The ZIMBABWE Situation | Our
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ONE of the items currently permeating through Zimbabwe's public opinion agenda is the "Third Way" initiative. This idea has been presented within the context of a whole lot of other developments that have simmered through the country's political landscape.
One such issue that has
been smuggled into the third way debate is to do with the February 2000
Constitutional Referendum.
Prominent third way movers, among them Professor Jonathan Moyo and Jethro
Mpofu, have written suggesting that the "No vote" campaign in that referendum
was misplaced.
I disagree. If anything, the "No vote" was a vote of conscience that laid a
solid foundation for a protracted struggle against a systematic tyranny that the
Zanu PF regime has worked so hard to establish in Zimbabwe.
That Zimbabwe would be in a better position had the "Yes Vote" prevailed is
a claim that has not been or cannot be substantiated at all. Those who
suggest that Zanu PF would no longer be powerful had the government-sponsored
draft constitution been accepted by the electorate, are either not in the full
grasp of the Zanu PF culture, or are simply omitting reality for convenience's
sake.
To bring issues into an enlightening perspective, it is perhaps necessary to
revisit 2000 and delve into the merits of the "No Vote' campaign and victory.
First, it must be noted that the process through which the rejected draft
constitution came into being was one in which the fundamental tenet of people
power was not respected.
In a democracy, the majority of the people must dominate and determine the
process of constitution-making. This is important in that it ensures that the
people's wishes are reflected in the constitution and that it does not give
governments much room to tamper with the constitution without raising the
people's concern. This was not the case with the process that resulted in the
Constitutional Commission's proposed constitution, which the people rejected.
The commission itself was appointed on partisan lines by the president. Its
time-table was also set by the president who, again, had the final say on what
went into its final draft.
In the process, some fundamental issues raised by the people were ignored and
the draft ceased to be the people's draft, becoming the president's draft.
Were the people wrong in saying "No" to a document whose production process
invalidated their importance and centrality?
Then there were issues of content. The draft from the Zanu PF-inspired
Constitutional Commission had numerous provisions that were not only contrary to
what the people wanted but were also dangerous for democracy and development.
One such provision related to the executive presidency. All Zimbabweans who
can clearly see and read, agree to the fact that the greatest monster within the
current Zimbabwean constitution is the creation of an all-powerful president
with too many powers that render invalid the concept and logic of the need for
checks and balances within the arms of the state.
The commission's draft still provided for such a dangerously powerful
president with wide-ranging and unchecked powers around key national issues such
as appointment and dismissal of public figures, exercising the prerogative of
mercy and dissolving parliament among others.
There was no way in which progressive Zimbabweans would have allowed
for this perpetuation of a menacing personality power cult.
To conceal the scars that blemished it, the draft of the Constitutional
Commission had in it the provision of a prime minister whose function resembled
that of a high school prefect.
While the prime minister was being described as head of cabinet, the
anachronism hovering around his/her existence was that his/her cabinet was to be
chaired by the same all-powerful president.
In capping the president's overriding powers, the commission's draft went on
to provide for a rubber-stamp parliament. Yet one of the most legitimate and
imminent needs of Zimbabweans is redemption from a constitutional edifice in
which parliament, the supposed repository of people power, cannot easily pass a
vote of no confidence in a non-performing government.
Within the same treachery of coated autocracy, the commission's draft also
provided for the creation of a senate that was virtually toothless. The
provision for the senate was used to portray an impression that the executive
president's powers were to be checked.
However, the senate provided for was to be so weak that it would not
effectively police the president. As if this was not enough to give the
president precedence over citizens and citizenship, the Bill of Rights that was
caged within the commission's draft was narrow in scope and did not protect
certain rights and freedoms that are key to the preservation of human dignity
and liberty.
The freedom of the press, the right to education, the right for workers to
strike, the right to health and the right to full gender equality are among
fundamental rights and freedoms that were not covered in the commission's
proposed Bill of Rights.
As if to point out its real sources of origin, the draft from the Chief
Justice (Godfrey) Chidyausiku-chaired commission also did not provide for a
genuinely independent electoral commission.
This weakness alone pointed to how the draft emanated from within the same
circles of perfected rigging and treachery. Elections would still have been
stolen through that window-dressing draft constitution. Democratic processes
would have still been manipulated.
What was to be expected with service chiefs declaring that they would be
under no obligation to respect, let alone salute anyone from outside the Zanu PF
strait-jacket?
What was to be expected with the so-called war veterans continuing to take
the law into their own hands?
The draft would offer nothing but more rituals of treachery. It was in this
light that the "No vote" campaign was championed.
The victory that translated from this spirited and informed campaign was no
fluke. It was a sweet, genuine, and significant victory against a system that,
for too long, has been surviving through deception.
A "Yes vote" victory would have been a prelude for greater deception from a
Zanu PF oligarchy that has dutifully and successfully elevated chicanery into a
fine art. Refusal to acknowledge this reality amounts to negating the essence of
the very foundations of a struggle in which the people of Zimbabwe must
fearlessly confront Zanu PF in order to guarantee a future for the country.
We desperately need a refreshed struggle platform from which to propel
ourselves from the current state of bondage, which for the sake of a few more
years in power, Zanu PF has visited upon us. But, the solution cannot come from
negating the very foundations of the current struggle against a dictatorship
that is rooted in a warped constitutional order.
