The political
co-option of youths has not been out of a desire to share political space
with the young but to make them expedient political tools. Instead of
working hard to improve the country's declining economy and shattered
international image the leadership is busy lying, battering and manipulating
poor, unemployed and disillusioned citizens.

Most of those who went for National Youth Service training were poverty
stricken rural and ghetto based youths. Due to desperation, they enrolled
for such training in order to get preferential treatment for the few job
openings in the army, police, urban municipalities, and parastatals, such as
the Graining Marketing Board. Rarely were the children of the political
elite enrolled for such training, therefore it follows that what is not good
for the leadership's progeny should not be good for anyone. Such policies
should simply not be implemented. Political leaders should disengage from
abusing the young and seeing some citizens as weapons to fight perceived and
purported opponents. We should have respect and regard for fair play and the
rule of law, not rule by law.

Conclusion

In as much as the ruling elite adopts diversionary tactics by projecting the
government's criticism by civic society, fellow African governments and the
western world, as nothing but imperial encroachment and snooping into the
domestic affairs of a small nation the worsening macro economic environment
and increasing cases, real and alleged, of human rights violations are not
doing it any good. The continued defensive and truculent posturing lacks
moral legitimacy considering the poverty and hunger that continues to
envelope an ever increasing majority of the citizens.

Corruption, violence and the government's shoddy planning record in the
immediate past makes one wonder if we are going to reap the much anticipated
benefits from the 2010 World Cup in South Africa. Given a sober political
and economic environment the tournament should have a positive effect on the
economy. There will be increased tourist visits and hotel patronization,
sales of sports goods, crafts from the informal sector, fixed phone and
cellular phone usage, high traffic flows and sales of even beer and soft
drinks. It will be an opportune moment to show case Zimbabwe and boost
investor confidence once more. The feel good factor to the nation will be
inestimable.

However, the unresolved succession question in Zanu PF, in its strategic
position as the ruling party, is going to be a bane on planning for the
event. Realistically, many people anticipate a night of long knives within
the party. The Tsholotsho ghost might rise from the ashes of its
destruction, if it comes back to life, this time around it will be more
vicious. If the succession question goes beyond 2008 and the ruling party
and opposition politicians continue bashing each other, sucking in their
respective supporters in these vain struggles then the ides of 2010 will
simply come and pass.

A disturbing phenomenon in Zimbabwean politics since the liberation struggle
days is the exploitation of ethnicity as a coalescing factor in political
alliances. In fact, this is alleged to be one of the major determinants of
struggles for power and domination apparent in both Zanu PF and the MDC. Now
and again we get inferences from the media that there are Karanga, Ndebele,
Manyika or Zezuru camps vying to outwit each in achieving certain political
outcomes both in their parties and in the nation. This is unfortunate and
those who aspire for national office should realize that a nation is an
ever-evolving construct, with strong centripetal forces generated by an
imaginative leadership who try to transcend narrow ethnic, regional,
language, and historical cleavages to establish communities that celebrate
unity in diversity. As I said in my preamble, Zimbabwe's fate lies in the
hands of Zimbabweans, both at home and in the diaspora.

Terence M Mashingaidze is an historian and an academic. He can be contacted
at Mashingaidze2000@yahoo.co.uk


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Mugabe Succession Battle Rumbles On

Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Simba Makoni emerges as the latest favourite in tough race to succeed
Mugabe.

By Nothando Bhebhe in Harare (AR No.76, 05-Sep-06)

There's been a new development in the struggle to succeed Robert Mugabe,
with reports that powerful retired army commander General Solomon Mujuru has
ditched his wife, Vice President Joice Mujuru, as his ideal successor and is
now opting for former finance minister Simba Makoni.

The cancellation of events arranged to promote Joice Mujuru's bid for the
presidency confirmed that the vice president is no longer the choice of the
Solomon Mujuru faction to succeed 82-year-old Mugabe when he finally steps
down as head of state.

The programmes designed to lift his wife to the pinnacle of power were
awaiting approval of the general, the tough kingmaker - or queen-maker -
behind his wife's rise to the vice presidency.

General Mujuru, although he retired as head of the army ten years after
independence in 1980, has remained one of the most feared and powerful men
in Zimbabwe. Under the war name of Rex Nhongo, he led Mugabe's guerrilla
army during the 1970s war of independence against what was then white-ruled
Rhodesia. Mujuru became a rich and ruthless businessman and is rumoured to
own anywhere between six and sixteen former white-owned farms.

Joice Mujuru - who earned the nickname Teurai Ropa, or Spill Blood, after
becoming involved in the war for independence from white rule at the age of
18 - has held various ministerial posts under Mugabe, who appointed her as
his vice president in December 2004.

Makoni, who has managed to remain outside the hurly-burly of the day-to-day
battles for the top post, has always been "Plan B" for the Mujuru faction
and also for the bitter rival group led by Emmerson Mnangagwa, the once
powerful parliamentary speaker and secretary of Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF
party.

Eventful months loom ahead as the inner ZANU PF contest intensifies to
replace Mugabe, who has ruled non-stop for more than 26 years since
independence. Sources in Mujuru's camp confirmed to IWPR that the general
has now opted for Plan B and that discussions with Makoni, a highly educated
technocrat, are underway.

However, in the complex world of Zimbabwe's tribal politics, a source close
to Mnangagwa's camp, said Makoni was likely to reject the wooing of the
Mujurus, fellow members of Mugabe's Zezuru sub-clan of the larger Shona
tribal nation: instead, Makoni is likely to align himself with the small
Manyika sub-clan, most of whose important officials - including Security
Minister Didymus Mutasa, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and Agriculture
Minister Joseph Made - are supporting Emmerson Mnangagwa's bid for the
presidency.

There are also reports that Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, another
Manyika, is supporting Mnangagwa, who is currently minister of rural
housing.

Mnangagwa comes from a sub-clan called the Karanga. Tensions between the
Karanga and the Zezurus of Mugabe and the Mujurus trace back to the war of
independence, when the Karanga provided the bulk of fighters and military
leaders for the ZANU movement. Since power fell into the hands of Mugabe - a
ruthless Zezuru intellectual who led the ZANU movement but did no fighting
himself - many Karangas feel he has ignored their contribution, sidelined
their leaders and promoted members of his own clan.

Indeed, since ZANU PF's last electoral congress, in December 2004, none of
the top five party posts have been occupied by Karangas, despite the fact
that members of the clan make up some 35 per cent of Zimbabwe's 11.5 million
citizens. The Zezuru account for around 25 per cent of the population. The
cabinet formed by Mugabe following a general election last year is also
dominated by Zezurus, at the expense of many influential Karangas.

Now is not the first time that Makoni's name has been mentioned as a
potential successor to Mugabe. But he has failed to make any headway
because, although he is a financial and economics expert, he is considered a
political lightweight within the brutal world of ZANU PF politics: his
potential ascendancy has always depended on the backing and manipulation of
more powerful party barons.

A source close to General Mujuru's faction said the strong backing its
members had given to Joice Mujuru was more a means of blocking Mnangagwa for
the deputy post that fell vacant with the death of former vice president
Simon Muzenda than anything else.

"It was not that General Mujuru wanted his wife to be the next president
when he pushed for her nomination as vice president but that he wanted to
make sure that Mnangagwa does not get into that top position," the source
confided to IWPR. "The game would have been over if Mnangagwa had managed,
as he nearly did, to get into the presidium and become vice president."

The cold-blooded succession battle pits the camp led by Mnangagwa, regarded
as a tough man worthy of the nickname "Ngwenya" (Crocodile) within ZANU PF's
inner circles, against the other led by kingmaker Solomon Mujuru, who is not
interested in becoming president but who wants to be the power behind the
throne, controlling its incumbent.

As indicated, the two main camps mirror the political divide between
Mugabe's Zezuru sub-group, which occupies the Mashonaland Central, East and
West provinces in north and northeastern Zimbabwe and the most populous
Shona group, the Karanga, which mainly occupies Masvingo and Midlands
provinces in the south.

For many in the Zezuru faction, the Karanga group represents a threatening
"third force". The Zezuru fear relates particularly to Emmerson Mnangagwa,
because of his track record as a once fearsome security minister and because
of the high esteem in which Mugabe holds him. Paradoxically, Mugabe has
always had a soft spot for Mnangagwa, despite his membership of a rival
clan.

