http://www.thetimes.co.za
Moses Mudzwiti Published:Sep 10,
2009
ZIMBABWE'S
powerful trade union federation has warned the government that
its
affiliates might soon embark on massive strikes.
Lovemore
Matombo, president of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, said
yesterday
: "Civil servants are demanding better salaries. If their demands
are not
addressed soon, they will embark on collective industrial
action."
Matombo said the federation had been patient with the new
government but
"six months was long enough".
He said teachers
were still on strike .
Zimbabwe's cash-strapped government
has forced doctors to end their strike
without paying them more, by
threatening them with dismissal.
September 11, 2009
Mike Campbell in mango orchard on Mount Carmel Farm
By Our Correspondent
HARARE – Zanu-PF politburo member Nathan Shamuyarira says the continued disturbances at Mount Carmel Farm outside the town of Chegutu are too minor to warrant the amount of publicity they have constantly been receiving in the press.The farm was invaded in April by a group of war veterans who said they had been assigned to do so by Shamuyarira.
One of them, Lovemore Madangonga, otherwise known as Landmine Chimbambaira, the leading figure in the invasion, claimed to be related to Shamuyarira. Chimbambaira is the Shona word for landmine.
The farm belonged to Mike Campbell (74). Before the disturbances, Mount Carmel was one of the largest mango producers in the country.
The farm has witnessed some of the worst disturbances and crimes allegedly committed by Zanu-PF supporters since the resurfacing of commercial farm invasions in February this year.
The crimes have ranged from assaults, abductions and theft to arson of late.
There reports late Thursday that two large explosions were heard on Mount Carmel Farm on Tuesday, less than a week after the Campbells’ homestead was burnt to the ground.
Farm workers who heard the explosions say they saw dust billowing into the air above the trees shrouding the ruined house. They say they observed army personnel in the vicinity.
Earlier in the week, a reporter was told by a group of the invaders on the farm that an arms cache had been discovered and that Campbell would be arrested.
Shamuyarira, now well into his 80s, was said to have last been seen on the farm in 2007, arousing suspicion that Madangonga could have used Shamuyarira’s name to commit the alleged crimes while advancing his own interests. .
But when The Zimbabwe Times telephoned Shamuyarira on Wednesday, the former information and publicity minister accused the media of continuously covering the alleged goings-on on the farm without seeking his comment.
“None of these people (journalists) have contacted me on that score,” Shamuyarira said.
Asked if he was aware of the crimes allegedly being committed on the farm Shamuyarira was evasive. He insisted that issues were being blown out of proportion.
“There is nothing happening on that farm,” Shamuyarira said, “It is lots of hot air from people who want to create news.”
Asked if it was true he had sent Madangonga to invade the farm on his behalf and if he knew him at all, Shamuyarira refused to answer both questions.
He also refused to answer any further questions.
“I have no comment on that,” he said. “Why don’t you look for news elsewhere? I am sorry, I cannot give you the news that you want.”
Mount Carmel is among the farms which have been invaded by Zanu-PF supporters in the name of the land reform programme which started in 2000.
Campbell, his wife Angela (67) and Ben Freeth, his son-in-law, were abducted on June 29, 2008, the day President Robert Mugabe was sworn in as President following the disputed June 27 presidential run-off election.
They were allegedly beaten viciously for hours and later forced at gunpoint to sign a piece of paper stating they would withdraw their case from the SADC Tribunal.
Campbell is the first Zimbabwean commercial farmer to successfully take his case to the SADC Tribunal after the government had passed legislation in 2005 which decentralised land ownership and barred the local courts from hearing any land disputes.
Attempts to take over the farm by the self proclaimed new owner intensified early this year when the war veterans beat up Campbell’s workers before breaking doors to the farm house while demanding that everyone should vacate the farm “in five minutes”.
Freeth watched in horror when his home was gutted last week in a raging inferno suspected to have been started by the invaders.
According to Freeth, his tractors and fire-fighting equipment had all been seized by the invaders, making it virtually impossible to fight the blaze.
The fire also destroyed three workers’ cottages and a linen factory, which employed 60 women on the farm.
The police have allegedly been barred by their superiors from investigating the offences.
The farm is situated outside the farming town of Chegutu, some 100km west of Harare. It produces mangoes, oranges, maize, sunflower and cowpeas. Freeth says Mouth Carmel used to produce 600 tonnes of mangoes, 400 tonnes of oranges, 200 tonnes of maize and some 100 tonnes of sunflower every year.
It also produced beef and milk from more than 600 cattle.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Andrew
Moyo Friday 11 September 2009
HARARE - Two Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) executives forced a
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange-listed
company to buy them US$31 400 worth of
vehicles at the height of cash
shortages last year in exchange for unlimited
access to the local currency,
auditors have said.
The report dated June 16, 2009 that was
prepared by KPMG for the board
of AICO Africa - a privatised state company
formally called COTTCO - said
the company bought two Toyota vehicles for the
RBZ officials in exchange for
easy access to banknotes that were in severe
short supply last year.
"In July 2008 two motor vehicles (Toyota
Hilux models), valued at
US$15 700 each, were acquired for two RBZ officials
in exchange for Zim
dollars cash," the report by KPMG said without naming
the RBZ officials.
The audit report, which is understood to have
been swept under the
carpet by authorities at AICO, says the deal was not
sanctioned by the
company's board but had the blessings of the group's chief
executive
officer, Happymore Mapara.
"There was no agreement in
place in respect of these transactions and
no other documentation could be
provided (to auditors). The transactions
were, however, authorised by the
group CEO," the report said.
Mapara was yesterday said to be out of
the country while efforts to
get a comment from the RBZ failed.
The audit report said various other deals entered into between the RBZ
officials and Mapara last year - the first one valued at US$18.3 million and
the second valued at US$25.5 million, which all benefited AICO at the
expense of the public - were coined up by the RBZ officials.
RBZ workers were among the biggest beneficiaries of Zimbabwe's
decade-long
financial crisis as kleptocracy among the central bank's upper
ranks reached
alarming levels, with officials taking advantage of the then
rampant money
printing to line their pockets.
Several of them have since been
hauled before the courts after their
actions were later
exposed.
Economists and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) blame
RBZ
Governor Gideon Gono who became the country's chief banker in December
2003
for compounding Zimbabwe's economic crisis through quasi-fiscal
activities
that saw the central bank pump trillions of dollars into
financing President
Robert Mugabe's populist projects and political
programmes.
They say printing money was fuelling inflation, which
at more than 231
million percent was the highest in the world and long
queues for scarce
banknotes became a routine feature at banks.
Hyperinflation and the shortage of banknotes were the most visible
signs of
a severe economic crisis blamed on Mugabe's policies and seen in
shortages
of food and every essential commodity.
New Finance Minister Tendai
Biti has said the RBZ has been operating
outside the law and promised to
reform its operations to restore credibility
to the central bank. -
ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Own
Correspondent Friday 11 September 2009
JOHANNESBURG - Police
and customs officials at the Beitbridge border between
South Africa and
Zimbabwe have been accused of seizing campaign materials
from political
parties not linked to the government of national unity after
declaring that
Zimbabwe is now "a two party state only".
The claim was made by the
Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) and the
Matabeleland Freedom Party
(MFP), both of whom assert that they have
repeatedly had their goods
confiscated.
Thulani Dhlamini, a member of the ZAPU branch in
Johannesburg said that, in
a recent incident, he and other party officials
were detained for 18 hours
by Zimbabwe customs officers, police and the
Central Intelligence
Organisation after they tried to import 135 T-shirts
into the country.
ZAPU is the part of former liberation stalwart Joshua
Nkomo who merged it
with ZANU PF in 1987. It has now been resuscitated under
the leadership of
Politburo member Dumiso Dabengwa.
"We did the right
thing and declared the small parcel of T-shirts and party
leaflets at
customs and that's where the problem started," he said.
"The shirts were
still in our minibus, but a customs officer at the desk who
had not seen
them said they weighed 30 kilogrammes and needed a duty of R3
210. That was
more than we paid to print the clothes."
Dhlamini said they decided to
leave the package with customs, and were given
a pass to enter
Zimbabwe.
"But at the gate, they stopped our vehicle and opened every
suitcase and
carry bag. Each of the 14 people in the car had one or two
T-shirts for his
personal use and these were seized," he said.
The
vehicle and occupants were taken to Beitbridge police station where,
Dhlamini says, "the questioning was intense and we were asked to give
details of our political and private lives, going right back to the schools
we attended 20 or 30 years ago. And every official we dealt with refused to
give us his or her name."