* Earnest Mudzengi is senior programme officer at the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA).
THE constitutional amendments passed last week are not just the abrogation of the basic human rights of Zimbabwean citizens. They also put the seal on this regime's disregard for private property and lack of belief in the rule of law.
The economic implications
are dire: it is not just foreign investors, but local entrepreneurs who look to
such basic elements being in place before they are willing to invest. Without
investment, there will be no jobs, no income, no growth.
Presumably this government thinks it can do without foreign investors and
that local people will invest anyway because they are captives in this collapsed
economy?
This is deluded thinking, symptomatic of the view that the country can go it
alone, spurning the challenges and opportunities presented by participating in
the modern global economy. This is the path Zimbabwe under the present
government is already treading - of swift descent into a subsistence economy,
except perhaps for a few enclaves producing primary products for export.
Yet, true to Zanu PF's propensity for policy inconsistency, this is also the
week when the government has paid US$120 million of the arrears owed to the
International Monetary Fund.
We are told the payments are from the country's own funds and that this in a
desperate bid to remain a member of the IMF - in other words to continue as a
player in the global economy.
We in the MDC are concerned that the confusion (at national, regional and
international levels) these inconsistencies provoke will only serve to worsen
the country's situation.
In respect of the current negotiations with the IMF, what people do not seem
to appreciate is that paying off a chunk of the arrears is the "easy" part. What
is more difficult for this regime is meeting the requirement to present a
comprehensive economic policy package which the IMF board will find coherent and
credible.
If the country is to return to the IMF fold, the successful execution of an
agreed programme with the IMF over a period of at least nine months would be
necessary. Only then would the release of fresh funds be considered and only
then would it be necessary to clear the arrears.
Why then pay a large portion of the arrears now?
If US$120 million of foreign currency was available from the country's own
resources, why was it not used to buy food, fuel, medicines and the crucial
inputs required to keep the economy going, in particular to allow production of
items which can be exported?
The frightening reality is that this government is happy to see people
starve. When it comes to spending extremely scarce foreign exchange, arms
purchases and IMF arrears are considered far more important.
The forex situation was already so bad that mineral concessions earlier this
year were given to firms in Dubai in return for a few weeks of fuel imports. Now
we are told that operating gold mines are being pledged for unpayable foreign
currency loans from South African private banks. Yet the government still has
the temerity to continue harping on about Zimbabwe's "sovereignty".
The state media claim that Zimbabwe's economic policies are in fine shape.
Nothing could be further from the truth. It is not just that the figures are so
far off-scale, the problem with the current policies is that trademark
inconsistency we've already been talking about.
Just before the IMF team arrived in Zimbabwe for a last look at the country's
policies before the September 9 IMF board meeting, the RBZ sharply increased
interest rates and allowed the "auction" exchange rate to depreciate to a level
to allow non-primary product exporters to be competitive.
The direction of these policy changes is towards the orthodox approach, but
the changes made are as usual too little, too late. Their main impact at this
stage will be to add to inflation through greatly increasing the local currency
cost of imports and raising the financing costs of locally-produced goods and
services.
If a competitive exchange rate had been set and maintained when the "auction"
was started in January 2004, exporters at that time would have been able to
respond.
Stocks of imported items were at a high level, giving a breathing space to
get foreign exchange generation working again. With the auction rate at a
competitive level, the parallel market would have disappeared altogether.
That opportunity was squandered, and the situation 20 months later is that
there are so many shortages (fuel, electricity, raw materials, skilled labour)
that there will not be an effective response to the competitive official
exchange rate.
The biggest inconsistency in current polices, though, is on the fiscal side.
The orthodox approach to reducing hyperinflation requires not just tight
monetary policies but a complementary fiscal policy of extreme restraint.
The Minister of Finance seems to think that a budget deficit of 8,7% falls in
this category, but from the viewpoint of a consistent anti-inflation programme,
a budget deficit of 8,7% of GDP is a disaster.
Furthermore, there are many reasons to think that the actual budget deficit
will be very much higher than this. For example, food imports are going to cost
more than budgeted, but perhaps the low budget shows the intent to let the
country starve. The interest charges are also grossly underestimated: with 30
and 91-day Treasury Bills at 200% and 265% respectively there is significant
feedback from the tightening of the monetary policy to the budget.
In addition, there are huge subsidies being paid outside the budget, which
also have inflationary consequences. Properly accounted for, the subsidies going
through the GMB, for example, amount to more than a trillion dollars a month.
Zesa, Tel*One, the NRZ and other parastatals are all running colossal deficits.
Without taking dramatic action to cut government expenditures (eg scrapping
all the new ministries, amalgamating others, selling military hardware, closing
Zimbabwean embassies abroad etc), and to restore some degree of cost-recovery
for basic services provided by parastatals, the fiscal position will negate the
monetary policy stance.
So, the upshot of the government's inconsistent policies is the worst of all
worlds. Going forward, Zimbabweans will have to face continued shortages,
accelerating inflation, continued loss of jobs, widening poverty and increasing
hunger. There will be growing resentment at a large chunk of the country's most
scarce resource - foreign currency - being paid to the IMF with absolutely no
immediate prospect of a return on this payment.
What we have so often said before becomes ever more starkly evident as the
crisis deepens: that the causes of Zimbabwe's crisis are fundamentally
political. Until there is substantial political change - starting with
restoration of the rule of law and a political commitment to a consistent
macro-economic stabilisation and recovery programme - there can be no
"turnaround", let alone sustained improvement in the economy of this beleaguered
country.