When Mnangagwa lost his Kwekwe seat, in central Zimbabwe, to the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, in parliamentary elections in 2002,
Mugabe cushioned Mnangagwa's disappointment by decreeing that he be given
the parliamentary speaker post. Again in 2005, when Mujuru's camp thought it
had finally killed Mnangagwa's political career, after his second narrow
electoral defeat to the MDC, Mugabe appointed him rural housing minister, an
influential ministry from where he could rebuild his political fortunes.

Like Mugabe and other senior party officials, the source told IWPR, General
Mujuru knows that if his wife is lucky enough to be elected party leader at
the next ZANU PF congress, she will not have the ability, charisma or
intellect to follow through and mount a serious challenge to MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai in a general election.

General Mujuru also realises, said the source, that he might not be able to
outmanoeuvre Mnangagwa again at the next party congress in 2007. With Mugabe
now hinting that he has dropped support for Joice Mujuru in preference for
Mnangagwa because he doubts his vice president's ability to lead the nation
and ensure that ZANU PF remains in power, General Mujuru now wants to find a
candidate who he can sell easily not just to ZANU PF but also to the nation
and whom also he can control.

Makoni is seen as just that person, said the source. A chemist and financial
adviser by profession, Makoni is perhaps the most widely liked figure in a
deeply unpopular and corrupt party. Friends and critics alike agree that
Makoni is extremely clever and has a reputation for integrity, unusual in
the murky world of ZANU PF politics. He is so far untainted by scandals,
looting of state assets and the ruling party's human rights violations of
the last two decades.

Makoni is widely seen as the most presentable choice available for those
concerned to end Zimbabwe's international isolation. "A lot has been
happening in ZANU PF," the source from Solomon Mujuru's faction told IWPR.
"When people say a day is a long time in politics that is so true. The
problem is that [Mrs] Mujuru has been exposing herself [to public scrutiny]
and it is clear now that she will not be able to win, in ZANU PF and let
alone in a general election.

"The general knows that and what he wants is a winner. He wants someone whom
he knows can give Mnangagwa a serious challenge, a person who, with their
[the Mujuru faction's] help, can get the presidency and, more importantly, a
person who can beat Tsvangirai or any other opposition leader.

"There won't be any point in winning in ZANU PF without ensuring that that
person is accepted also by the ordinary Zimbabweans."

By choosing and anointing Makoni, said another source in Mujuru's camp, the
general would be resolving several tricky dilemmas he is wrestling with.
These problems include the Ndebele, Zimbabwe's large minority tribe that
occupies the west of the country and is descended from the Zulus of South
Africa, who are highly resistant to the idea of a female state president.

In the internal struggle between the Zezuru and Karanga sub-clans of the
Shona nation, support of the Manyikas, from the Eastern Highlands and who
constitute about 15 per cent of the Shona population, is crucial: the
Manyikas can tip the balance in the power stakes and drive a hard bargain
for themselves. By backing Makoni, Mujuru hopes to appease the Manyika
people over the mysterious 1975 assassination in exile of former ZANU leader
and liberation war hero Herbert Chitepo. The death of Chitepo, who was
succeeded by Mugabe, continues to incite conflict and controversy in
Zimbabwe's national politics.

"Mujuru desperately needs the support of the Manyika people," said IWPR's
second source. "As it stands, he does not have their support because they
feel they were robbed of a brilliant leader in Chitepo. After Chitepo's
assassination on March 18, 1975 by a car bomb [in Lusaka, Zambia], Mugabe,
who was in exile in Mozambique at that time, unilaterally assumed control of
ZANU. It was General Mujuru [then operating as Rex Nhongo] who implored
guerrillas, most of whom had never met Mugabe, to accept him as their
leader.

"Rumours at that time said Joice Mujuru was personally involved in the whole
assassination; hence the Manyika do not support her as a successor to
Mugabe."

Standford Mukasa, one of Zimbabwe's leading independent political
commentators, recently wrote that Makoni would be used as cover to put a
human face on ZANU PF. But John Makumbe, a political scientist at the
University of Zimbabwe and an anti-corruption activist, said Joice Mujuru
had been so inept in her duties as vice president that it had become obvious
she was unsuited to lead either the party or the country.

"General Mujuru is now opting for Makoni because the former minister has
remained clean and has the support of the business community, which believes
that Makoni is better suited to save them from continuing disaster than
Joice," said Makumbe. "Mujuru is also doing this to protect his businesses;
he is not doing this for ZANU PF, the nation or charity. The economy, which
has been destroyed by Mugabe's disastrous policies, is also ruining the
general's businesses and the businesses of indigenous people and he feels
Makoni can rescue the nation."

Asked why General Mujuru feels it is easy to dump his own wife, Makumbe
said, "Mujuru himself has not been living with his wife for many years. All
he has been doing is putting up a show for the public.

"Mugabe's recent talk of wanting a clean person to succeed him could also
have prompted Mujuru to go for Makoni because you would really have to use a
magnifying glass to find anything on him."

Makumbe, however, said Makoni would lose to Tsvangirai in a presidential
election because of the declining reputation of the party he would be
representing.

Compared with most of the senior ZANU PF candidates, Makoni, at 56, is a
youngster. While the old guard were fighting the liberation war in the
1970s, Makoni was studying chemical engineering in Britain, gaining a
Bachelor of Science degree and a PhD. He also represented the exiled ZANU in
Europe where he made a good impression.

In the post-independence government, Makoni was appointed deputy agriculture
minister. He was just 30 years old. He subsequently served as minister of
energy and as minister of youth before becoming minister of finance. He was
forced out of government in 2002 by the ZANU PF old guard who saw him as a
threat to their interests. He is currently an investment consultant working
widely throughout Africa.

Nothando Bhebhe is the pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in Zimbabwe


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African Justice: Drawing Parallels

Institute for War and Peace Reporting

How similar are the roots of the international justice system for Rwanda and
the method used to establish truth and reconciliation in South Africa?

By Stephanie Nieuwoudt in Nairobi (AR No.76, 05-Sep-06)

South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, TRC, which sat between
1995 and 1998, and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, ICTR,
which began work in 1997 and is scheduled to wind up by 2010, are frequently
compared with each other.

This is not surprising because there are many similarities between the two
countries. Both South Africa and Rwanda were torn apart by strained
relations between their diverse population groups, causing deep trauma
across the whole of society. Both broke dramatically with the past. And both
in South Africa and Rwanda processes were set in motion to right the wrongs
of the past and prevent future repetitions.

But at the same time as South Africans went to the polls to elect their
first democratic government, Rwandans 3000 kilometres to the north were
perpetrating the fastest genocide in recorded history. Beginning in April
1994, Hutus massacred 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus over one hundred
days in an effort to thwart the power-sharing arrangement mandated by the
Arusha Peace Accords of 1993. The Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front
eventually defeated the Hutu-led interim government and ended the genocide.

In stark contrast to South African's experiment with restorative justice,
Rwandans asked for United Nations assistance to establish a structure for
retributive justice. As a result, the TRC and the ICTR are, in the final
analysis, institutions that are very different from each other.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu used to quote frequently the following Bible verse
during his tenure as chairperson of the TRC, "The truth shall set you free."
Religious views aside, the assumption that there is a causal link between
truth-telling and societal recovery from trauma underlay the formation and
practice of the TRC.

For the ICTR, the issue of reconciliation does not arise directly. It seeks
to see justice done, specifically by prosecuting those who planned and
ordered crimes against humanity in the 1994 genocide.

At the ICTR, the "truth" is not told as much as it is produced in the
interaction between the prosecution, the accused, his or her legal
representative(s) and the panel of presiding judges.

At the TRC, perpetrators of gross human rights were not prosecuted but given
amnesty for telling all. Their victims got more information about what had
happened plus a small sum of money and other help in compensation for what
was done to them.

At the ICTR, those found guilty of war crimes get lengthy jail terms. Their
victims get the satisfaction of seeing punitive sentences being meted out to
those who wronged them.

Observers have pointed to the similarities between what happened at the TRC
and the ancient African way of dealing with transgressions. The wrongdoer is
brought before the community. He or she makes a confession in front of the
elders and the rest of the village. Some form of punishment is meted out,
and forgiveness and reconciliation ensue. Life then goes on.

This is not how the ICTR works, but it does have some similarities to that
other attempt at dealing with crimes against humanity committed during the
1994 genocide in Rwanda - the gacaca (pronounced "gachacha") tribunals.