"We are all professional people with jobs,
so we had only left Jo'burg after
work on Thursday August 13 and we reached
the border by 3am. We were finally
released at 5pm on the Friday, without
charge. But they kept all our
materials, including 500
pamphlets."
Dhlamini said that a senior police officer at Beitbridge had
threatened them
with imprisonment.
"He made it clear that only
materials for use by the ruling ZANU PF and MDC
parties could enter Zimbabwe
and we should apologise to him for our error.
If not he would lock us up for
the weekend and we would appear in court on
Monday."
The ZAPU team
gave verbal apologies, their passports which had been
confiscated were
returned, and they continued to Bulawayo without further
incident.
In
Johannesburg, the ZAPU chairman for Sandton, Thami Meah Dungeni, said
that
one of his members was recently ordered to remove her top by customs
officers.
"There at the gate she was told to take off her ZAPU
T-shirt and surrender
it," he said. "Luckily she had another white blouse
underneath."
Dungeni said that the matter had grown worse in recent
months.
"The number of reports we receive has increased lately and it
seems high
time that a full investigation was launched into the state of
affairs at all
Zimbabwe borders," he said.
David Magagula from the
Matabeleland Freedom Party supported the ZAPU
allegations, saying that his
members faced harassment if they tried to enter
Zimbabwe wearing any party
symbols. Sometimes, he said, they are warned that
Zimbabwe is now "a two
party state".
"If you have a cap, a T-shirt, even a badge, they will stop
you and search
your bags," he said. "We have had no reports of beatings or
assault, but the
goods are usually taken unless people pay a bribe. It
always starts with the
customs officers which surprises us because they
report to (finance
minister) Tendai Biti who was a long time in opposition
and knows what it is
like to be abused."
Magagula said that in rural
Matebeleland, police and members from president
Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF
often shouted at MFP supporters.
"They will say we are undermining the
government of national unity, yet if
we are now a democratic country then
surely there must be space for everyone
and their views," he said. "I would
personally defend the right of any
Zimbabwean to support Mugabe, Tsvangirai
or the leader of their choice. I
thought that is what we have been fighting
for."
Magagula said he used to think that the problem stemmed from his
party's
calls for greater regional autonomy, both in Matebeleland and other
provinces.
"Now I am not so sure," he said. "We hear reports from
ZAPU and even some
civic groups that, unless you are linked to either the
MDC or ZANU, you are
labelled some kind of enemy."
At the insistence
of the MDC, a special parliamentary committee of enquiry
has been set up to
examine the situation at all of the country's border
posts, and an
inspection team is expected to visit Beitbridge this month.
Finance
Minister Tendai Biti, asked for and was sent a written copy of the
allegations contained in this story and has said he will look into the
matter. - ZimOnline
http://www.eubusiness.com
(CAPE TOWN)
- South African President Jacob Zuma said Thursday he would
continue to urge
the EU to drop sanctions against Zimbabwe as the bloc's
Swedish presidency
Sweden dug in its heels on lifting penalties.
"We are saying both of us
understand where SADC comes from and where the EU
comes from. But we are
saying precisely because of that we need to engage so
we can try and
persuade the EU to lift sanctions," said Zuma.
He was addressing
journalists after talks with Swedish Prime Minister
Fredrik Reinfeldt who is
on his first state visit to South Africa and the
first head of state to
visit the country's new administration.
Reinfeldt has said the European
Union will not lift sanctions despite calls
by the Southern African
Development Community to do so.
"We are here of course to listen and we
know the importance of President
Zuma and SADC to get the global political
agreement respected and fully in
place,"said Reinfeldt.
Zuma said
lifting sanctions would help push forward the process of reaching
stability
in Zimbabwe.
"Part of what has to happen is that a way should be opened
for that
agreement to work and one of them is the sanctions," Zuma said of
the unity
deal between Mugabe and his former rival Morgan
Tsvangirai.
"Once you have got sanctions there are things you cannot do
in Zimbabwe, but
if the sanctions are not there you give more scope for that
agreement to be
implemented. That is the point we are making," said
Zuma.
Reinfeldt and Zuma agreed an EU visit to Zimbabwe this weekend was
perfect
timing and would allow the delegation to reflect on the situation
and see
what is happening on the ground.
"I think it is important for
the EU... to get it from the horses mouth... so
the EU could weigh its
decision in relation to the decision what to do next
in Zimbabwe," said
Zuma.
President Robert Mugabe has blamed the restrictions targeting him
and his
allies for his country's woes although Zuma said Zimbabwe's problems
existed
before the sanctions.
"I don't think sanctions started the
problems in the economy I think it was
the Zimbabweans who undermined their
own system. That got the economy in
trouble."
http://www.businessday.co.za
JULIUS BAUMANN Published: 2009/09/11
06:19:00 AM
ZIMBABWE will not play an official role in the Soccer
World Cup after talks
with Match, the Fifa-appointed hospitality agency,
collapsed recently.
Match has been tasked by Fifa to secure 55000
rooms for the event. Due to
the limited number of available rooms in SA,
Match has had to look elsewhere
to sign up enough rooms, including Mauritius
where it has signed up 3200
rooms.
Match and the Zimbabwe Tourism
Authority had been in discussions to sign up
800 rooms in and around
Victoria Falls with the intention of setting up a
satellite venue, or
Matchville, where soccer fans would be based during the
tournament. The fans
would then be flown into SA for matches before
returning to Victoria
Falls.
However, the parties could not agree on when Match would
confirm bookings
and when any unsold rooms would be released back into the
market.
"Match said they would release unsold rooms back in the
market 60 days
before the tournament. We felt that was too late as most of
the fans,
sponsors and teams would have finalised their plans and our rooms
would sit
empty. As it is we would have had to turn away our regular
customers,"
Shingi Munyeza, chairman of the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority and
CE of hotel
group African Sun, said yesterday.
Munyeza said that
with more than 6700 hotel rooms in Zimbabwe, the country
is the
second-biggest provider of hotel rooms in the region and it would not
be
bullied into unfavourable terms.
Vivienne Bervoets,
senior accommodation manager at Match, said the contract
issued to the
Zimbabweans was the same one that had been used for all
hotels.
"For a number of reasons we cannot agree to amendments.
Among these would be
the fact that it would put the hotels that originally
signed the contracts
to assist in bringing the World Cup to SA at a
disadvantage," Bervoets said.
Both sides are unlikely to resume
talks. Munyeza said there are many other
opportunities for Zimbabwean
hoteliers.
"The biggest opportunities are to accommodate companies
which are bringing
groups to the World Cup. However, we will also look at
hosting teams taking
part in the tournament as well as fans," Munyeza
said.
Bervoets also confirmed that new talks
were unlikely.
"The window of opportunity for this initiative is now
closed as we are now
in the operational phase."
So far
Match has secured 40500 rooms out of the 55000 required. Bervoets
said Match
would release unsold stock into the market in two phases on
December 31 and
April 10.
"There is no guarantee to the hotels and they are aware of
this and neither
should they expect to be 100% full all of the time ,"
Bervoets said.
baumannj@bdfm.co.za
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
22:18
FORMER Information Minister and independent Tsholotsho North MP
Jonathan Moyo has written to Zanu PF seeking re-admission into the party he
described in 2007 as a "dead duck on the shelf, only breathing from evils of
state security and the abuse of funds".
Zanu PF chairman
John Nkomo confirmed last night that Moyo submitted
his letter to secretary
for administration Didymus Mutasa three weeks ago
after Vice President
Joseph Msika's funeral.
Of late Moyo has been writing long articles
in the state media
viciously attacking both formations of the MDC and
showering praises on
President Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF.
"Yes, he wrote to VaMutasa three weeks ago after Vice President Msika's
funeral," Nkomo said
Nkomo said the matter will then be presented
to the politburo, which
will refer it to him as party chairman and head of
the disciplinary
committee.
Moyo will then be hurled before
the disciplinary committee.
However, sources in the politburo
told the Zimbabwe Independent that
Moyo, if re-admitted into the party would
have to start at cell level.
"What happened in 2000
(fast-tracking of Moyo into the central
committee and politburo) is not
going to happen again," a senior Zanu PF
politburo member said. "He will
have to start at cell level and rise through
the ranks like everyone else.
He is not going to start at the top, that is
for sure."
Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa (pictured) yesterday said he hoped
Moyo's
appeal would receive a favourable response from the party.