* Biti is MDC secretary for economic affairs.
THE performance-based contracts Zimbabwe's international cricketers are refusing could see the highest-ranked player raking in over $500 million for a Test win, IndependentSport can reveal.
According to the new
contracts Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC) is offering, the incentive scheme would see a
level-one player earning $87,5 million in match fees for a Test win, $44 million
for a tie and $26 million for a loss.
The top-ranked players stand to earn $262,5 million for a win, $131 million
for a tie and $96 million for a loss in a Test match.
On top of the match fees, the incentive ZC is dangling would see any player
being rewarded with $350 million for a century and $140 million for 50 runs
during a Test match. A 10-wicket haul in a match would earn a bowler $350
million and $140 million for five wickets.
At least three wicket-keeping dismissals not including run-outs would
guarantee $35 million per match, while three fielding catches get $26 million.
There are also seasonal cumulative incentives, with a player who scores at
least 400 runs getting $175 million, the same reward for 30 wickets.
For one-day internationals (ODIs), the lowest-ranked player is guaranteed
$52,5 million for a win, $26 million for a tie and $19 million for a loss. An
ODI century or five wickets would be rewarded with $140 million, while three
catches can earn one $17,5 million.
In comparison, New Zealand cricketers were paid US$6 000 ($150 million at the
official exchange rate) per Test and US$2 500 ($62,5 million) per ODI for their
efforts during their just-ended tour of Zimbabwe.
Only skipper Tatenda Taibu, his vice Heath Streak and all-rounder Andy
Blignaut have been offered negotiated national contracts, while 27 other players
have been given the prescribed level-one contracts.
ZC has offered all the players a monthly retainer fee of at least $20
million, while only 15 out of 30 who have been benefiting would get cars.
However, the players are not happy with the new incentive system, preferring
central contracts that would guarantee them lumpsum incomes every month. The
cricketers are demanding take-home pay of up to $50 million per month and other
perks such as DStv subscription, cars, fuel allowance and full-cover medical aid
on top of match fees and other performance rewards.
l Meanwhile Clive Field, the players' representative, has ruled out the
possibility of a player rebellion, saying the cricketers stand to lose immensely
if they go on strike against the new contract system that will see players
getting remunerated according to their performances.
Final negotiations between the parties are still ongoing, and Field said
there were still "issues of concern and anomalies" such as the grading
structures which still have to be discussed.
Field said the only option for the players in the event they do not accept
the final contract document would be to "take the contracts back to ZC" rather
than resort to a strike.
Field's affirmation was consistent with that of ZC managing director Ozias
Bvute and Zimbabwe Professional Cricketers Association chairman Mluleki Nkala
who both dismissed fears of a players' strike at a press conference on Monday.
"There is no risk to cricket. The game is bigger than any thing else," Field
said.
"The players are determined to get a better deal, and they are entitled to
have an input, and to have a clear idea of where ZC are taking cricket.
"But from the players' point of view they feel that they must still play
cricket. That is what they are paid to do, and that is what they are good at.
"To turn their back on cricket just because they did not get contracts will
damage them, and it will damage Zimbabwean cricket. There is too much to be lost
in people taking hard decisions."
Although details of the contracts have already been publicised, copies of the
contracts will only be available to the players on September 14. Field said
discussions are being held in the "spirit of negotiations".
He added: "I do not want to see ZC lose and the players winning. We want to
see a situation where both sides get as much as they want.
"We need to see Zimbabwean cricket prosper."
Press
Release
Women of
ONE
hundred and seventy five women from around the country convened the Women of
Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) Annual Congress, dubbed the ‘Assembly of Sheroes’ from 4
to 6 September in
Delegates
came from urban areas of
The
business of the Assembly was successfully conducted and included:
Resolutions were made to address the
following issues through peaceful protest:
The Sheroes endorsed the mandate of
WOZA to continue to speak out, lobbying and conduct advocacy within communities.
They acknowledged that there is great impact within and without
Women after women testified that
despite arrests during peaceful protests, they would continue to participate as
long as their day to day existence was being affected by an uncaring Government.
Many testified as to the success of the dual mobilising strategy of visible
street protests with invisible community meetings. WOZA also conduct secret
workshops to empower women with knowledge about their rights and how to act on
them.
Women thanked the men who support
their wives and mothers and ‘sisters in the Diaspora’ for being in solidarity
with them and them to continue. Special mention must also go the members of
Amnesty International who send solidarity postcards and write, fax and phones
members of the
Elections were conducted for members
of ‘Mother WOZA’ the management body but as a raft of unjust laws is still in
place their identity has to be kept secret. The leadership met the strict
criteria that compliment their action mandate. Each candidate had to have a high
level of courage and good mobilizing capabilities; a record of attendance in
past activities and volunteers to do administrative and organizing functions;
follows the Sisterhood Promise and is humble enough to work within their
community despite being a leader. The election was conducted by the ZLHR acting
as an Independent Election Commission. They declared the election ‘Free and fair
and above board’.