The gacaca initiative deals at grassroots level with people who confess to
having participated in the genocide - but as lesser perpetrators, not
powerbrokers who called the shots.

Thousands of gacaca sessions have already taken place in Rwanda. Driving
through the country, you spot one gathering of this kind after another. In
open fields or under trees villagers sit and talk - elders, perpetrators,
victims and other members of the community, attempting to come to terms with
the past.

Jacob Lilly, in an article in the US-based online Gonzaga Journal of
International Law, argues that because the gacaca courts are based on local
culture they are more likely to create a sense of familiarity, respect,
trust and commitment than a process imposed on Rwanda by outsiders.

However, just like the ICTR, Rwanda's gacaca courts can impose prison
sentences. Those found guilty can face sentences of up to 25 years, which
can be jail time, or community service, or a combination of the two.

"The most important point of the gacaca courts is that an accused can
confess his crime. On the basis of his telling the truth, he could escape
imprisonment," said Professor Michelo Hansungule of the Centre for Human
Rights Law at South Africa's University of Pretoria.

TRC hearings in South Africa were much more formal than gacaca proceedings,
but broadly speaking they followed a similar formula to deal with gross
human rights violations committed during apartheid. And although it was
inspired by Chile's National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation, the
TRC was devised by South Africans of nearly ethnic group and political
persuasion who faced each other around the negotiating table to end
apartheid.

According to South Africa's Department of Justice, the TRC "was set up by
the [post-apartheid] Government of National Unity to help deal with what
happened under apartheid. The conflict during this period resulted in
violence and human rights abuses from all sides. No section of society
escaped these abuses".

The TRC was a compromise between the different political parties from either
side of the apartheid struggle. Both the ruling National Party and the
African National Congress, ANC, which went on to win the first
post-apartheid election in 1994 and both subsequent elections, conceded that
sacrifices would have to be made.

The bitter pills that the different sides had to swallow are too numerous to
list. Two examples will suffice. Adrian Vlok, minister of law and order in
the white-dominated National Party government, applied for an amnesty. He
disclosed that he had ordered policemen to bomb buildings housing
anti-apartheid organisations in the late 1980s. He met TRC requirements and
was granted a pardon. On the other side of the conflict, senior ANC member
Robert McBride asked for an amnesty for bombing the Why Not Bar and Magoo's
Bar in Durban in which three people were killed and 69 injured in 1986. He
too met the requirements, was granted a pardon and is now a senior police
officer.

Former South African Judge Richard Goldstone, who became first Chief
Prosecutor of the ICTR in Arusha and then of the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, ICTY, in The Hague, said one of the
negative costs of the TRC philosophy was the denial of "justice to some
people who are demanding it".

Along with South Africa's political transformation in the first half of the
1990s came a new constitution. This document included a statement on
national reconciliation. It also made provision for amnesty being granted to
individuals - not parties or organisations or other such groups - who had
committed politically motivated crimes in the period 1960 to 1994, the
period covered by the TRC.

The Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995 spelled out
in detail how the amnesty process would work. There were two basic
requirements - full disclosure and a political motive. Perpetrators had to
make a comprehensive confession, including revelation of who ordered them to
do what. They also had to show they were part of a political structure on
either side of the conflict and had followed legitimate orders, or that they
at least believed they were acting in furtherance of an accepted cause.

Just showing remorse and apologising to their victims were insufficient for
an amnesty. In many cases, the hearings had a cathartic effect, though.
There were dramatic moments of reconciliation between perpetrators and their
victims. But this was a by-product of the amnesty process, not its intended
consequence.

Conversely, there were cases of victims displaying strong animosity towards
perpetrators. Some went to court to try to prevent perpetrators from getting
an amnesty.

There were also unremorseful perpetrators who refused to admit they had done
any wrong. They applied for an amnesty only to stave off possible future
prosecution. And in some cases they succeeded - because they met the set
criteria - despite clearly not embracing the broader process of
reconciliation that the TRC strived for.

Critics of the amnesty process - people like Professor Mahmood Mamdani,
director of the Centre for African Studies at the University of Cape Town at
the time of the TRC - argued that the scope of the TRC was far too narrow,
that there were probably something like 21 million victims of apartheid, not
just the 21,000 formally recognised by the TRC as victims of gross human
rights violations.

The same kind of criticism is levelled at the ICTR.

"Both the TRC and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda are
effective methods of dealing with the atrocities of the past," said Bongani
Majola, deputy prosecutor of the ICTR. "But both have shortcomings. The TRC
has left many people feeling that what was done to them was not adequately
addressed by the process. Many felt that it was not enough for perpetrators
to make a full disclosure.

"The ICTR cannot deal with every case of every perpetrator. It is an
elaborate procedure which is not easily understood by lay victims,
especially when someone they saw kill others is acquitted."

What, if any, is the common ground between the TRC and the ICTR?

"Certainly there are parallels," said Professor Hansungule. "Both processes
are aimed at rebuilding the future, although they follow different routes.
The aim of the TRC was reconciliation. By identifying culprits and getting
them to tell the truth, there was an attempt to rebuild society. But in the
classical sense, in the internal criminal justice system, as with the ICTR,
one can also broadly say there is reconciliation if someone is punished, is
put away."

The TRC aimed for a public acknowledgment of crimes committed and suffered.
Although the true scope of reconciliation promoted by the TRC in South
Africa is debatable, millions of TV viewers were day after day confronted by
atrocities many said they had not known of before. There were many stories
of ordinary white South Africans who said that the TRC hearings had opened
their eyes. For the first time they understood what black people had to
endure under apartheid.

Eight years after the TRC published its final report, South Africa is a
functioning democracy. The country is at peace and people from diverse
backgrounds break through the barriers imposed on them by the past every
day.

But there are also concerns about sporadic attacks across the colour divide.
Some say the frequent farm killings, in which white farmers and their
families are brutally targeted, are politically motivated. Attacks also go
the other way. An infamous example is that of the Waterkloof Four, a group
of white pupils in Pretoria at one of the most prestigious schools in South
Africa, who kicked a black man to death. Some cite this kind of violence as
proof that true reconciliation in the country is still a long way off. They
say simmering resentment on both sides hampers true nation building.

Similarly, despite several high-profile convictions having been secured at
the ICTR at Arusha, the body's critics argue it has dealt with far too few
perpetrators and that it has not promoted reconciliation in Rwanda.

Inside that country, thousands of grassroots gacaca trials have been
completed, but some observers warn that tensions between ethnic Tutsis and
Hutus remain apparent just beneath the surface. It seems Rwanda is still
struggling every day to come to terms with the madness that exploded in
1994.

For the time being, perhaps those who doubt whether the TRC and the ICTR
were the correct answers to the question of how best to deal with the
atrocities of the past should ask themselves where South Africa and Rwanda
would have been now without these two bodies.

Stephanie Nieuwoudt is a freelance South African journalist based in Nairobi
who frequently reports from Arusha on the ICTR trials.


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Communities find innovative ways to raise money for students in Zimbabwe

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF)
Date: 05 Sep 2006

By James Elder
BUHERA, Zimbabwe, 5 September 2006 - Like all Zimbabweans, the people of
Buhera have endured some of the world's worst inflation, crippling
unemployment and an HIV emergency. But there is another basic need that the
children here are missing - enough money to pay for their ever-rising school
fees.

Now, more than 1,800 women across 15 rural Zimbabwean districts are taking
action - harnessing their skills into innovative projects to raise the money
needed to keep children in school.

"Keeping girls, orphans and other vulnerable children in school is a matter
of economic common sense and the essential prerequisite for equality,
dignity, and progress," noted UNICEF's Representative in Zimbabwe, Dr. Festo
Kavishe.

A growing movement

Mandisina Mawere is passionate about education. The 72-year-old grandmother
is working as part of an education support group that runs an
income-generating gardening project. After negotiating with a nearby school
for use of its well, the women began to grow and sell vegetables, using the
proceeds to help pay school fees for the neediest children in their
community.

"As a young girl, I wasn't allowed to go to school," said Ms. Mawere. "Since
then I have vowed I would never deprive my daughters of an education and now
I am doing the same for my granddaughters."

The women do not have to work entirely by themselves. The gardening project
is supported by UNICEF in partnership with the Campaign for Female Education
(CAMFED). Together, they equip the women with counselling skills, money to
purchase seeds and additional funds for school fees when necessary.