"If
indeed it is true, I would like to say welcome home to him," said
Chinamasa.
"He has done so much for the party. I hope that his application
would be
favourable. I worked well with him, as you know. He made immense
contribution to our fight against imperialism and neo-colonialism. He ranks
among the patriots in the party."
Moyo fell out of favour
of Mugabe when he allegedly masterminded the
infamous Tsholotsho Declaration
in November 2004 to re-arrange the Zanu PF
presidium. Mugabe blocked his
nomination into the central committee and
dropped him from the
politburo.
He was subsequently expelled as a cabinet minister
and from Zanu PF in
February 2005 after he stood for parliamentary elections
as an independent
candidate, defying a party decision to reserve the
Tsholotsho seat for a
female candidate. After his expulsion he turned
against the party and
President Robert Mugabe whom he served as a chief
propagandist.
Just in December last year in an interview with
Reuters, Moyo
denounced Zanu PF calling it a "tribal clique" with no respect
for democracy
and has often said the party was full of geriatrics clinging
to power.
He played a pivotal role in championing Mugabe's propaganda
against
the MDC between 2000 and 2005.
Moyo was responsible for
crafting the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, which
caused suffering among journalists through
unlawful incarceration and
closure of newspapers such as the Daily News and
The
Tribune.
Moyo's rise to one of the most powerful positions in
Zimbabwe was
unprecedented. He came to the fore of the Zimbabwe's politics
during the
drafting of the rejected 2000 government draft constitution, as
spokesperson. Once the draft constitution was rejected, Mugabe appointed him
to his cabinet as Minister of Information in the President's Office and he
was appointed to the central committee and then the politburo.
Faith Zaba
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September
2009 22:11
SOUTH African President Jacob Zuma kept the Zimbabwe issue
alive
during this week's heated Southern African Development Community
(Sadc)
summit meeting in Kinshasa at which President Robert Mugabe pulled
out all
the stops to bury the matter.
Zuma's performance
behind the scenes in a club of leaders bound by
regional solidarity ensured
Zimbabwe remained a burning issue despite
spirited efforts by Mugabe to
consign it to the backburner.
He raised the issue with the new Sadc
chair, DRC President Joseph
Kabila as soon as he arrived in Kinshasa on
Sunday evening, in his official
speech, during protracted closed sessions
and in his press briefing shortly
before departing on Tuesday night, Zuma
raised the issue in detail on his
report on Zimbabwe in which he said there
was need to clear outstanding
issues.
In the process Zuma's
push gave Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
whose team was unable to
mobilise effective support, a new opportunity to
re-organise his strategy to
fight for more power within the unstable
inclusive
government.
Diplomatic sources close to Zuma's delegation said
Pretoria was
convinced the Zimbabwe impasse could be cracked if there was a
sustained and
measured push on the outstanding issues. They said Mugabe
could be moved on
some remaining issues, although the weak link was that
Tsvangirai's hand in
government was not strong enough to help the concerted
effort to force his
rival to budge.
Sources said this was
Zuma's conclusion when he visited Harare and
held talks with leaders of the
coalition government last month. He even
insinuated in the meeting with
Tsvangirai and MDC leaders the problem was
that the power relations - upon
which the resolution of dispute hinges on -
still favoured Mugabe who relies
on the army, police and intelligence
services for backing.
Sources said Mugabe frantically lobbied to block Tsvangirai and the
MDC in
Kinshasa by appealing to his allies in the region to ensure Zimbabwe
was not
on the Sadc official agenda. They said Mugabe roped in his
traditional
allies from Namibia, Mozambique, Zambia, Malawi, Swaziland and
DRC. Kabila,
who was helped by Zuma to organise the summit, only dealt with
the Zimbabwe
issue in his press conference after the closure of the summit.
Sources said Mugabe also benefited by default from the absence of
leaders
from Angola, Tanzania, Mauritius and Seychelles. These countries,
including
Malawi, were represented by foreign ministers who had limited
leverage to
push a head of state.
South Africa and Botswana - which stood firm
in Tsvangirai's support -
wanted the Zimbabwe issue discussed and resolved
once and for all. DRC,
Lesotho and Madagascar, which is suspended, are
however compromised as they
are also considered trouble spots in the
region.
Sources said that was why Mugabe managed to prevent
Botswana from
coming into the Sadc organ on politics, defence and security
where President
Ian Khama would have given him problems. Sadc leaders
demanded that Khama
and Mugabe be excluded from the organ due to their war
of attrition.
The Sadc organ is chaired by Mozambican President
Armando Guebuza who
is close to Zanu (PF) than the MDC, while Kabila, a
Mugabe ally, chairs the
summit. Next year Mugabe's allies, Namibian
President Hifikepunye Pohamba
and Malawian President Bingu Wa Mutharika are
taking over critical
positions. Pohamba will be Sadc chair, while Wa
Mutharika might be AU chair.
Despite Mugabe's manoeuvres,
sources said Zuma pushed the Zimbabwe
issue via other channels. The problem
for Zuma, diplomats said, was that
there seems to be an agreement between
Mugabe and Tsvangirai that the
inclusive government was
working.
Senior MDC officials are getting increasingly
uncomfortable with
Tsvangirai's line. This started mainly during
Tsvangirai's visit in June to
Europe and the United States and has been
fuelling the MDC's below the
surface succession struggle. When Tsvangirai
returned from Europe and the
US, the MDC released a statement which rebuffed
everything he had said
during the trip.
The MDC's position
paper submitted to Zuma during his visit to Harare
and which was also
updated for the Sadc summit paints a picture that there
are far more
problems in the inclusive government than Mugabe and
Tsvangirai, who meet
every Monday to discuss government issues, have
admitted.
The MDC's series of issues in dispute include the chairing of cabinet,
Constitutional Amendment (N0. 19) Act, rule of law and selective application
of the law including arrests and detentions of MPs, provincial governors,
appointments of Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono and Attorney General
Johannes Tomana, swearing-in of deputy Agriculture minister Roy Bennett and
general issues of political reforms. The issue of Zimbabwe's purported
withdrawal form the Sadc Tribunal, which Zuma confirmed was discussed, has
also become explosive.
Zanu (PF) is largely complaining
about sanctions and foreign radio
broadcasts.
On his
arrival in Kinshasa, Zuma went to a meeting Kabila. "I
discussed with him
the agenda of the summit and outstanding issues which
needed to be focused
on," Zuma told journalists.
Zuma also mentioned Zimbabwe in his
official speech, calling for the
removal of remaining "obstacles". He gave
Tsvangirai a hearing when other
Sadc leaders were slippery. Tsvangirai said
he was pleased with Zuma's
"speedy familiarisation and energy with which he
applied himself to the
Zimbabwe issue".
Zuma told
journalists at the end of the summit at his Guest House that
issues,
including the Sadc Tribunal matter, were raised with Mugabe
"frankly" and
Sadc leaders "demanded quicker implementation" of the
agreement.
Dumisani Muleya in Kinshasa
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
22:04
THE Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC's national council will tomorrow
hold a
crisis meeting in Bulawayo amid pressure to disengage from the
inclusive
government. The party wants to coerce Zanu PF to make concessions
on the
outstanding issues of the global political agreement
(GPA).
Nelson Chamisa, the MDC-T spokesperson, yesterday confirmed
the
council meeting saying it would assess the "status and health" of the
unity
government and will "fashion a way forward".
"We
are going to look at progress and the lack of it on the
implementation of
the GPA," he said. "This week's Sadc summit will be a
topical
issue."
He declined to comment on pressure by the majority of
the party's
national council members who want tomorrow's meeting to resolve
that the
MDC-T disengages from government.
Tsvangirai
recently said his party reserved the right to disengage if
outstanding
issues were not resolved.
Impeccable sources in the MDC-T told the
Zimbabwe Independent that
Tsvangirai would be under "immense" pressure in
the meeting to carry out his
threat and coerce Mugabe to, among other
things, rescind the rehiring of
central bank governor Gideon Gono and the
appointment of Attorney-General
Johannes Tomana and swear in Roy Bennett as
deputy Agriculture minister.
National council members, the
sources said, were bitter that this week's
Sadc Summit did not deal with the
sticking points and wanted the party to
flex its muscles
tomorrow.
Council members, the sources said, were blaming Sadc
for siding with
President Mugabe and Zanu PF at the expense of the
generality of Zimbabweans
and wanted the MDC-T to disengage from the unity
government formed last
February.