The
management board Mother WOZA have expressed their willingness to lead the
organisation through what could be the hardest year for Zimbabweans by saying,
“Our theme this year was Defending Women, Defending Rights and we will do
exactly that. We have
set ourselves up as a litmus test to proof that the power of love can conquer
the love of power. ‘Tough Love’ is our secret weapon of mass mobilisation. We
are mobilising Zimbabweans for an Evolution not a revolution. There is a saying
‘Hope too long deferred makes the heart sick. Our job will be to cater to the
sick hearts but also to give women hope for a better tomorrow.”
Ends
For more
information, please contact mobiles: Jenni Williams +263 91 300 456 Magodonga
+263 91 362 668 or +263 91 898 110/1/2
Background to our solution TOUGH
LOVE.
WOZA
takes to the streets in protest. We are not intellectuals we are just
mothers of the nation and we know that history shows that women are the true
liberators of countries.
We call
our type of civil resistance, ‘Tough Love’. We love our country enough to
sacrifice being jailed for it and the ‘tough’ because our type of love is not
easy. 'Tough Love' is
the disciplining love of a parent; we must practice it and bring dignity back to
our families. As 'Tough Love' Defenders we must keep the spirit of our crusade
intact and safe from willful misunderstanding. Tough Love from the grassroots is
the solution to crisis of governance in
To show the attitude that we had to cope with, a recent
example. A Bulawayo Police spokesman, Inspector Smile Dube confirmed the arrest
of 12 party members putting up posters for a mayoral election in July. They were
arrested for violating sections of the tough Public Order and Security Act
(POSA), which bans Zimbabweans from gathering in groups of more than three
people to discuss politics without police clearance. He said, "We cannot let a
situation where people just go about blocking traffic, Toyi-toying and
disturbing peace-loving people. They were blocking traffic and Toyi-toying and
were arrested under POSA," Inspector Dube said. This was just a month after 29
members of WOZA won a trail discharge after a demonstration against operation
Murambatsvina. When the magistrate ruled that ‘women in motion cannot block a
pavement’. The inconsistencies of living in
The acronym, WOZA - Women of
Zimbabwe Arise, WOZA is an Ndebele word meaning ‘come forward’. WOZA binds women
together so they can find courage to free themselves and become more dignified
by speaking out. We also walk a fine line of being a civic movement but at the
same time exercising our right to comment on political matters despite deep
polarisation.
The WOZA symbol is to hold our
forefinger upright, thumb vertical to make an L shape signifying LOVE. When we
show this sign we say Woza Moya. In the Ndebele dialect it means, 'Come Holy
Spirit’ or for the less religious - Come heal our nation. Instead of feeling the
warm glow of ‘love’ from our leaders, we have seen hate, been called maggots and
trash and been evicted from our homes! Despite this….very day we behave as if
democracy is around the corner.
To celebrate our feminity, we
adopted imaginative ways of highlighting our issues. We have also used United
Nations recognised days such as World Refugee Day and International Women’s Day
to put forward every day issues affecting our well being. This has helped us to
be effective and be able to bear the consequences and continue to grow the
women’s movement. We adopted the highest risk option of demonstration in one of
the most repressive countries, packaged it with love and determination, added
strategy and tactics that have worked and made WOZA a force to be reckoned with.
But most of all we took a nation without a means of holding leaders accountable
for day to day suffering and showed them how groups can form an outlet to speak
out. But doing this we avoided becoming victims and in a strange way enjoy some
fun and freedom. Some of my happiest moments have been in mid demonstration with
riot police about to descend or in cramped jails singing freedom songs that
echoed in the soulless corridors.
Ø
To stop
the hate and show love and courage despite risking arrest – we marched with
roses and valentines cards on Valentine’s Day. We conducted this demo three
years in a row and over 120 women have been arrested for calling for the power
of lover to conquer the love of power.
Imagine being arrested for giving out red roses?
Ø
To show
that we need to face the crisis head on end the suffering – we marched with
grass brooms symbolically sweeping away the suffering.
Ø
To show
that the economy was crashing and disposable income diminishing – we
demonstrated outside the Reserve Bank giving people sweets with a message that
they would soon not be able to afford them.
Ø
What
better time than World Refugee Day to talk about being displaced from our homes.
We told the world that we were refugees in our own
country!
Tough Love is practiced by WOZA
women from 16 to 80yrs. Simple people trying to survive with dignity. The
secrets to our success have been:
In practicing Tough love and making
injustices visible, over 700 women have been arrested in the last 3 years. It is
routine to spend up to 48 hours in custody for praying in public, conducting a
sponsored walk on a highway; handing a petition to parliament; singing a song
about freedom; marching on international women’s day. But we remain undeterred
and continue to exercise our voices to speak out about the situation and hold
political leaders accountable to Zimbabwean and to us the self appointed
handmaidens of democracy.
Some of our campaigns.
We in WOZA believe that we must work to break the chain of
We argue
that we have a competitive edge but pay a heavy price on some fronts.
Police officers can be harsh on us but in response we simply show them the Love sign. Many a time we have in effect conducted a ‘workshop’ for our jailers acting out the role of a mother and teaching how the country can be rebuilt if we have love in our hearts.
The
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe
Monday
August 29th – Sunday September 4th
2005
Weekly
Media Update 2005-33
CONTENTS
1.
GENRAL COMMENT
2.
CONSTITUTIONAL REPRESSION
3. THE
IMF DEBT
THE
media’s increasing failure to fully cover newsworthy developments for the
benefit of their audiences has become a growing source of concern and
illustrates the void in news reporting and analysis that has become evident as a
result of the repressive media laws, which have destroyed or strangled
initiatives to diversify Zimbabwe’s media environment. This was evident again in
the week under review with the media’s failure to adequately report and analyse
important court cases that affect Zimbabweans’ rights to information and
democratic governance.