Partnering for education

Similar projects are being implemented in other areas of Zimbabwe. As part
of UNICEF's Girls Education Movement (GEM), enterprising schoolgirls in
Nyanzira and Mumbijo have set up similar projects, such as running a small
canteen.

"UNICEF is striving with the government and partners to meet the UN
Millennium Development Goals, but it is Zimbabweans themselves who are
critical - and selfless - contributors to this drive." said Dr. Kavishe.

UNICEF supports approximately 3,000 GEM members in partnership with CAMFED,
the UK's Department for International Development and the Forum for African
Women Educationalists.

"I was always chased away from school. I have two brothers and when my
parents get any money they always pay their fees first. I was so excited
when I was told by GEM that they were going to pay for my fees," recalled
12-year-old Pauline.

"Poverty has forced many families in Zimbabwe to watch their children drop
out of school," said Executive Director of CAMFED in Zimbabwe, Angie
Mugwendere. "Now, some mothers have decided to fight back."


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Socio-economic crisis in Zim takes new twist



      September 6, 2006,

      By ANDnetwork .com

      Harare (AND) Churches who convened at the Save Zimbabwe Convention to
discuss the socio-economic crisis in Zimbabwe will leave it up to opposition
parties and civic organisations to map out strategies on how to push for
democratic changes in Zimbabwe.

      Coordinator of the Convention, Reverend Densen Mafinyane said church
organisations' role only served as facilitators of the meeting. "We leave
the decision to unite to the different players.

      It is for them to decided whether to form a unitary political party,"
Mafinyane, secretary general of the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) said.
Mafinyane said it was quite clear to all Zimbabweans that there was need for
dialogue to sort out the problems Zimbabwe is currently facing. The ZCC
comprises Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference, the Evangelical Fellowship
of Zimbabwe and the Catholic Bishops Conference.

      Speculation has been rife that the recent meeting of opposition
parties presaged an imminent merger to confront Mugabe. But major players on
the political stage seem unprepared to come out in full support of an
outright coalition, particularly the splintered MDC.

      The opposition party has been involved in a divisive imbroglio. The
meeting, however, poked the panic buttons in the ruling Zanu PF party who
appear scared of latent potential in the broad alliance. Zanu PF secretary
for administration, Dydimus Mutasa this week scoffed at the possible merger
as posing a threat to Zanu PF.

      "I do not believe that the opposition is serious about wanting to
govern, or about setting up a government of Zimbabwe," Mutasa told a
government daily newspaper. He repeated the party mantra that gives his
party exclusive right to govern on account of its liberation war
credentials.

      "They themselves know that they have done absolutely nothing for
Zimbabwe, to bring Zimbabwe where it is. No one within the opposition was
involved in the liberation struggle, there are some who claim to have been
involved, but well, what can you do about such people?" Mutasa scoffed at
the possibility of an opposition coalition.

      Observers also fear that concentrating efforts on reunification of the
MDC could overshadow the main task of forming an coalition. Senior members
of both factions have denied efforts to unite the two constituents of the
erstwhile formidable opposition that posed the stiffest challenge to
President Mugabe's 26-year unbroken rule.

      Jameson Timba who had been shuttling back and forth between Mutambara
and Tsvangirai described the denials as mere posturing.

      "It is meant to placate members of each of the factions."

      "There are some people who fear for their positions in the event of a
reunification of the MDC. But that does not mean efforts to unify them are
not underway. Perhaps it is just fear of the outcome," Timba said.

      The proposed opposition party alliance agreed to use such methods as
democratic confrontation and mass resistance "to create a situation where
government is compelled to talk to its people to resolve the crisis."

      It will also adopt methods such as boycotts on issues and goods that
are untenable and the collapse of the economy defy unjust laws and
procedures, hold prayers and marches as part of its options, among other
pressures.

      Zimbabwe Bureau, AND


Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

Zimbabwe Skills and Reconstruction Press Release

PRESS RELEASE
Zimbabwe`s Civic Leaders to address ` Skills and
Reconstruction` forum in London.

Four leading Zimbabweans will be flying into London
next week (16th September) for Open Forum 2006, the
third in a popular series of networking events held
annually in the UK.  The Open Forum brings civic
leaders and commentators from Zimbabwe to analyse and
debate key issues with Zimbabweans and the wider
Southern African community in the UK.  This year's
forum will focus on the loss of skills in the
diaspora, especially in the health and education
sectors as well as the wastage of human resources
through inappropriate employment, the flight of
urgently needed skills from Zimbabwe and the potential
of the diaspora to promote and support reconstruction.

Guest Speakers at the Open Forum will be:-

NICHOLAS MKARONDA is co-ordinator of the Crisis
Coalition of Zimbabwe, based in South Africa.
Nicholas is an ordained Anglican priest and graduate
of the University of Zimbabwe, who has worked with
community theatre groups in Zimbabwe in the fields of
HIV, human rights, and democracy and has compiled a
book on the crisis in Zimbabwe from the church
perspective `Witness in a Time of Crisis`. He has also
worked among people displaced as a result of the land
reform programmes and co-ordinated the response of
pastors in Zimbabwe to Operation Murambatsvina.

RAYMOND MAJONGWE is a human rights activist and the
Secretary-General of the Progressive Teachers' Union
of Zimbabwe as well as a general council member of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU).  He has
frequently come into conflict with authorities in
Zimbabwe: having had his passport temporarily
withdrawn, and suffered both arrest and torture.

THABITHA KHUMALO is Vice President of the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). She has recently
visited Britain as part of the Dignity. Period!
Campaign. This, together with ACTSA, the British trade
union Amicus and other UK trade unions, helps
Zimbabwean women obtain sanitary products, which are
currently too expensive for any but the very rich to
afford.

DR STEPHEN MUNJANJA is a consultant obstetrician who
has worked at several government hospitals in Zimbabwe
- he is currently based at Harare Hospital and is also
an honorary lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe.
He has written widely on the subject of maternal
health and is a member of the WHO Task Force on
Reproductive Health for sub-Saharan Africa.

FORWARD MAISOKWADZO is a journalist, chair of the
Association of Zimbabwe Journalists in UK and
co-coordinator of the Exiled Journalists Network
(EJN).  Forward's journalistic career includes being a
reporter for the Zimbabwe Independent, freelancer and
stringer for the South African Sunday Times, The
Sunday Times (UK) and the Guardian Society Section.

SHANE LUNGA is currently chair of Zimbabwe Futures, a
voluntary organisation of exiled Zimbabweans which
aims 'to build up a to build an unstoppable momentum`
behind planning for Zimbabwe's future reconstruction'.
 He has been involved in a wide range of campaigns to
do with the situation in Zimbabwe - doing everything
from collecting petitions to engaging with
decision-makers on reconstruction issues.

The Open Forum reflects a growing recognition of the
extent to which the fates of Zimbabweans at home and
those abroad impact on one another.  The diverse
experiences of the speakers, who represent several
important sectors in Zimbabwean society, promises to
bring energy and insight into the debate and they will
be addressing issues such as the need for skills in
the promotion of democratic governance, human rights
and socio-economic recovery in Zimbabwe and the
contribution of the Zimbabwean diaspora to meeting
these needs. 

The debate will be chaired by LELA KOGBARA, of Action
for Southern Africa (ACTSA) the successor body to the
Anti-Apartheid Movement in the UK, and JEREMY DEAR,
general secretary of the UK National Union of
Journalists.  The event is expected to attract a broad
cross-section of Zimbabweans in the diaspora and to
reflect the diversity of the Southern African region.

Back Story:-
Similar line-ups of civic players from Zimbabwe, the
region and the wider international constituency of
support have spearheaded previous Open Forums.  In
2004 Moeletsi Mbeki director of one of South Africa's
leading television production companies and Thoko
Matshe, women's activist and former National
Constitutional Assembly chair were amongst those who
addressed a debate on the relationship between
Zimbabwe and South Africa and last year author and
academic, Elinor Sisulu joined Ahmed Motala, Director
of the Centre for the Study of Violence and
Reconciliation in South Africa, in contributing to a
discussion on supporting human rights in Zimbabwe. The
chance to meet, discuss and exchange information at
Open Forum events has given rise to lively and
productive debate in the past and this Open Forum 2006
should be no exception.