"We are saying Sadc and
Zanu PF's signals are that of discomfort and
disinterest in the GPA," a
council member said. "We need to step up our
play. We need to disengage and
remind Zanu PF that they need the GPA more
than us. It is Zanu PF that was
dirty and needed to be cleansed with the
power-sharing
deal."
The council members said as guarantors of the unity
deal, Sadc should
have taken a tough stance to force Mugabe to resolve the
host of the
outstanding issues.
"Sadc offered Mugabe blind
solidarity by calling for the lifting of
sanctions when they know that they
can only be lifted if the GPA is fully
consummated," another national
council member said. "There is need for
transformation of Sadc from a trade
union of leaders to a union of people.
There is absolutely no need for
leadership solidarity."
Constantine Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
21:53
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his
deputy Arthur Mutambara -- the principals to the global political
agreement -- will meet "very soon" to give direction and rationalise the
constitution-making process, a cabinet minister said yesterday.
Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs minister Eric Matinenga told
journalists in Harare that the principals wanted the process to remain on
course.
Matinenga said although he could not disclose
the date Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara would meet, the principals
appreciated "the urgency
of the matter".
"The three
principals are meeting soon to discuss the process of
efficiency, taking
into consideration the disruptions and the inefficiency
that characterised
the stakeholders meeting (in July)," Matinenga added.
He said
contrary to media reports that the constitution-making process
had ground to
a halt, it was on course.
The assurance came amid claims from
Zanu PF officials that the process
might not be completed until
2013.
Zanu PF has attributed the delay to lack of funds and a
fight over the
process between the parliamentary select committee and the
administration of
parliament and Matinenga.
The process,
which was initially expected to end within 18 months from
the setting up of
a the select committee in April, has been moving at a
snail's
pace.
Matinenga said the process was "irreversible". He
revealed that there
were German donors who have expressed interest in
funding the
constitution-making process.
Asked if the
donors would not set conditions on the financial aid,
Matinenga said all the
money will be deposited with the Treasury which would
determine how it
should be used.
"There is no need to worry," Matinenga said.
"All the money from
donors will be put in one common Treasury basket and it
will be accounted
for by the Treasury depending on the
priorities."
Matinenga also said his ministry has appointed a
special committee to
oversee the constitution-making
process.
"The constitution-making process is still alive,"
Matinenga said. "The
ministry has come up with a special committee that
should be viewed as a
purpose-made vehicle for the constitution-making
process. The committee's
aim will be to monitor the efficiency capacity of
the process and to
strengthen the policy role."
Henry
Mhara
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September
2009 21:23
TENSION is mounting within the deeply divided Zanu PF as
different
factions gear up for a fight to control the party's youth and
women's
leagues at congresses starting today and next Friday
respectively.
The battle is between the factions led by kingpins,
Emmerson
Mnangagwa, regarded as a tough man worthy of the nickname "Ngwena"
(Crocodile) within Zanu PF's inner circles and retired army commander
Solomon Mujuru, who is not interested in becoming president but who wants to
be the power behind the throne, controlling its
incumbent.
The third camp, supposedly aligned to President
Robert Mugabe with
Saviour Kasukuwere and Nicholas Goche pulling the
strings, has gone into a
marriage of convenience with Mujuru, to block the
ascendancy of Mnangagwa's
group, sources said.
The heated
succession battle has moved to the youth wing's conference
that starts in
Harare today and the women's league conference scheduled for
next Friday, as
Zanu PF prepares for its congress in December.
The jockeying
has of late been taking place at all levels of the party
and it was even
evident at elections to choose provincial leadership for the
women and youth
wings.
Dirty and underhand play is being used to discredit
opponents at
whatever cost. One thing is certain: the battle for supremacy
will be
fierce. The two main camps mirror the political divide between
Mugabe's
Zezuru sub-group, which occupies the Mashonaland Central, East and
West
provinces and the most populous Shona group, the Karanga, which mainly
occupies Masvingo and Midlands provinces in the south and who have roped in
the Manyikas.
Battle lines have been drawn at the youth
congress, with Kasukuwere
trying to push his list of people, including his
brother Tongai, into top
positions. However, there seems to be fierce
resistance among some ordinary
delegates who believe that Tongai intends to
rise on his brother's ticket.
A top official in the youth
league told the Zimbabwe Independent that
ordinary voters were likely to
reject some names being proposed by
Kasukuwere's camp, whose list was leaked
to youths during accreditation
yesterday.
"Kasukuwere
thinks that since he is in the youth league, he has a lot
of influence. He
also thinks that he can use money to get his line-up in,"
the official said.
"But unfortunately the ordinary members, who are the
voters, know that
"madhara madhara" (the bigwigs) are Ngwena (Mnangagwa) and
his people. It is
common knowledge in Zanu PF that Mnangagwa is the man with
the power at the
moment. The names being proposed will not be accepted
without
resistance."
While, Shurugwi South MP Annastancia Ndhlovu,
backed by Kasukuwere and
Goche, is now being challenged by Tionei Dziva and
Farai Machaya, also from
Midlands and said to be in Mnangagwa's
camp.
According to a line-up circulated yesterday at Zanu PF
headquarters,
the deputy secretary position would go to Midlands, finance to
Mashonaland
Central, administration to Matabeleland South, security to
Mashonaland East,
commissariat to Mashonaland West and external affairs to
Manicaland.
Tongai Kasukuwere and a Kanengoni would fight it
out for the finance
position, while sons of Deputy Public Service Minister
Andrew Langa and
former deputy foreign affairs minister Abedinico Ncube want
the
administration position.
Kadoma Senator Chiratidzo
Gava's son Mike is being fielded for the
commissariat, while
Manicaland-based musician Joshua Sacco wants external
affairs.
The youths in Zanu PF's 10 provinces have only
nominated Mugabe and
are still to nominate other members of the presidium,
with Masvingo having
publicly said that they no longer want Joice Mujuru and
John Nkomo at the
helm of the party.
Meanwhile, fireworks
are also expected at the women's league congress
with a clash between Mutoko
South MP and politburo member Olivia Muchena,
Mutoko North MP Mabel
Chinomona and Marondera East MP Tracy Mutinhiri for
the deputy secretary
position.
Sources in the league say, although Chinomona was
Mutoko district's
choice, she was now being outmanoeuvred by Muchena, who is
using her
politburo position.
Muchena is in the Mujuru
camp, while Chinomona has the backing of
Mnanagwa.
Although
Oppah Muchinguri is not up for election, because her position
of secretary
for the Women's League is by appointment, she has reportedly
clashed with
Vice President Joice Mujuru, who sees her as a threat to her
position.
Muchinguri has, however, said she was not vying
for Mujuru's position
of vice president.
But the tension is
so obvious at any Zanu PF gathering and there are
reports of Mujuru trying
to put down Muchinguri at every occasion.
Faith Zaba
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10
September 2009 21:12
CABINET will meet to deliberate on Justice
minister Patrick Chinamasa's
decision to write to the Sadc Tribunal alleging
that Zimbabwe had pulled out
of the regional judicial body, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai said this
week.
Tsvangirai told the Zimbabwe
Independent that there was no cabinet
resolution or decision to withdraw
from the Sadc Tribunal.
Last week, Chinamasa wrote to the court
indicating that the government
has decided to pull out of it.
In
the letter Chinamasa declared the court "unlawful".
However, Tsvangirai
speaking for the first time on the issue, said
Chinamasa's letter was null
and void since the minister was not given the
green light by cabinet to
write to the Sadc Tribunal.
Tsvangirai said in the absence of a cabinet
resolution authorising
Chinamasa to write to the regional body, cabinet
would meet and seek an
explanation from Chinamasa.
"The truth of
the matter is that this issue was not discussed in
cabinet and Chinamasa had
no authority to write to the Sadc Tribunal and in
this government, there is
no ministerial policy alone, all policy is
government policy and has to be
agreed to by cabinet, so cabinet will meet
to decide on what action to take
against Chinamasa," Tsvangirai said.
He said as far as government was
concerned, Zimbabwe was still a
member of all Sadc organs unless and until
cabinet and the all-inclusive
government decided otherwise.
"We
have not seceded from Sadc and all its organs and no discussions
and
decisions have been taken for Zimbabwe to leave any Sadc organs. We are
still a full member of all Sadc organs," Tsvangirai said.
In his
letter to the Sadc Tribunal, Chinamasa said government would
not be bound by
any decisions already made, or any future rulings by the
regional
court.