For
instance, since The Daily Mirror’s brief report (1/8) of the acquittal of
the banned Daily News’ former Mutare bureau chief, Kelvin Jakachira, on charges
of practising journalism without a licence, none of the media have followed up
the matter and explained the basis for his acquittal.
In
addition, the public has remained in the dark on the revelations that surfaced
during Jakachira’s trial, particularly regarding the operations of the
government-appointed Media and Information Commission (MIC).
While
the MIC has in the past vehemently denied allegations of its partiality
purporting that it was an independent regulatory authority, evidence emerged
during Jakachira’s trial that the Commission’s old Causeway mail bag, Private
Bag 7700, which it used for official correspondence, including journalists’
applications for accreditation, belonged to the Office of the President.
The
government-controlled print and electronic media’s failure to report the outcome
of the trial at all amounts to another blatant case of censorship. But it is
regrettable that the private media can no longer be relied upon to provide
details of newsworthy developments, particularly those that belie official
claims of the Commission’s independence.
Another
example during the week was the media’s general failure to report the High
Court’s dismissal of an urgent application by the Combined Harare Residents
Association (CHRA) challenging the extension of the term of office of the
government-appointed commission running Harare City Council, almost
two-and-a-half months after the case was filed. Despite taking such a long time
to make a determination on whether the matter was urgent or not, Justice
Lavender Makoni would not give reasons for the ruling.
Except
for The Standard (4/9), the rest of the media missed this latest example
of the extent to which the justice delivery system has been compromised. Worse
still, none of the media have attempted any informative analysis of how this
ruling affects the democratic governance of Zimbabwe’s capital city. The private
weekly merely quoted CHRA’s lawyer Rangu Nyamurundira saying his clients would
now proceed with their case as an “ordinary
application”.
THE
government media’s status as supine messengers of the authorities was further
affirmed by their coverage of the repressive Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment
(No 17) Bill. Instead of openly discussing the far-reaching effects of the Bill,
these media simply hailed it, echoing official claims that it will “bring
finality” to government’s land reforms.
In fact,
all but one of the 41 stories the official media [31 on ZBH and 10 in the
government Press] carried merely regurgitated the authorities’ justification of
the Bill without any attempt to balance government’s perspective with
alternative views.
Neither
did these media examine the full implications of the Bill – now only awaiting
President Mugabe’s assent – on Zimbabweans’ property rights, freedom of
movement, or on their civil and political rights.
Nor did
they analyse the authorities’ abuse of traditional Chiefs and unelected
legislators to bulldoze the Bill through Parliament.
Instead,
ZTV (30/8, 8pm) merely stated that, “the
power of numbers worked in favour of the ruling party as it managed to accrue a
two-thirds majority vote necessary to approve the Bill”.
Without
fully informing its audiences on the circumstances leading to the passage of the
Bill, the station (and Power FM 31/8, 6am) then passively quoted Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa defending the amendments, particularly the erosion of
the right to contest the seizure of farm properties in court.
Said
Chinamasa: “As
you know land rights were owned by 4,000 or so farmers. We are extinguishing
those rights and in place we are creating in excess of 500,000 individual
property rights. So that is revolutionary”.
His
comment was not subjected to analysis. Instead, ZTV simply accessed
pro-government analysts such as Godwills
Masimirembwa and Lovemore Gijima Msindo to endorse the Bill as a
“momentous landmark in the history of Zimbabwe” that would
transform the constitution to “suit the country’s social, political and
economic environment”.
The
Herald and Chronicle (31/8) followed suit.
They
also unquestioningly quoted Chinamasa telling Parliament that the Constitutional
Amendment “was significant and far-reaching” because
once gazetted, land “would become State property”, without looking
at how nationalising land would undermine investor confidence. Nor did they
question the creation of a law that would not only “extinguish” the
constitutional rights of former white farmers, but of all
Zimbabweans.
Like
ZBH, the two government dailies also avoided taking the authorities to task on
their definition of the “agricultural land” they planned to
nationalise or go beyond the reasons proffered in the Bill justifying
restricting freedom of movement of “unpatriotic” Zimbabweans
“deemed to be intent on harming national
interests”.
In fact,
all the stories the government media carried on the Bill glossed over the
vagueness contained in some of the amendments. As a result, The Herald
(1/9) was unable to interpret the broad and sinister implications of Amendment
22 of the Constitution, which provides for the imposition of restrictions on
Zimbabweans “in the national interest, or in the interests of defence,
public safety, public order, public morality, public health, the public interest
or the economic interests of the State”.
Rather,
the story narrowly interpreted the amendment as fashioned solely to refuse to
give passports to “people who travel out of Zimbabwe on demonisation
missions”.
ZTV
(31/8, 8pm) also carried such myopic interpretations. And to further justify
restrictions on the citizenry’s freedom of movement, the station passively
quoted Chinamasa saying the provision will send a “very clear signal to
our citizens” that they “cannot travel the width and breadth of
the world using Zimbabwean passport to canvass for the military invasion of
Zimbabwe, to lobby for official and unofficial sanctions against their own
people”.
State
Security Minister Didymus Mutasa concurred saying those who
“demonise” Zimbabwe should not be given passports as they would
have turned themselves into “enemies of the country”.