More information at www.britain-zimbabwe.org.uk

Open Forum 2006 'Zimbabwe: Skills and Reconstruction'.
Saturday 16th September )  2pm - 5.30pm University of
London Union, Malet Street, London WC1 - to arrange
interviews with the speakers on the day or with
spokespeople in advance of the event please contact
07811452030 or e-mail zimforum2006@yahoo.co.uk

Zimbabwe Open Forum is organised by the Britain
Zimbabwe Society in association with the International
Liaison Office of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum,
Zimbabwe Association, Zimbabwe Futures, WEZimbabwe,
WOZA Solidarity Group, End the Silence, Canon Collins
Trust, Action for Southern Africa (ACTSA), Progressio,
Centre of African Studies, London University, and the
Royal Africa Society (RAS).


Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

JAG Classifieds dated 5 September 2006

As a JAG member or JAG Associate member, please send any classified adverts
for publication in this newsletter to:

JAG Classifieds: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw

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1.  For Sale Items
2.  Wanted Items
3.  Accommodation
4.  Recreation
5.  Specialist Services
6.  Pets Corner

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1. OFFERED FOR SALE

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.1 Pet Mince for Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Please be advised that there will be no more deliveries until further
notice.  Sorry for the inconvenience.

Pet Mince for sale 500g for $80 000. Pet mince made from pork offal
including liver and veg only, it is minced and well cooked.
Cat Heart Mince with cooked liver for sale 250g for
$80 000
Delivered on Friday's, collected at Benbar Msasa at 10:30, JAG (17 Philips
Ave, Belgravia) at 11:30, Peace Haven (75 Oxford St off Aberdeen) at 12:30
and Olivine Head Office in car park at 3:00.
Please order by email.   Phone 011221088 or email claassen@zol.co.zw

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1.2 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

GET YOUR ORDERS IN NOW FOR THE LONG WEEKEND

FRESH DUG FARM POTATOES

STILL ONLY

Z$ 2 400 000.00 (OLD CURRENCY) / Z$ 2 400.00 (NEW CURRENCY) FOR MEDIUM

Z$ 2 700 000.00 (OLD CURRENCY) / Z$ 2 700.00 (NEW CURRENCY) FOR LARGE

CONTACT DEBBIE ON 091 830 953 TO PLACE YOUR ORDER

We apologise but we cannot accept cheques, strictly cash on delivery

FREE DELIVERY IN HARARE.

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1.3 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Two books on art.

1. The Story of Art, by E H GOMBRICH PHAIDON

2. ART THROUGH THE AGES by GARDNER

What offers?

Telephone 04 487631 or 04 459702 business hours ask for Ray. Or email
rwestley@mango.zw

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1.4 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

100 LITRE HEADER TANK

8 SQ.M. ITALIAN TILES

2 SQ.M. BLUE MOSAIC

STIHL 18" CHAINSAW SPARES

OUTER AIR FILTER CPB12 NISSAN LORRY

6 SQ.M. CARPET TILES

DOUBLE BED KNITTING MACHINES

TABLE TOP SANDER

PANASONIC AIRCON UNIT CS/CU903KE WITH REMOTE CONTROL

VICON MOWER

FALCON SLASHER

HIWAY TRAILER 6 TONNE FRONT AXLE WITH SPRING (NO SHACKLE)

PLEASE PHONE 091 305 313

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1.5 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Yamaha WR 450 F
(High performance Enduro-type Motorcycle)
2005 model
Excellent condition

Honda XR 600
Registered
16 000km
Immaculate condition.

Yamaha YZ 125
2002 model, new piston & rings.
Good condition.

Honda CR 85
2003 model, new piston & rings.
Good condition.

Kawasaki KX 85
2002 model,
Good condition.

Phone 04 443017.

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1.6 Vehicle For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

1991 Nissan 2.3 diesel pickup
140 000km, canopy, rubberised back,
towbar.

Phone: 04 443017.

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1.7 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

BULK FUEL

TYRES - For all types of tyres.

Phone: 04 443017.

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1.8 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

1  XXX 1998 SUZUKI  VITARA  GX 4 WHEEL DRIVE GOOD CONDITION.
ANY OFFERS PLEASE PHONE 091 217 667

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1.9 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

DEFY AUTOMAID WASHING MACHINE

Recently had a complete overhaul and still in regular use. $80,000.00 in new
currency o.n.c.o.

RECLINING CHAIR
Old, but still very comfortable. $20,000.00 in new currency o.n.c.o

Contact 302702 or 091-609078 to view.

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1.10 For Sale (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Dual Decoder in excellent condition for sale. $80Million in old money. Tel
884294 or 011602903 or e-mail gandami@mweb.co.zw. Alson 2 single decoders
with cards, offers.

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1.11 For Sale (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

DIGITAL CAMERA, SONY CYBERSHOT 4,1 MEGA PIXELS .ALL FEATURES. BRAND NEW
BOXED, $220 MILLION. CONTACT 011 402896, NO CHANCERS PLEASE,

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1.12 For Sale (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Isuzu KB250 engine parts including std. crankshaft and pulley, cylinderhead
(cw valves,injectors and heater plugs),injector pump and pipes, inlet
manifold, oil pump, sump, dip stick, water pump, pistons and conrods, clutch
assembly (for KB280)

Contact Ryan at MotorServ, Rhodsville Ave. 497725/480997

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1.13 For Sale (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Microlight..Cosmos.. Weight shift with 503 Rotax (100 hr only since o/haul)
c/w GPS, intercom, 60 ltr tank.
Reason for sale is an upgrade. Also Hanger space available at Komani
Microlight Club.

Contact Greame 091 261 751, John 091 631 556 or Alan 091 400 397

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1.14 For Sale (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

NEW SHARP EL-1607, ten digit electronic printing calculator with carry case.
Phone Rob 748939/748940/750635 Mon-Thurs 8am-5pm Fri 8am-4pm

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1.15 For Sale (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

CAT 922 FRONT END LOADER:

Good strong front loader machine in working condition
Powered by CAT 4 cylinder engine and transmission
Rear turning wheels (i.e. not articulated)
Fitted with 1 cubic metre bucket. Useful for loading all loose materials
(e.g. sand, gravel, mining materials, etc., etc.)
PRICE - Z$ 6.5 million o.n.c.o.

MASSEY FERGUSON MF390 TRACTOR
Good working condition. PRICE - Z$ 4 million o.n.c.o.

TOWED 4 WHEEL BOWSER - 4000 litre CAPACITY
In working condition. PRICE - Z$ 700,000 o.n.c.o.

TOWED VIBRATORY ROLLER (ENGINE DRIVEN VIBRATION SYSTEM)
In working condition. Excellent for compaction on gravel roads
Tractor Towed machine. PRICE - Z$ 4 million o.n.c.o.

SELECTION OF BRICK & BLOCK MAKING MACHINES/EQUIPMENT
Ideal for on-site brick & block making. PRICES on request

Various other items such as site offices, delta huts, concrete mixer, etc.,
available on request

Please contact Paul Brown on Hre 755 401/2, 091-754 302, instamac@mweb.co.zw
for further details.

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1.16 For Sale (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Horticulture 4 ft fluorescent lights, +/- 3 ha. Contact Martin 011 603 762
or Lars 011 604398

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1.17 For Sale (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Mercedes C240 Elegance 2002 model. Full house. White. Pristine Condition. 70
000km.  Serious offers only. US$35 000 equiv. Phone 011 808 262 or 067
23112.

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1.18 For Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

PEE WEE MOTORBIKE YAMAHA $ON ENQUIRY
STOVE (1 PLATE NOT WORKING) $25MILLION
OCCASIONAL HALD MOON TABLES $8MILLION EA
TABLE ROUND $10MILLION
2X PARKERNOLL CHAIRS $10MILLION EA
2X ARM CHAIRS & FOOT STOOL $20MILLION EA
OFFICE SWING CHAIR $15 MILLION
CARPET $12MILLION
DININGROOM SUITE ROUND TABLE ETC $35MILLION
SINGLE BED $15MILLION
CANE LOUNGE SUITE WITH TABLES  (NEED RECOVERING) $20 MILLION
CECIL RHODES ANTIQUE 2 SEATER $20MILLION
LIQUER CABINET $10MILLION
VARIOUS ORNAMENTS
VARIOUS PICTURES
VARIOUS CURTAINS/LINEN ETC
VARIOUS CROCKERY
WINDOW FRAMES
ARCHWAY MOLDS
GARDEN SPRAY
CEILING FANS
LAZY SUSAN
BUDGIES MIXED COLOURS $4MILLION EACH

TELEPHONE 251377 091321640 091909244

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1.19 For Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

CARAVAN (MOBILE HOME)  (2 BEDROOMS)

FULLY EQUIPPED WITH COMPLETE ROOF COVER FRONT AND BACK. STOVES, FRIDGES,
DEEP FREEZE, PRESSURE GEYSER, SHOWER, BEDS, TOASTER, IRON, KETTLE, GAS
BRAAI, ROTISERRIE - THE ABSOLUTE WORKS WITHIN NATIONAL ANGLERS UNION SITE.
PHONE JACQUIE 339144, 091 311 503.  OWNER LEAVING.  OFFERS.