Chinamasa's letter followed a judgment passed by the regional
court
last November in support of Zimbabwe's beleaguered commercial farmers
who
had approached the court to seek redress after they were displaced from
their farms.
"As we are unaware of any other basis upon which the
Tribunal can
exercise jurisdiction over Zimbabwe, we hereby advise that,
henceforth, we
will not appear before the Tribunal and neither will we
respond to any
action or suit instituted or be pending against the Republic
of Zimbabwe
before the Tribunal," Chinamasa wrote.
More than 70
farmers took government to the Sadc Tribunal and in a
landmark ruling the
regional court backed the farmers, a move that incensed
the
government.
The Sadc tribunal ruled that Zimbabwe's land reform
programme was
illegal, racist and discriminatory.
The tribunal
ordered the Zimbabwe government to protect the farmer's
right to their
land.
Loughty Dube
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10
September 2009 21:08
SOUTH AFRICA Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe
says there is no point
in devoting all efforts in dealing with the
Zimbabwean crisis on President
Mugabe because of his "advanced"
age.
Speaking in his country's House of Assembly on Wednesday,
Motlanthe
said focus should be on getting the Zimbabwean economy pumping
again.
He said: "President Mugabe is of an advanced age. It is not very
helpful to devote all our efforts to dealing with him as an
individual."
Analysts say Motlanthe comments could be a reflection that
his
country's focus on Zimbabwe could now be on the post-Mugabe
period.
Motlanthe defended Sadc's call to remove sanctions against
Zimbabwe
saying the regional bloc took "a very responsible approach" towards
the
country and its efforts to revive the economy.
He said the
calls to lift sanctions against Zimbabwe's ruling elite
were not aimed at
protecting the 85-year-old Mugabe, but to ensure that the
troubled country
attracts "necessary" investment.
Motlanthe added: "Mugabe is an
individual. The lifting of sanctions is
meant to attract necessary
investments into Zimbabwe so that economic
recovery can take effect. We know
that, once political stability returns,
the region can only benefit from
that development."
The South African government had taken its cue on
sanctions from the
political parties of Zimbabwe, said Motlanthe.
"The answer, in short, is that continued calls for sanctions would
serve no
useful purpose. (They) would not serve the ordinary people of
Zimbabwe," he
said.
Mugabe blames sanctions imposed by the European Union and other
Western countries for Zimbabwe's economic ruin.
But Mugabe's
critics argue that the sanctions were targetted at Mugabe
and Zanu PF
officials.
The sanctions involve an extensive travel ban and a freeze
on
foreign-held bank accounts.
Motlanthe said his government told
Zimbabwean political parties that
human rights violations would not be
tolerated.
"We have spelt out that when (British Prime Minister) Gordon
Brown and
(US President) Barack Obama and the EU want progress, these are
the issues
the Zimbabwean political leadership ought to address to ensure
that
investors come to the party," he said.
Motlanthe added that
the Zimbabwean parties should realise that this
was their last chance to
"pull themselves out of the morass".
Meanwhile, a top European Union
team would be in Zimbabwe this weekend
to work on smoothening relations, the
first such visit since 2002.
Swedish International Development
Co-operation Minister Gunilla
Carlsson and EU Aid Commissioner Karel De
Gucht are expected in Harare today
and would hold meetings tomorrow and
Sunday with Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, President Mugabe, ministers
and representatives of
non-governmental organisations.
In a
statement, De Gucht said the meetings were meant "to discuss the
way forward
towards the normalisation of EU-Zimbabwe relations".
The weekend visit
comes three months after the EU and Zimbabwe held
their first official talks
since 2002, with the EU promising to fully
restore ties once "sticking
points" to the Global Political Agreement are
overcome.
But
analysts doubt Mugabe would iron out outstanding issues with
Tsvangirai and
Mutambara, relating to the appointments of central bank boss
Gideon Gono,
Attorney-General Johannes Tomana and provincial governors. Also
unresolved
is the refusal by Mugabe to swear in Roy Bennett as deputy
Agriculture
minister, and the continued farm disruptions.
The EU also wants an end
to politically motivated violence and for the
security services to come
under government control.
The bloc is also demanding the restoration of
the rule of law,
opening up of media space and more transparency in the
financial system and
key reforms to the central bank.
Tsvangirai in
June embarked on an international tour looking for
assistance to help
Zimbabwe emerge from years of economic crisis
characterised by runaway
inflation.
Head of the EU Commission delegation to Zimbabwe, Xavier
Marchal, last
week told delegates to the Zimbabwe Farmers Union annual
congress in
Esigodini, Matabeleland South, that EU would fund the country's
economy once
the GPA is fully consummated.
In the meantime, he
said, the EU would provide "transitional" funding.
"The EU is
increasingly supporting Zimbabweans in tune with Zimbabwe's
priorities (the
Sterp) with transitional funding. The EU is to that respect
implementing a
vast short term strategy of which the main part goes for
agriculture/ food
security," said Marchal.
The short-term strategy was announced in June
during Tsvangirai's
three-week tour of Europe on his re-engagement
mission.
"Full normalisation is what Zimbabwe needs. For that to be
possible we
have to positively conclude EU-Zimbabwe dialogue, then massive
EU assistance
can be offered to Zimbabwe," he said.
Meanwhile,
Human Rights Watch yesterday said sanctions against
Zimbabwe should not be
lifted until rights violations end in that country.
"The sanctions
debate is a red herring since none of them prevent the
country from moving
forward," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at HRW,
in a statement.
"Power sharing will only work when repressive laws are
repealed and human
rights irreversibly improved. Sanctions must not be
lifted until
then."
Chris Muronzi/Nqobile Bhebhe
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
21:02
PRECIOUS, who routinely misspells her name, is a 15-year-old Form
II
student at a secondary school in Matabeleland South Province. Her
communication skills are non-existent. Her response to questions is usually
in two phrases: "Akula" (there is nothing) "angazi" (I don't
know).
At Precious' secondary school, 149 students enrolled in
forms 1 to 4
share two classrooms and had only two teachers before two
interns joined
towards the end of last term. The two classrooms have
potholed blackboards
and floors. There are no desks and benches to talk
about. For every
subject taught, there is only one worn out textbook per 40
students.
A third of the students at this school travel no less than
eight
kilometres every school day to get to school. They are invariably
hungry
and tired by the time lessons commence.
At year-end, an
average of 14 schoolgirls drop out of school due to
pregnancy. In the
majority of cases the boys who are responsible for these
pregnancies will
themselves have dropped out of school either at Grade 7 or
after failing to
register a single pass at 'O' Level.
The teachers who are attempting a
difficult task with limited
resources have no accommodation at the school.
They too walk for five
kilometres every day to get to school. Their
miserable working conditions
could be ameliorated if they had basic teaching
apparatus like manila
sheets, magic pens, chalks, plan books etc.
The role of teachers in any country, particularly a developing one
like
Zimbabwe, is crucial. Teachers hold the future of the country in their
hands. The success or failure of a country to produce a competitive and
sustainable human resource base is dependent on the whole education system
of which teachers are a pivotal element. It is self-evident therefore that
teachers need to operate under conditions in which intellectual nourishment
is assured. Teachers should be exposed to information, as they are the
one-stop source for knowledge that our students desperately require. Their
conditions of service should ensure this. Decent remuneration for teachers
should be a priority, fiscus realities allowing.
Precious' school
can be found in many parts of Zimbabwe, particularly
in rural areas. This
is a national disaster. We have already lost a
generation of Zimbabweans
who have lost out on education. The cost to our
country is enormous. How
are we ever going to catch up with the rest of the
world that is moving
ahead so fast as it produces daily in its classrooms
youngsters who enhance
the competitive edge of their countries as they
invent one technological
gadget after another?
Some of our kids who live in provinces that
border South Africa have
had problems viewing schooling as a source of
prestige. Their teachers
cannot attain the material status that has been
achieved by "injiva" who
come home from down south driving the latest
Navaras. The "mansions" that
these "injiva" have built push teachers
further away in the status
rankings. And yet we all know that "successful"
as these people might seem
to be, they cannot be our youth's role
models.
As South Africa's own economy begins to experience both
internal and
external pressures our people cannot hope to find the same kind
of relief
that they have received in the past by seeking refuge down South.
In one
village alone, near Precious' school, 23 young people have come back
from
South Africa after failing to get jobs in the past 12 months. I am
raising
all these issues for one reason only: to beg Zimta to help stem the
national
disaster in our education system by calling off the
strike.