Likewise,
the government Press either rehashed or amplified government’s rhetoric about
the alleged nefarious activities of civic organisations and the MDC in an effort
to endorse the authorities’ disregard for citizens’ fundamental constitutional
right to freedom of movement.
The
Herald (1/9),
for example, carried two reports in which they tried to portray MDC MPs David
Coltart and Welshman Ncube as being embroiled in international missions to
“paddle (sic) the usual lies aimed at discrediting the
State”.
It
passively quoted Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga contending,
“It has never been a right to hold a Zimbabwean passport but a privilege
that can be withdrawn once abused.” Matonga added that government’s
proposed legislation restricting the movement of Zimbabweans deemed to be
harbouring an intention to harm “national interests” as “a
good law”.
The
partisan manner in which the government media handled the subject was reflected
by their sourcing pattern. See Figs 1 and 2.
Govt. |
Foreign
|
Lawyers
|
Zanu
PF |
MDC |
Ordinary
people |
8 |
3 |
9 |
9 |
0 |
26 |
Notably,
except for three foreign voices, all the other sources endorsed the Bill. The
three foreign voices were all of the Australian Ambassador Jon Sheppard airing
his reservations of the amendments. However, ZBH sought to discredit his views
by giving the impression that his concerns were to be expected since Australia
was one of Britain’s allies who were allegedly demonising Zimbabwe for embarking
on its land reform programme. And the 26 ordinary people quoted reflected the
selectivity with which the broadcaster accessed the opinions of the
public.
Government |
ZANU
PF |
MDC |
Foreign |
Alternative |
5 |
3 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
Only
The Sunday Mail (4/9) displayed some measure of professionalism. It balanced government’s perception of the
Bill with alternative comments from MDC chief whip Innocent Gonese, retired High
Court Judge, Justice George Smith, and Ambassador Sheppard, who all expressed
their concerns on the Bill.
Their
views however received greater expression in the private media, which carried 15
stories (Studio 7 [5] and private Press [10]) on the Bill. These media recorded
several alternative voices, ranging from political analysts, lawyers, and civic
organisations to international politicians, all roundly condemning the proposed
law as a calculated attack on Zimbabweans’ democratic
rights.
One of
the analysts, the Zimbabwe Independent’s columnist, lawyer Alex Magaisa,
noted (2/9) that government’s proposed amendments would convert the Constitution
into “an instrument for control” and legitimise “arbitrary
actions” of the authorities, thereby further harming the country’s
political profile “and consequently, its economic fortunes”.
Other
legal experts and rights activities expressed similar views on Studio 7
(31/8).
The tone
of the commentators’ views were reflected in most of the headlines the private
Press carried on the matter such as Attack on Democracy, (The Financial
Gazette, 1/9), ZANU PF shuts key chapter on sanity, (the Zimbabwe
Independent, 2/9) and Someone’s death wish for Zimbabwe, (The
Standard, 4/9).
The
Independent revealed that Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights was planning
to challenge provisions of the Constitutional Amendment Bill before the African
Commission for Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) because it “takes away
the duties of the (local) courts, violates property rights and empowers the
government to take away passports”.
In fact,
The Standard revealed that a few days after the passing of the
Constitutional Amendment, government was already drawing up a list of opposition
politicians and human rights activists who will be banned from travelling
abroad.
The
professional manner in which the private media exposed the gravity of this
latest assault on Zimbabweans’ fundamental rights was reflected in their
attempts to balance official views with independent observation as illustrated
in Fig 3.
Government |
ZANU
PF |
MDC |
Alternative |
Foreign |
3 |
8 |
6 |
7 |
1 |
3. The
IMF debt
THE
media, particularly the government-controlled ones, generally failed to report
holistically on Zimbabwe’s partial payment of its overdue arrears to the IMF or
its general indebtedness to other international institutions in the 46 stories
they carried on the topic.
The bulk
of the stories appeared in the broadcast media, with ZBH carrying 25, while four
featured on Studio 7. The government Press carried nine reports and the private
papers had eight.
Although
ZBH carried most of the reports, it hardly provided analytical detail on the
matter. Rather, the government broadcaster, as illustrated by ZTV (31/9 8pm),
simplistically hailed government’s payment of US$120 million out of the US$295
million it owes the IMF as a “source of immense national pride”,
which demonstrated the country’s “unwavering commitment”
to servicing its debt and engaging the international community in its economic
turnaround programme.
Despite
quoting the central bank as having said the “modest effort by
Zimbabwe” to settle part of its debt “does not in any way
nullify” the ongoing negotiations over a US$1 billion loan the country
was seeking from South Africa, ZTV did not question the authorities on why the
repayment had taken so long to be made if government was “committed” to
servicing its debt, or how they had raised the money from our “own
resources”.
Instead,
ZBH stations (1/9, main bulletins) passively quoted Finance Minister Herbert
Murerwa claiming that government has always been committed to settling its debt
as illustrated by the fact that it has, since 1980, paid its arrears
including those “accrued by the colonial regime”. There
was no attempt to establish the veracity of Murerwa’s claims. Rather, ZTV
allowed National Economic Consultative Forum official Nicholas Kitikiti to
conjure up a conspiracy theory that if Zimbabwe was expelled from the IMF,
following the part payment, “it
will not be because the country is failing to honour its
obligations”
but because of “political objectives, which are being sought”
through the “US’s so-called Zimbabwe Freedom and Democracy Act”.