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1.20 Business for Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

SMALL RETAIL BUSINESS CENTRALLY SITUATED IN AVONDALE SELLING HANDLES, KNOBS,
LOCKS, AND BATHROOM FITTINGS.  FABULOUS BUSINESS.  OWNER LEAVING.  OFFERS
PHONE JACQUIE 339144, 091 311 503

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1.21 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

TOYOTA PRADO 1998 model, white, 3 litre, turbo-intercooled, automatic
gearbox, diesel, electric windows, central locking, air-conditioning, fabric
seats, radio/tape deck, 172 000km (Arriving 6th September available to view
after that date).  Looking for US$20,000 equivalent.
Contact 091-225413 or PM 860909 bowen@zol.co.zw

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1.22 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

 "THE WEAVERY."
Phone your orders to--Anne--011212424 or 332851.
Email  joannew@zol.co.zw
Fax--332851.

SUPER GIFT IDEAS FOR LOCAL OR OVERSEAS FRIENDS AND FAMILY. LIGHT,EASY TO
WASH AND SOMETHING DIFFERENT.
 Prices.

Small woven bags--$1,200 each.
Large crocheted bags.--$2,700 each.
Large woven bags.--$2,300 each.

Table Runners.--$1,600

Set of 4 Fringed Table mats + serviettes--$5,100
Set of 6 Fringed mats+ serviettes--$8,000

Set of 4 Bordered table mats+ serviettes---$6,000
Set of 4 Bordered table mats only---$4,500
Set of 6 Bordered mats + serviettes--$9,000
Set of 8 Bordered mats + serviettes---$12,000

Tea cosy(L)--$1,000
Tea cosy(m)--$900
Tea cosy(s)--$800

Cotton(lined)oven gloves(pair)--$1,400
Aprons--$2,600

Decorated cushion covers--$1,900
Plain cushion covers---$1,600

X Large plain cotton rug--$15,000. approx.230x130cms.
Large plain cotton rug--$5,300.approx.150x75cms.
Med. plain cotton rug---$3,700.approx.120x65cms.
Small plain cotton rug.---$2,300.approx.105x52cms.
Cotton Rag Rug--$2,300.approx.105x52cms.
Lots of other rugs to order.Mohair and wool too.

Duvet Cushions(opens into a
duvet)--$16,000(Single).$20,000(Double).$23,000(Queen).
Toilet sets--$3,800
Bath mats---$2,300

 Wholesale prices available for orders (over 6 of an article) or large
purchases.

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1.23 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

LEFT HAND DRIVE TOYOTA LAND CRUISER 1999, DIESEL, 105000KM, AIR
CONDITIONING, POWER STEERING, POWER WINDOWS, DOUBLE AIRBAG, RADIO
CASSETTE/CD, SPEAKERS SUN ROOF EU 15000 NEG CONTACT
011614987/487200/497373/498190

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1.24 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

EXCAVATOR
Case Poclain 888, 18 tonner without engine in excellent condition.  Good for
spares or to have engine replaced for usage.  Highest offer secures.  Photos
available if interested.

TRACTORS
1 x Ford 6610 - 1 x Ford 5610 - 2 x Mushandi 640 F.W.A. - 1 x John Deere
1850 60hp

MUSHANDI 500 - NEWER MODEL - EXCELLENT CONDITION
Ideal for small farm / plot or as a haulage unit.  ZW$2,2 million re-valued
currency neg.

NEW & USED TRACTOR SPARES
Too many to list to include: - Deutz D60/D68 - 8 speed gearbox in good
condition ZW$150 thousand re-valued currency

Contact Doug Edwards Ph 068-22463 / 011212454 - tracspray@zol.co.zw

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1.25 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

New Eurostar Borehole Pump.
0.75 HP. $90,000 o.n.c.o. Phone Michael 091404542.

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1.26 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

Coarse Salt.   50 kgs, Z$5,500 collected Ruwa or Z$ 6,000 delivered Harare.
Molasses, Z$ 120 per litre.   Container required for large quantities.
Children's coloured chairs Z$ 3,000.  Apply mnmilbank@zol.co.zw

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1.27 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

Various 3m wooden garden shed / workshop / storeroom panels for sale, some
plain, some with windows, some with doors.
Please contact 023 418 781 for further details.

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1.28 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

RECIPE BOOKS @ $5 000 (new currency)
The Millennium Collection Of Great Recipes - Produced by Lilfordia School

A collection of tried and tested favourites from parents, grandparents and
friends.  First produced in 2001 this book has proved very popular as it
suits Zimbabwe's ingredients!

All proceeds will go towards re-vamping the Lilfordia School Staff Room as a
farewell gift from the outgoing Grade 7 class.

Contact:  Judy Bruce Tel:  494367 (evenings), 011 217 027, alidy@mweb.co.zw

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1.29 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Fuel - Marineland Harbour, Kariba

Dear Customers,

Please be advised that Kingdom Calls Pvt. Ltd t/a Marineland Harbour will be
taking over supply and control of their fuel depot with immediate effect.

Our Management Agreement to supply fuel to the Harbour has expired, and we
have decided against renewing it.

Please revert to contacting Marineland directly for your fuel requirements
on the following numbers:

Main Switchboard: 061 2845 / 3115 / 2331

PLEASE NOTE THAT MOBILE NUMBERS 091 275 714 & 091 269 330 ARE NOW PERSONAL
NUMBERS.

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1.30 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

HONEY JEWELLERY:  Imported from South Africa - a selection of gold-plated,
rhodium plated, antique bronze plated necklaces, bracelets, rings and
earrings, exclusively made up with Swarovski crystals, cubic zirconia,
pearls and a new range of bayong wood beads, coconut heish, brown lip shell
necklaces and bracelets.  Please contact Annette on 011 600 769 or
dapayne@zol.co.zw
----------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.31 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)
22 kva Generator run by 4 cylinder Diesel motor.
In very good condition

Offers welcome. For more information & viewing arrangements
Please contact Craig on 091 418 625

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1.32 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

A "family"(mother, father and baby) of exquisitely, carved hippos. You won't
find another like them. View them at "Serendipity"-coffee shop.2a,
Serendipity close (entrance on Golden Stairs Road), Mount Pleasant. Phone
Robyn 011413609 or Janet 091344616.They really are stunning--you need to see
them for yourself.

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1.33 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

2x 350l DEFY Fridge /white/

1x DEFY Sove /black/

1x TV SONY PLAZMA 42` LCD /silver/

Just imported. Call: 882384, 091 775544, 011 607045

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1.34 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

NEW & USED TRACTOR SPARES

Too many to list to include:-
Deutz D60/D68 - 8 speed gearbox in good condition ZW$150 thousand re-valued
currency
IRRIGATION PUMP - Power driven by 100hp Perkins Diesel engine, mounted on a
well built trailer. Please contact us for any further enquiries.

Contact Doug Edwards Ph 068-22463 / 011212454 - tracspray@zol.co.zw

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1.35 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Mein Kampf or My Struggle by Adolf Hitler. Unexpurgated edition.1939.Two
volumes in one. First volume: A Retrospect. Second volume: The National
Socialist Movement. Hurst and Blackett LTD London 1939. In good condition. I
am selling this book as a collector's item of historical interest as I in no
way condone the views contained in the book. Please email zermatt@mweb.co.zw

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1.36 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

AUDI A4 - Second owner since new with service record.  Excellent condition.
Leather seats. 160000km Offers.  Phone 339144, 091 311 503

HONDA PRELUDE V TEC - 1994.  Beautiful metallic silver. Immaculate. 155000
km.  Offers.  Phone 339144, 091 311 503

---------------------------------------------------------------

2 WANTED ITEMS

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

2.1 Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Twincab with canopy. Good condition. Low mileage. Preferably Toyota or
Isuzu, but will consider other makes.