One need not go into the merits or demerits of the teacher's
demands -
that is a moot point. Nor should one raise the issue of the
country's
economic realities - that too is a moot point. What is the real
issue in my
view is that we risk in all this ending up with a backward
country where the
Preciouses of Matabeleland South do not have a snowball's
chance in hell of
being anything else other than ignorant mothers at a young
age. Ignorant
mothers invariably give birth to ignorant children who in
turn raise their
own ignorant families.
I plead with Zimta to call
off the strike because all of us as
citizens of this country have to take
responsibility for its rebirth -
particularly during this interim period
when the normalisation of our
country should take precedence over everything
else. Industrial action is
the stuff democracies are made of, no one
disputes that. However, at this
juncture our motivation should be to give
Precious a fighting chance to make
it in this difficult world: education
helps in this regard.
I plead with Zimta to go back to the classroom
and robustly engage
parents to also take interest in the education of their
children. It is
true that some parents are already bearing a heavy load for
their children's
education - that is commendable, all of us have to play our
part. These are
our precious children after all, this is our country's
future and these are
our assets.
We are all angry in our country.
We have been angry for a long time.
Some do not like the current political
arrangement in the country, others
like it, some are indifferent. For the
sake of our children, we have one
common objective: their education. The
negative debate about why Zimta now
calls for a strike when it did not do so
in the past is a mere reflection of
the polarised past we come from. That
is not a useful discourse. The
reality is that Zimta represents a
constituency that feels aggrieved, and it
is an important constituency at
that.
Finally, I plead with Zimta to call off the strike because the
damage
to the future of our children as well as to our country's recovery
opportunities will be such that this country might not be competitive again
for a long, long time.
Paul Themba Nyathi is MDC director
of elections. He writes in his
personal capacity.
By Paul T
Nyathi
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September
2009 19:20
WITH four days shy of celebrating the first anniversary of
the
historic Global Political Agreement (GPA), the inclusive government is
showing little commitment to the constitution-making process.
Analysts say there are deliberate moves from all the political parties
in
the unity government to scuttle the constitutional reform process.
The
process has stalled with Zanu PF and the MDC formation led by
Morgan
Tsvangirai resorting to mudslinging.
Finger pointing has become the
order of the day, with Zanu PF and the
MDC-T throwing mud at each other, in
the process confusing millions of
Zimbabweans who have been promised a new
constitution by the end of 2010.
MDC-T has blamed Zanu PF for
deliberately delaying the process by
putting spanners in the works at every
stage, while Zanu PF says the delays
are from the MDC-T which controls
parliament that administers the process
and the ministry of Finance, which
is supposed to provide the funds.
Zanu PF secretary for administration
Didymus Mutasa said Zanu PF was
not the only actor in the process.
"The accusations that Zanu PF is the cause of the delay are totally
untrue,"
said Mutasa. "It is the MDC-T through the parliament administration
that is
deliberately causing the problems that are delaying the process but
instead
it is accusing Zanu PF, as if it is the major player.
"They are busy
accusing Zanu PF instead of saying there is no money.
The Finance minister
who is supposed to source the money is (Tendai) Biti
from MDC. If they
wanted, they should have made money available through the
budget."
Zanu PF is still to submit the names of the seven chairpersons for
some of
the thematic committees and 254 names for the thematic
sub-committees and
also its nomination from civil society, which according
to co-chairperson
Douglas Mwonzora (MDC-T MP) is stalling other stages of
the
process.
Mwonzora said: "I am sure Zanu PF is able to supply us with a
list of
patriotic Zanu PF members. We have not received that list. We can't
do a
haphazard outreach programme. It would be irresponsible for the
thematic
committees to move without captains. It is sensible to supply the
names. It
does test the sincerity of the party."
According to its
timetable, the select committee has only managed to
organise a stakeholders
meeting in July, which was chaotic because of
disruptions from Zanu PF
supporters.
The public consultations are supposed to be completed by
November,
four months after the stakeholders meeting, and the draft of the
constitution is supposed to be tabled within three months of completion of
the public consultations to a second stakeholders conference. Consultations
had been scheduled to start on August 25.
The whole process,
according to the GPA, is supposed to take 18 months
before a referendum is
held, paving the way for free and fair elections.
Tsvangirai in his
maiden speech to Parliament on March 4 said: "The
signing of the Global
Political Agreement on September 15 2008 signified the
soft-landing of the
Zimbabwe crisis and the commencement of a process that
is irreversible and
will lead to a new constitution and free and fair
elections."
President Robert Mugabe has pointed out that the constitution-making
process
was one of three priority areas outlined in the Short term Emergency
Recovery Programme, which is supposed to cover the period February -
December 2009. The other two are social protection and stabilisation.
Despite these pronouncements from all the political parties that
constitutional reform is a priority, the situation on the ground tells a
different story.
No funds have been set aside by the government for
the process. In
fact, the inclusive government is broke. It has no money to
finance most of
its activities, let alone the constitution-making process,
yet Zanu PF and
the two MDC formations agreed a year ago that the drafting
of a new
constitution was high up on their list of priorities.
Mwonzora admitted that no funds were set aside by the government to
fund the
process. A total of US$4,2 million is needed for the outreach
programmes and
to hire 165 cars for select committee members and 860 teams
across the
country.
Government has only disbursed US$350 000, which was used for
the
stakeholders conference in July.
"Regarding the commitment of
the government, there is no doubt.
However, it is important that there be a
specific budget item for the
constitutional project. Unfortunately, that is
not the case. It is important
that the select committee be fully resourced
both materially and financially
in order for it to carry out its mandate
fully," Mwonzora said.
"I don't know how they planned to resource the
project - the fact that
it was not a budget item shows gross omission in our
view on the part of the
state."
Analysts told the Zimbabwe
Independent that not budgeting for the
process showed that there was little
commitment to ensuring that it is done
within the 18-month timeframe
outlined in the GPA.
Constitutional lawyer Lovemore Madhuku of the
National Constitutional
Assembly believes that all the parties were to blame
and were not committed
to drafting a new constitution within the timeframe
agreed upon.
"Zanu PF is openly speaking about no donor funding needed
and are
demanding that sanctions be removed first before a new
constitution,"
Madhuku said.
"And Tsvangirai has not made the
constitution an outstanding issue. So
I don't see that there is commitment.
It is clear from what is happening.
The MDC leadership has not shown any
commitment. It's an attempt from both
sides to delay. MDC wants people to
think it is Zanu PF to blame, Zanu PF
will play bad boy. They want to use
this to prolong the inclusive government
to the five years."
Madhuku pointed out that if the MDC-T was committed, it would have
been
pushing for the process to move.
Analysts said recent statements by
Tsvangirai when he described the
delay as "self-evident deliberate stalemate
on the constitution-making
process" were weak and fell far short of the
robust calls before the
formation of the inclusive government.
A
prominent lawyer in civic society said the 18-month time frame was
now a
"pipe dream" because organisers had already failed to meet their
targeted
period for each stage of the process.
He said the fact that there are
conflicting statements from the two
co-chairpersons from Zanu PF and MDC-T
points to the confusion surrounding
the process.
Mwonzora said
statements by the war veterans and war collaborators
that sanctions should
be removed before government can embark on a
constitution-making process
raises serious questions of commitment.
The lawyer said the slow pace
in reforming legislation like the Access
to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act, Public Order and Security Act
and the setting up of
institutional bodies like the Zimbabwe Media
Commission and the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission were indicative of the
parties' insincerity.
"Maybe this is all a sign showing that they are jittery about where
they
will be when the process is finished. Some people don't even want to
think
about losing their seats," the lawyer said. "Blaming Zanu PF for
stalling is
not enough. You (MDC-T) should also be showing us that you are
committed. By
now MDC-T should be doing outreach programmes in rural areas
explaining the
process instead of going around the country doing 10-year
celebrations."
The question, which the lawyer said should be posed
to MDC-T, is
whether it is doing anything to prepare its members for the
process.
Faith Zaba
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
18:52
THE inclusive government has crafted a new programme that will
replace
the Short Term Economic Recovery Plan (Sterp) and the 100-Day Plan
in a bid
to stabilise the country's battered economy.
The new
programme dubbed the Government Works Plan has already been
approved by the
Council of Ministers and is set to be launched and adopted
at the beginning
of next month.
The programme that is expected to run until September
2010 will
concentrate on addressing five fundamental areas and draws its
input from
the Global Political Agreement (GPA) signed by the three main
political
parties last year.