But how the threat of the country’s expulsion from the IMF and the US’s Zimbabwe
Democracy Act were linked remained a mystery.
The
government Press’s nine stories were equally uncritical.
For
instance, although The Herald (1/9) and The Sunday Mail (4/9)
interviewed RBZ governor Gideon Gono, they hardly used the opportunity to obtain
a clearer picture on why Zimbabwe had been failing to pay its arrears to the
institution from February 2001 until March 2004, or name the “exporters
and free fund holders” that the authorities got the money
from.
Instead,
they allowed themselves to be drowned in Gono’s florid, evasive and officious
explanations. For example, instead of setting the record straight publicly on
who exactly provided the funds used to offset the IMF balance of payments,
The Sunday Mail only quoted him: “…I challenge anyone who has got
an interest to know how we accumulated this money to come and have a cup of tea
and I will be able to show them.”
The
government media’s passive handling of the topic was reflected by its reliance
on official voices and pro-government commentators as exemplified by ZBH’s
sourcing pattern. See Fig 3.
Govt
|
Alternative |
Business
|
IMF |
6 |
7 |
2 |
2 |
Apart
from the IMF voices, all the sources the government broadcaster accessed toed
the official line.
While
the official media did not expose government’s source of funds, the private
media, as illustrated by Studio 7 (1/9) and the Independent (2/9),
revealed that Gono had paid the IMF through liquidating foreign accounts owned
by corporate organizations.
In
addition, Studio 7 (2/9) noted that, contrary to the notion created by the
government media, Zimbabwe’s membership with the IMF was still under threat
despite the part payment. It quoted economist Godfrey Kanyeze saying Zimbabwe
could still be expelled because it had not “really met all its
obligations”.
The
Sunday Mirror (4/9)
echoed similar views.
The
Independent quoted analysts cautioning that the debt repayment
“would not open the floodgates for Harare to access funds from the IMF and
the World Bank.” They noted that Zimbabwe’s economic problems would
remain despite the payment because no new balance of payments, lines of credit,
or direct foreign investment would flow in as a result of the
payment.
It
argued that until Zimbabwe “makes political reforms, abandons human rights
violations… and unsustainable economic policies…the IMF, WB, WTO (World Trade
Organisation) and Nepad, among others, would not assist the
country.”
Kanyeze
made similar observations on Studio 7 (2/9).
Ends//
The MEDIA UPDATE was produced and
circulated by the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe, 15 Duthie Avenue, Alexandra
Park, Harare, Tel/fax: 263 4 703702, E-mail: monitors@mmpz.org.zw
Feel free to write to MMPZ. We may
not able to respond to everything but we will look at each message. For
previous MMPZ reports, and more information about the Project, please visit our
website at http://www.mmpz.org.zw
Zimbabwe potential lies latent as growth push ramps-up in
South Africa
|
The world’s second-largest platinum producer, Impala Platinum
(Implats), expects less than 10% of the 2,3-million ounces of platinum it plans
to produce by 2010 to arise from the politically-volatile Southern African
country of Zimbabwe. The company currently produces about 153 000 oz of its 1,815-million-ounce yearly production of platinum in Zimbabwe and, while it still has ambitions to raise output in the country to about 500 000 oz, its five-year business plan has only built-in 145 000 oz from its Zimplats mine and another 80 000 oz from Mimosa, a joint venture with Aquarius. CEO Keith Rumble says that it will not commit to a bigger R5- to R6-billion expansion of Zimplats to 500 000 oz for 20 years until it has greater certainty on investment protection and Zimbabwe’s indigenisation policy. He reveals that the company has even requested that the South African government include the issue of the bilateral accord covering investment protection ahead of any possible loan. He indicated that a number of other South African companies, such as SABMiller, PPC and Dunlop Tyres, were also not prepared to make any further investments into Zimbabwe until the accord was concluded. The company acknowledged that the current environment was ‘fraught’, but said it remained engaged and that some of its suggestions appeared to be being “recognised and factored” in to Zimbabwe’s decisions. It said the recent extension of the Zimplats mineral leases in the southern part of the operation created the framework for an expansion of up to 500 000 oz for 20 years. Government signoff on the fiscal provision underpinning that framework, known as the foreign currency account-management pro-cess, also encouraged it. However, Implats was also still awaiting clarity on the indigenisation policy, with unconfirmed reports suggesting that the requirement might be set at 30%. Rumble also welcomed the recent 400% devalu- ation of the Zimbabwean dollar following the scrapping of the export incentive, but acknowledged that it would not be sufficient to offset that incentive and that “consistent and persistent depreciation” of the currency would still be necessary in order that it truly reflected the underlying economic and inflationary conditions in the country. In the meantime, therefore, the expansion focus has turned increasingly towards South Africa, and to the Impala leases area, near Rustenburg, in particular. Overall, its projects are designed to raise the group’s production to 2,3-million ounces of pla- tinum by 2010, from existing levels of a little over 1,8-million ounces. The company expects to have between R2- and R3-billion-worth of debt on its balance sheet (about a 20% to 25% gearing) by 2007 or 2008, given the substantial funding requirements of its capital-project pipeline. At present, the company is cash-flush, with nearly R4-billion in reserve, leading some to question whether the company’s capital management is not overly conservative, particularly given expectations for continued high levels of cash generation. But chief financial officer David Brown counters that the total dividend of R23 a share – a 1,9 cover that will result in a total payment of R1,2-billion, including secondary tax on