Phone: Sean or Trish - 091 262 099 / 091 231 134 / 069-4002

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2.2 Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Two matching single beds and bases in good condition.
One double bed in good condition.
Please phone Jenny 011 409 353

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2.3 Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

!   NEEDED URGENTLY MERU TYPE TENT IN GOOD CONDITION.
PLEASE PHONE 091 217667

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2.4 Wanted (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

2 x 20 foot refrigerated containers in working order. One coldroom and one
freezer room.

Contact Dux on 091 372 737 or procurement@saflodge.co.zw

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2.5 Wanted (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

8 seater metal verandah dining suite, preferably with cushions, in good
condition.  Will pay cash.

Please phone Clare on 091 233618 or 776494 (evenings)

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

2.6 Wanted (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

Phillips of LG Colour Television in good working order min. 21''.Plse call
Andrew on  740233 Hre.

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2.7 Wanted (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

Heavy-duty trailer - Safari operator spec.

Phone 861352 or email richmond@mweb.co.zw

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2.8 Wanted to Lease Urgent (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

Wanted to lease - large small-holding or small farm. We need flat land to do
horses - outbuildings would be essential, as would a house. Stables would be
a bonus. Urgent.
Contact 011 215 197 or e-mail martynandcarole@zol.co.zw

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2.9 Wanted (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

HEIFERS or Weaners wanted to buy. I need 12 to 15 animals from in and around
the following areas Chinhoyi, Banket, Karoi, Tengwe , Hurungwe, Kadoma and
Kwekwe. Prefer Brahman, Africander , Tuli or any other hard mombes . Please
contact Joel on 091 450 928 or Email joelsonwozhi@yahoo.com

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2.10         Wanted (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

WANTED urgently is a Working / Non- Working TV, VCR, DVD, Satellite Dish,
Decoder and/or Hifi. Please contact Joel on 091 450 928 or email
joelsonwozhi@yahoo.com

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2.11         Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Plastic.  Most kinds of used clean plastic purchased.  Free transport on
commercial quantities.
Please contact:  Reclaim Plastics, Ruwa.  Phone 073-2860 or 073-3350.

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2.12         Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Alternator only (no engine) single phase 5KVA.  Please contact Rob on
robfynn@mango.zw or phone: 04-499776, 091887864

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

2.13         Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Landini Tractor 68:60 4 wheel drive in good working order.  Please contact
Sean 011 209628

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2.14         Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

UREGNTLY looking for a Reel-to-Reel Tape recorder.  Power operated.  With or
without microphone.
Variable speed 1 1/4 to 7 1/2 rev's per second.
Please contact Bill Edwards on 091240206 or through Doug Edwards
tracspray@zol.co.zw or 068-22463

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2.15         Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Wanted are old $100 000.00 bearer cheques, phone 496829

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3 Accommodation Wanted and Offered

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.1 House for Rent (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Mandara, off Wallis Rd

4 Bedrooms
2 Bathrooms
2 lockup garages
2 servant quarters

Lovely garden with swimming pool & borehole

Walled with electric fencing!

For further details & viewing please contact

Craig on 091 418 625

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3.2 House Sitter Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Accommodation for ex farmers offered.
I am due to go overseas at the end of August to work for 3 and half months.
I do not want to loose my base in Harare, which is a delightful 2 bed roomed
granny flat in Kensington, attached to main house, with beautiful garden.
Has a main bedroom and a small spare bedroom, nice kitchen and bathroom and
main room = lounge/dining room. Hallway guest loo can also be used. Fully
furnished and equipped.  Lock up garage available and part-time servant if
required.  Only need to bring own linen and clothes and toaster.

I need a single person or couple to house sit approx 1 Sep to 20 December.
Would be grateful if something could be paid towards rent (which includes
electricity) and for the telephone bill to be paid in full.

The ideal person / couple would like cats (I have 3 that need to be fed) and
dogs (landlady has 3) and be good with an elderly lady (nearly 80, but very
sprightly), especially if she is ill.

Please contact Sue Ellis: 04-735149 or 011-613905 or e-mail
ellis5@mango.zw

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3.3 Accommodation Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Hello.  Is there anyone who can assist me - this is what I'm looking for -
urgent please as my landlord has decided to up the rent... Or move back in
to the house I am leasing from him.

Garden Flat or very nice flat in Avondale, Avondale West, Belgravia, Milton
Park, Kensington area (1st preference); 2 bedrooms with storage space and
parking; will consider a flat in Avenues area/ town only if it's very nice,
quiet and secure.
A house also an option if it's very secure and also in the same areas as
above.
Price guide - will consider each offer but above $50m will be a considerable
strain but appreciate that may not have many options.
Seeking a long lease.
This is required by me:  Miss Yeukai Gatsi
Human Resources Manager - Toyota Zimbabwe yeukai@toyota.co,zw: Tel:
486282-4/ 480019-24
Fax: 480025 or contact Shana McKeown
Advertising & Promotions Manager - Marketing Toyota Zimbabwe
shana@toyota.co.zw /Tel: 486282-4/ 480019- 24 or Fax: 480025

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3.4 Accommodation Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Desperately looking for accommodation for my daughter Rochelle Vermaak, aged
19 years, currently working for Executive link / Premier Banking  just
behind Alex sports club on Beit Road just around the corner from Doctor
Freemantle's room's.

If anyone has a spare room or a small cottage close to this area that I
could rent from you please contact me on the following address or numbers.

Rochelle doesn't have transport, so accommodation must be relatively close
to Executive link premises.

Ed Vermaak or Rochelle on 091 - 347982
No 3 Kapok Close, Aerial Hill, Kariba
Tele - +263 - 61 - 3176 / 2680 evenings.
Cell - +263 - 11 - 208665 or Email ed@zol.co.zw

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3.5 (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

HOUSE WANTED TO RENT OR BUY IN KARIBA

We are a young couple looking for an upmarket property in Kariba, either to
buy or to rent (possibly with an option to buy).  We are both professionals
and have our own businesses and will pay good money for the right property.
We would like something with a swimming pool and preferably (although not
essentially) air-conditioned and with a view of the lake.  Furnished or
unfurnished.

Please email kiara@zol.co.zw or telephone 061 3192 after hours.

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3.6 (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Accommodation Wanted

Sober person looking for immediate accomadation
around the East Rand in Joburg. Phone Graham cell (SA) 076-1359806 (H) (+27)
011-782 9635

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3.7 (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

ACCOMMODATION OFFERED

I have two rooms, which I'd like to rent out.  As I will be alone with my
mother I would prefer to rent these rooms to two gentlemen for security
purposes.  The gentlemen should be decent and of sober habits.  Please
contact Debbie on  091 830 953 or email
customercare@hotelguestsupplies.co.zw for further information

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3.8 Accommodation Wanted (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Responsible middle aged ex farming couple require cottage / small house to
rent as soon as possible.

Area: preferably Avondale / Northwestern suburbs.

Email: nelaine@mango.zw; Ph.: 335621 - evenings

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3.9 Accommodation Wanted (Ad inserted 22/0806)

Middle aged couple with two teenage kids require 3 or 4 bed roomed house,
Hillside, Greendale, Mandara etc, From November, pref long lease. Please
phone Brian Lethbridge on 091260026.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.10 Accommodation Wanted (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

Accommodation is needed for a trainee Diesel Pump Technician. Location
Greendale / Mandara area, preferably close to the Arcturus Road. He works
mid way between Harare and Arcturus.

Please telephone Mark on 459702 business hours or 459703 after hours, or you
can email me at rwestley@mango.zw

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.11 Accommodation Wanted (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

We are a young married couple with a two-year-old daughter looking for a
secure home to rent.  Any area considered, need not be fancy but homely.  We
guarantee to look after your home. 1st October or earlier

If you can help please contact Kerry-Anne Mellet 750905-14 or 091-754-226 or
email Kerry Anne.Mellet@zw.ey.com

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.12 Town House for Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

TOWN HOUSE for sale in Johannesburg, Sibiti Summercon Private Estate.  3
BEDROOM, 3 BATHROOM, FOURWAYS Price ZAR 1 700 000. OWNER FINANCE AVAILABLE -
ONLY 15% DOWN.  Rental will cover monthly instalments.
For more details contact afriglobal@gmail.com or phone rob +26311221623

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.13 House for Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

House for sale - Borrowdale $160 million (new currency)
Lovely Mediterranean home comprising 4 bedrooms, 2 bathrooms (main en
suite), guest loo, 2 lounges, kitchen, covered verandah with built-in bar,
swimming pool, pretty garden with prolific borehole, alarmed,
satellite, generator, fully walled, electric fence, electric gate.  Set on 1
acre.  Phone 091-601-695.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.14 Accommodation Offered (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

The old Glenlorne farm house, at 27 Arnold Edmunds Drive, available for rent
as from end Sept:

A large master bedroom, ensuite, with own lounge and office; 3 bedrooms
sharing another bathroom; big sitting room, with sun room and dining room
adjoined, looking on to garden; spacious kitchen; Large front garden and
vege garden in rear, good borehole water, Msasa woodland surrounds. Good
security. 2 x Tel One Lines
connected.