The five key areas that the
all-inclusive government will prioritise
in the coming 12 months are the
restoration of international relations,
economic stabilisation, restoration
of the rule of law through amending bad
laws, the completion of the
constitution-making process and the restoration
of social
services.
Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, told a stakeholders
meeting in
Gwanda on Wednesday afternoon that after the revival of the
economy, the
government through the Government Works Plan was now aiming at
stabilising
the economy.
"After reviving the economy, we are now
talking about stabilisation
and the Government Works Plan that we are
introducing will address issues of
food security, social services, water and
sanitation, the issue of freedoms,
the finality of the land issue through
conducting an audit and the
restoration of international relations,"
Tsvangirai said.
He said the main aim of the Government Works Plan was
to increase the
country's economic growth.
"The focus of the
government as from now is to increase the country's
economic growth and that
will happen through achieving broad-based targets
that include addressing
the issue of freedoms by amending bad laws and
restoring Zimbabwe back to
the family of nations. We need to see food
security and agricultural growth
happen," he said.
The Minister of State in the Prime Minister's
Office, Gorden Moyo,
speaking on the same issue said under the Government
Works Plan, the
government has come up with a structure to monitor
ministries.
"The government has come up with a structure to monitor
government
ministries and the evaluation structure has to be approved by all
government
structures before it is adopted," Moyo said.
There have
been concerns that some ministries are not performing at
all while others
have done tremendous work since the all-inclusive
government was set
up.
There have been calls for a monitoring system to be used to
evaluate
the performance of each ministry and Moyo said the structure they
are
working on will do that.
Meanwhile Tsvangirai told reporters
after the meeting that the
outstanding GPA issues will now be dealt with by
the Sadc troika and will
not be referred to any special summit on
Zimbabwe.
"The Sadc troika will now be responsible for monitoring the
outstanding GPA issues in Zimbabwe and there will be no summit to discuss
those issues," Tsvangirai said.
The statement by Tsvangirai clears
the air on the outstanding issues
after press reports from Kinshasa in the
Democratic republic of Congo had
indicated that a special summit to discuss
outstanding GPA issues will be
held in Mozambique in the next three
weeks.
"The troika has been tasked to deal with the outstanding issues
and I
am confident that they will deal with the issues," Tsvangirai
said.
Loughty Dube
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
18:30
THE Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) which has become
government's
main source of funding as external support remains elusive
surpassed its
revenue collection target for the second quarter after
amassing US$209
million to take total collections in the half-year to US$286
million.
Zimra had targeted to raise US$194 million during the
second quarter
of the year, but a strong performance in value added tax
(VAT), with a 58%
positive variance, and US$61 million contribution from
customs duty ensured
the target was surpassed.
"We anticipate that
the third and fourth quarters will see the country
economically improving
and hence more income for employees will be
realised," Zimra chairman Dr
Gibson Mandishona said.
Collections in the second quarter stood way
above the US$75 million
collected in the first quarter of the year.
VAT totalled US$87 million against a revenue target of US$55 million
largely
as a result of rising capacity utilisation by firms, especially in
May and
June.
The revenue collection authority said the fact that VAT on local
sales
surpassed that on imports was evidence that the economy was picking up
quite
well.
In addition, Zimra said the rise in pay as you earn
resulted in an
increase in disposable income and consequently more VAT
revenue inflows.
"Although some challenges are still prevailing in the
economy, the
remaining half of 2009 promises to be an improvement on the
first half,
especially if the inclusive government succeeds in implementing
its recovery
programmes," Mandishona said.
Customs duty contributed
the second biggest chunk to the total second
quarter revenue despite a
US$294 000 negative variance, but was expected to
do much better as activity
in the economy gathered momentum.
Individual tax weighed in with the
third biggest contribution to
second quarter collections at US$36 million,
28% above expected levels while
company tax and excise duty each contributed
three percent.
Both company tax and excise duty failed to match
collection targets
falling short of expected levels by 76% and 60%
respectively. VAT
constituted the largest chunk to total collections for the
half-year to
June, accounting for 40% of the US$286 million collected in the
period.
Customs duty maintained second spot in contributions to second
quarter
revenue at 32% while the individual tax head came third with a 16%
contribution to revenues collected in the first half of the
year.
Nqobile Bhebhe
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
18:23
THE inclusive government has since its inception struggled to get
financial assistance to fund its operations. Despite efforts to drum up
support, funds remain elusive.
Instead, strife has slowly been
building up especially in the civil
service as the government fails to pay
what the workers are demanding. With
the increasing signs of discomfort, one
is tempted to wonder if crippling
strikes are inevitable. Teachers are
threatening industrial action while
doctors recently called off a stayaway
citing "humanitarian'' reasons.
Despite an improvement in monthly
revenue collection to US$90 million
in August, a further 300% increase in
revenue is required to meet current
wage demands. The Finance minister
appears to have aptly described the fix
they are in when he said "we have no
fiscal space" to manoeuvre within.
Indeed the options are limited.
Traditional methods of raising funds have been hamstrung. Taxes, the
backbone of revenue, have not been yielding much. This is because individual
and company incomes remain depressed owing to the slump in economic
activity. Perhaps this was the motivator in adopting the "eat what you
gather" approach. A concept aggressively adopted by the local authorities
and the police to capitalise on income from fines. Even utilities and
academic institutions have become strict on collecting service fees, much to
the chagrin of the masses.
Add to that, the other option of
domestic borrowing through the
issuance of bonds and Treasury Bills is
equally not feasible. Apart from a
financial system that has become
mistrusting over the years, illiquidity
remains a major challenge. The
savings and investment rate at less than 5%
of GDP is dismal. Recent
figures show that as at June the financial system
was sitting on deposits of
US$705 million, 98% of which are demand deposits.
Not only is this a
pittance when compared to the Treasury's thirst estimated
to be about US$8,5
billion, the nature of the funds make borrowing
impossible.
Printing money for "bailout packages" is out of the question, and we
all
know why. This leaves the 'beggar's bowl', foreign aid. While we had all
hoped that it would by now flow in avalanches, very little has come into the
government coffers save for the recent IMF Special Drawing Rights allocation
of US$500m.
However, while the government struggles it seems not
enough is being
done to tap other sources. One such source is capital
inflows. This refers
to an increase in the amount of money available from
foreign sources for the
purchase of local capital assets such as shares,
money market instruments,
buildings, land and machines. It usually flows to
countries with strong
financial liberalisation, lower taxes and controls,
attractive interest
rates or asset prices and stable currencies.
Notwithstanding its resources, Zimbabwe currently offers arguably the
best
returns in the world in terms of interest rates and potential upside in
assets. Sadly, and not surprisingly, we have so far failed to attract these
funds. This is largely because our investment policy and regulations remain
repulsive, inconsistent and hostile to foreign capital inflows.
Even friendly countries within the region like South Africa and
Botswana
have remained aloof, preferring instead to negotiate more friendly
concessions before they can provide the long-promised credit lines. Sticky
points in the bilateral investment agreement continue to hold back inflows.
Worse still, it appears that the country has been failing to reach an
agreement with the South Africans since 1992 when the last investment
protection agreement expired.
Indigenisation issues also remain a
stumbling block. While empowering
locals to own resources is commendable,
perhaps a re-look at the process is
necessary. The economic recovery efforts
require policy to focus more on
getting cash injections and not the current
scrambling for ownership and
expropriation of private investments. One is
forgiven for thinking that the
process is motivated by
self-interest.
For instance, recently, mining authorities emphasised on
50:50 joint
venture partnerships with investors interested in mining
diamonds. Going by
the last Monetary Policy Statement, foreign investors are
only allowed to
buy up to a 40% stake in any local company. Facts on the
ground show that
many companies are struggling to recapitalise and that
everyone is looking
to borrow from someone to get things going. Most
shareholders of listed
companies are not able to follow their rights if
approached.
The question is who among us will take up the other 50% or
60%, given
that manufacturing, mining, commercial farming or even power
generation and
rehabilitation of roads are all capital intensive ventures
whose out lays
stretch into millions, if not billions, of dollars?
A more workable solution would be a waiver of all these restrictions
for
some specified years, say, up to 20 years depending on the projects
payback.
Providing investors some time to recover their cost, earn some
profit before
regularising ownership. An address to land ownership laws is
also urgently
needed.
While it is important to protect the country from adverse
shocks, we
have too many harsh restrictions and controls on foreign
investors. Until
they opened up to international trade China, Japan and at
some point Hungary
were all reduced to just observers of global growth.