companies – is ‘prudent’ in the context of five to six years of above-trend capex. He also points out that this expenditure has the potential to grow further should the R6-billion expansion of Zimplats to a sustainable 500 000 oz/y and Implats’ share of the $2,25-billion Ambatovy nickel joint venture, in Madagascar, where it is in partnership with Dynatec and Sumitomo, materialise. “We are mindful of the cash situation as regards the potential projects for that cash, but we will reassess from time to time. We have, in the past, returned excess cash to shareholders, and we will do it again, even to the extent of gearing the balance sheet,” he states, adding that the gearing level could reach 25% should the projects in Zimbabwe and Madagascar be approved. For the current financial year, which runs until June 30 next year, some R3,3-billion has been set aside for sustaining and expansionary capital projects. A good portion of this capital will flow to two deep-level shaft projects on the Impala lease area, known as 16 and 20 shafts. Some R1,9-billion has been earmarked for the lease area as a whole, while R333-million has been set aside for the Marula project, R314-million for the Two Rivers joint venture with ArmPlatinum and another R395-million to advance the Ambatovy project. This is a significant ramp-up from the last two years, when R1,8-billion and R2-billion was spent respectively on capital projects. Looking forward to the 2008 and 2009 financial years, capex is anti- cipated to approach the R5-billion level, with expenditure on Ambatovy alone expected to be in the order of R2,2-billion in 2008 and nearly R2,9-billion in 2009. The main emphasis is on the Impala lease area, where the 16- and 20-shaft expansions should contribute 355 000 oz of platinum, the equivalent of 32% of total production from the lease area, when they reach full production. The Number 16 shaft will be 1 600 m deep and will produce 225 000 t/m of ore. A 108-m-high headgear, the tallest in the world, is already in place and will house two friction winders, one for people and materials and the other for rock. The first blast starting the shaftsink took place on August 22. At the shallower Number 20 shaft project, where production will be 185 000 t/m, there are plans to drop down by just over 1 km. An A-frame headgear has been constructed and the first blast for shaftsinking took place on August 26. Also in South Africa, it and ArmPlatinum will spend R1,2-billion on the development of the Two Rivers project, which will be funded through an equal combination of debt and equity. First concentrate production is expected in the second half of 2006 and full production, of 120 000 ounces a year, late in 2007. The ramp-up of the Marula project to 144 000 oz, meanwhile, is expected to be completed by 2009. A key issue at present is the finalisation of the black economic-empowerment component, with Rumble reporting that new financial models are being developed in light of the capitalisation of the project. He reports, too, that the company has submitted applications to the Department of Minerals and Energy for the conversion of all of its mineral rights in South Africa to the new order and that it has calculated its BEE credits to be 9%. It will pursue negotiations with the Royal Bafokeng Nation (RBN), which currently owns 1,5% of the company, and its employees (through employee share options) in a bid to reach the 15% five-year milestone and the 26% ten-year requirement. “The RBN has currency in the form of the royal- ty and they can use that to purchase equity,” Rumble pointed out. |
President Robert Mugabe swore in eight members of Zimbabwe's first commission to fight corruption, which has thrived during the country's worst economic crisis since independence in 1980.
"If we decide as Zimbabweans that we do not want corruption, then we are not going to have corruption," Eric Harrid, the chairman of the commission, told state television.
Mr Mugabe last year launched a drive to stamp out corruption, but targeted mainly bankers and others in private business while only a handful of officials in his party were taken to court.
Former Finance Minister Chris Kuruneri, now on trial for breaching foreign exchange laws, is the only high-profile government official to have been caught up in the blitz.
Analysts say last year's campaign has lost steam and was in part an attempt to divert attention from the economic crisis.
Critics have accused Mr Mugabe's Government of corruptly allocating land seized from white farmers to members of his ruling party, blaming the policy for a slump in the agricultural sector and persistent food shortages.
Mr Mugabe's denies the charges and says up to 500,000 new black farmers have emerged from the program.
- Reuters
BIG Brother star Makosi Musambasi says she is upset at the threat of deportation after "looking after" British people for six years.
The former cardiac nurse at Wycombe Hospital, who originally comes from Zimbabwe, spoke out while she was in the town last Thursday to meet fans at the Carphone Warehouse in White Hart Street.
Makosi, 24, was stopped by police for not wearing a seatbelt last Tuesday, then detained for several hours as her name appeared on a list of people with an invalid visa.
She said: "Yes, it is upsetting, but I have looked after the British people for six years, I have entertained the British people for four months, and I would love to carry on being a part of this nation."
Makosi was given ten days to lodge an appeal by the Home Office, who will then consider her case.
Until it makes a decision, she is legally entitled to stay in the country. A Home Office spokesman could not say how long this would take.
Makosi added: "A lot of people have to face up to it, but it is different to have to face up to it in the public eye.
"It is difficult because people are always going on about it.
"If it means paying tax, I am going to have a very large tax bill, looking at the way things are going at the moment.
"I would love to stay here, and I hope that someone somewhere feels they are safer with me here than terrorists."
In spite of everything, Makosi insists she is enjoying her time since coming third on Big Brother. "There is so much pressure, but I am coping OK," she added.