This house is part of a small community, being one of 3 main residences and
a cottage on a 5 acre stand, electric fenced with alarm, each with its own
privacy,
sharing common automatic entrance gate , security guard and neighbourhood
watch expenses.

Equiv US$ 225 pm, contact Rob on 091 887 864, 04 499776, or robfynn@mango.zw

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.15 Accommodation Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Single house-proud lady with elderly mother and two children looking for a 3
or 4 bedroomed house.  Must be walled and gated.  Loves gardening.  Please
contact Debbie on 091 830 953 or email customercare@hotelguestsupplies.co.zw

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.16 House-sitter Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Reliable family/elderly couple to housesit a house on a citrus farm in
Hazyview South Africa from mid November to mid February.
Any queries please contact us at the following email
fourstreams@xtra.co.nz

---------------------------------------------------------------

4 RECREATION

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.1 Savuli Safari (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Self-catering chalets in the heart of the Save Valley Conservancy. Game
watching, fishing, horse riding, canoeing, walking trails and 4x4 hire. Camp
fully kitted including cook and fridges, just bring your food, drinks and
relax. Best value. 1/2 U/12 U3 free.  Contact John: savuli@mweb.co.zw or
Phone 091 631 556

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.2 (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

DO WANT TO SPEND A RELAXING WEEKEND AWAY?

WHY NOT VISIT MAZVIKIDAI ? ONLY 80KM FROM HARARE

A SELF CATERING LODGE WHICH CAN SLEEP UP TO 20 PEOPLE FOR ONLY Z$ 5 000
000.00 (NEW CURRENCY Z$ 5 000.00) PER NIGHT AT THE MOMENT

FOR FURTHER DETAILS PLEASE CONTACT DEBBIE ON 091 830 953

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.3 Forth-coming events (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Art Exhibition: Saturday 4 November 2006 at 187 CarickCraig Road Helensvale

Theme:  Opertunities

This is an open exhibition all artists who wish to exhibit are welcome,
there will be a nominal admin fee charged and a commission charged on any
works sold on the day.
If you wish to book for a stand, please contact me at this e-mail address
warwick@earth.co.zw or 091346875.  Or at 187 Carick Craig Road (from 1
September 2006)

Gates open from 9 am to late afternoon. There will be refreshments
available.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.4 Aintree Road Fair (Lovely Linens Fair) (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Bookings are now open Please contact Sandy directly on e-mail
parvin@zol.co.zw or contact the shop on 490615 or make bookings directly to
Lovely Linens at 14 Aintree Road Highlands.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.5 Christmas Craft fair in the Village (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

We are going to try a new concept this year and hold our annual Christmas
fair in the village complex at Sam Levy;s Village . This will be on Saturday
and Sunday 9 and 10 December 2006.

Bookings are now open; we will however reserve the right to choose who can
exhibit, as we will not permit any flea market or commercially made items.

Please make your bookings on this e-mail address warwick@earth.co.zw or
contact 091346875.

Booking forms will also be available from the Tenants association in Sam
Levys Village as from 1 September 2006.

There will be a stand fee charged, this will be to cover overheads and
advertising and other costs.

There will be no entrance fee charged on the days but there will be
charities collecting donations on the day.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.6 (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

HEAR YE    HEAR YE

MEDIEVAL DINNER AND DANCE ON FRIDAY 29TH SEPTEMBER 2006

AT HELLENICS CLUB, EASTLEA NEXT TO CHAPMAN'S  7PM TILL LATE

MUSIC BY ALCHEMY

DRESS : MEDIEVAL ATTIRE PREFERED
BUT SMART CASUAL IS ACCEPTED

TICKETS ON SALE NOW.  TICKETS CAN BE DELIVERED

CONTACT DEBBIE ON 091 830 953

FOR BOOKING OR FURTHER INFORMATION

DINNER CONSISTS OF A 3 COURSE MEAL

LOTS OF PRIZES. FUN TO BE HAD BY EVERYONE.

BOOK NOW TO AVOID DISAPPOINTMENT

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4.7 (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

GACHE GACHE LODGE - KARIBA

Accommodation still available for xmas and new year. Book now to save
dissappointment.
Contact: Andrea tourleaders@zol.co.zw or 091 208 836

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4.8 (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

Stunning Self Catering Apartments on the beach, Umhlanga and the North
Coast, to let, contact Bonnie 00 27 83 4155650 or beachholiday@telkomsa.net
or Angie 091 402 351

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.9 (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

WINDY'S PUB

WHERE YOU WILL FIND GOOD MUSIC (By ALCHEMY), GOOD FOOD AND GOOD COMPANY

FREE SNACKS; FOOD ON SALE; CHEAP DRINKS (JUST ABOVE COST PRICE)

14 TERENURE ROAD; MANDARA

PHONE DEBBIE ON 091 830 953 FOR DETAILS

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4.10 (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

INGRIDS LODGES BED & BREAKFAST
'' A home away from home.''

For your stay in Bulawayo!

An Accommadation Establishment of Exceptional Class

Whether you are travelling for business or pleasure our lodges offer you
privacy, comfort and friendly atmosphere.

Each lodge has a kettle, mini bar, TV, en-suite bathroom and shower for your
comfort.

Peaceful surroundings in a secure walled property with a gate and easily
accessible.

Phone: 263 - 9 - 241763
or  240078
E-mail:  ingolod@mweb.co

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5 SPECIALIST SERVICES

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

5.1 (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

SERVICES

Express Tree-Feller, Alexio Kambanje, highly recommended. Capable of
carrying out difficult and unusual challenges. He can be reached on
023-313-016

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

5.2 (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

If you have an Apple computer and it needs servicing or repair, I can highly
recommend an excellent specialist service in Tonderayi Matema at ISSHOGAI
ENTERPRISES P/L, Wesley House, 17 Selous Ave, 2nd floor, Cnr Third St /
Selous Ave

Phone:  +263 4 704156, 704192, 704199
mobile: +263 91 410 148, e-mail: fatch@mweb.co.zw

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

5.3 Second-hand Junk (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

Do you want to get rid of your second hand junk ?  Your junk is someone
else's treasure.  We will sell it on your behalf.  Please contact Debbie on
091 830 953 or email vicspub@yahoo.com for further information

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

5.4 Minor Vehicle Repairs (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Minor vehicle repairs and servicing undertaken by qualified mechanic.
Personalized service and very reasonable rates.

Phone Johnny Rodrigues 336710, 339065, 011 603 213
----------------------------------------------------------------------------

5.5 (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Cooking courses for Domestic workers

Training by qualified chef... Also available for small functions birthday
parties etc.

For more information contact Jacques on 011 214 453

-------------------------------------------------------------------------

6 PETS CORNER
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
6.1 Home Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

GOLDEN LABRADOR:

Zulu is my golden Labrador, who is nine years old. He is a loving, obedient
male dog. His only problem is being gun shy and thunder and lightening
bother him and then he likes to run indoors. I am looking for a loving kind
home for him to very special folk, as I am leaving my house and moving to
tiny premises. Because of his fear I would prefer a home with NO CHILDREN.
Contact Linda Cell 091321640 or (H) 251377 evenings only.

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6.2 Wanted (Ad inserted 08/08/06)

Jack Russell puppy - Please phone Jenny 011 409 353

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6.3 Wanted (Ad inserted 16/08/06)

Budgies. Please contact mshaw@zol.co.zw. Preferably Harare or surrounds.

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6.4 Wanted (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

I'm looking for 2 German shepherd dogs aged round about 3 years old, which
will go to a VERY loving and VERY good home. Please phone 302138, Kathy
Hull.

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JAG Hotlines:
+263 (011) 610 073 If you are in trouble or need advice,
 please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here to help!
+263 (04) 799 410 Office Lines
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
To advertise (JAG Members): Please email classifieds to: jag@mango.zw with
subject "Classifieds".

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