Today many African
countries remain poor despite sitting on some of the
richest endowments in
the world.
Given that the stock of money
available to the private sector in an
economy is directly related to
economic activity and subsequently national
income, incentives should be
offered to attract capital. With blanket rules
we will miss the
goal.
By Ronald K Nyawera
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
18:21
Murray & Roberts chief Canada Malunga has ideas about where
the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) money should go -into construction and
infrastructure development. And naturally his company would get a lion's
share of the allocation.
Although Malunga was humouring the
market while presenting the group's
financial results this week, he clearly
has an idea of what to do with the
funds unlike officials in
government.
Last Friday, Zimbabwe woke up to the good news that the IMF
had
finally loosened its purse and released over US$500 million to the
economically troubled nation.
But the bad news as it turns out is
government and the central bank
are divided on what to do with the
money.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti does not want to touch the money
while
central bank chief Gideon Gono could perhaps spend it all in an hour
judging
from his comments. While Biti wants to exercise caution in dealing
with the
money, Gono has a shopping list ready.
For instance, Gono
believes the money could lift capacity in industry,
import machinery, do
another round of farm mechanisation, recapitalise
perennial loss-makers like
NRZ, fund chemical and fertiliser companies,
engage in mining exploration
and a litany of other wishes.
Gono said: "We can use the money to
import capital equipment, import
raw materials for industry, for
capacitating NRZ, Hwange, the telecoms
sector, and payment of the IMF
outstanding debt of US$140 million so that
Zimbabwe is not in arrears. But
not for payment of salaries by government.
Sectors we have recommended to
benefit from the funds are agriculture and
firms that produce fertilisers
and chemicals locally, the manufacturing
sector, mining sector including
SME's, tourism, infrastructure, mining
exploration and power generation
sector. No consumption spending or
importation of luxuries, groceries etc,
that we are saying NO to. But the
ultimate decision lies with the Ministry
of Finance, cabinet and
stakeholders. My role is advisory."
He
claims Biti is working around the clock to make sure some of the
money goes
to the Short Term Economic Recovery Programme (Sterp) and is
engaging
stakeholders with a view of aligning priority areas in an
"inclusive
manner".
But Gono's wish list is a marked departure from Sterp - an
economic
policy document adopted by the government - clearly spelling out a
roadmap
and all the knitty-gritties of what needs to be done to get the
economy
pumping again. At this rate, analysts say Gono and Biti could sit
around
staring at the neatly stacked money in the safe until they agree on
what to
do with it while a clear economic recovery document sits gathering
dust on
another desk.
Biti argues: "We would be contracting debt
when our balances of
payments and our debt burden is very fragile. We have
less than US$2 million
in import reserves. Our arrears account for 150% of
gross domestic product.
There is no way we can take that (loan) up in the
context of the arrears and
the deficit. It would be very
imprudent."
But Gono's adviser Munyaradzi Kereke is itching for the
money to be
disbursed. He says Zimbabwe has no choice but to take the money
no matter
the alleged repercussions to the country.
"We continue to
await directives from government on how to deploy it.
It is really
unfortunate that as a country and at very senior levels we are
publicly
almost saying we do not want IMF funding because it's an expensive
loan
while the reality of the matter is the SDR's already deposited in the
RBZ
account are sitting as a costless asset on which we are paying zero
interest," he said.
Kereke says government should "get real" and
not expect free funds.
"If this is an unsustainable loan then we are
saying Zimbabwe wants
money for free. Please let's be real," said
Kereke.
The allocation is a general provision to IMF members that are
participants in the Special Drawing Rights (SDR) department in proportion
to their existing quotas in the Fund, which are based broadly on their
relative size in the global economy.
The SDR is an interest-bearing
international reserve asset created by
the IMF in 1969 to supplement other
reserve assets.
Zimbabwe needs US$8,4 billion this year to revive
industry, restore
health and education facilities.
Mugabe fired
former Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa years back for
sticking to what the
aged leader described as "textbook economics" while the
people suffered.
Mugabe argued that there was nothing wrong with resorting
to the money
printing to save the people. Against such a background, where
Mugabe
believes that conventional economics can be traded for political
mileage,
analysts see the aged leader intervening on the IMF funds debacle
in
defiance of Biti's textbook economics to curry favour with the would be
beneficiaries of the funds.
The last tranche of US$104 million did
not get to Zimbabwe because the
country has outstanding debts with Bretton
Woods institution.
But even with over US$400 million in the bag after
the IMF escrowed
the balance, Zimbabwe still doesn't have a plan for the
money. Maybe the
money should go to Malunga's Murray & Roberts after
all.
Chris Muronzi
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September
2009 18:15
THE Employer's Confederation of Zimbabwe will hold its
congress next
week, to focus on providing a decent working environment in a
recovering
economy and boosting worker's morale.
The congress
to be held over three days starting next Wednesday comes
at a time when most
employers and workers are at loggerheads over
unfavourable working
conditions including low wages.
This is evidenced by the failure by
most national employment councils
to reach minimum wage agreements.
Emcoz director John Mufukare told businessdigest this week that the
congress
will be held in Victoria Falls to find ways to motivate workers
through
decent work.
"Achieving competitiveness on the back of low wages alone
is not a
sustainable business strategy as underpaid workers are not
motivated,"
Mufukare said.
"To ignite our economy, we need a fired
up workforce. To fire up our
workforce we must practise decent work," he
said.
Mafukare said decent work is based on four pillars which are
promotion
of ILO labour standards and fundamental principles and rights at
work,
creation of employment, strengthening of social protection and social
dialogue.
He said that this could only be achieved through
increasing formal
employment which has been drastically reduced over the
last decade due to
company closures and retrenchments caused by economic
decline. The recovery,
Mufukare said, from the financial doldrums will be
negated by the low morale
of workers due to unfavourable working
conditions.
"The green shoots of economic recovery that are beginning
to become
evident in Zimbabwe are in real danger of withering on the back of
industrial relations instability," he said.
The congress, he said,
is expected to come up with concrete ways of
implementing the decent work
agenda for achieving competitiveness.
He said the outcome of the
congress will be shared with organised
labour with a view to having informed
collective bargaining and negotiation
for the remaining quarter of the
year.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai will open the congress and speak
on
how the government was addressing political challenges to business
operations.
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara will have a
dialogue with
business on how the government can assist them to become
competitive again.
Labour minister Paurina Mpariwa is expected to give her
vision on how the
Tripartite Negotiating Forum can ignite productivity and
competitiveness.
Kudzai Kuwaza
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
18:09
ZIMBABWE will next week hold its first international mining
conference
in Harare to come up with investor-friendly legislation to
revive the
under-performing sector and increase foreign
participation.
Addressing journalists on Wednesday, Minister of
Mines Obert Mpofu
said the two-day conference slated for next Wednesday and
Thursday will
present significant opportunities to all potential
investors.
"There has never been a better time than now for investors
to gain
access to good mineral resources in the country," Mpofu
said.
Mining accounts for about 4% of the GDP and 16% of total annual
foreign currency receipts.
Mpofu said topical issues to be
discussed at the conference include
the country's mining industry investment
climate, mineral resources, mining
and indigenisation legislation and
strategies for the recovery of the
industry.
"The two days will
provide a great opportunity for all of us who are
interested in mining to
share ideas on the latest developments in the
sector. It also provides a
platform for colleagues and stakeholders in the
mining sector to network
with a view to accelerate investment in Zimbabwe,"
Mpofu said.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai will give the opening address, while
President Robert Mugabe will officially open the conference after
Tsvangirai's
address.
Over 700 foreign and local delegates are
expected to attend.
"Over 200 foreign delegates have registered, we
expect the number to
increase to 300 by September 16," Mpofu said.
Several international mining executives, among them Tanzania Chamber
of
Mines president Emmanuel Jengo, South Africa's Public Investment Corp
chief
executive officer Fidelis Madavo and former chief executive officer of
Harmony Gold Bernard Swanepoel are expected to attend.
Major
minerals in the country are gold, platinum, asbestos, chrome,
iron, platinum
group of minerals, nickel, copper, and coal.
With the exception of
chrome and nickel, production output of all
other minerals declined between
1998 and 2008, as mining houses either
scaled down operations or closed shop
altogether as a result of the harsh
economic environment.
The
liberalisation measures introduced this year and the 100%
retention of
foreign earnings policy, as well as increased dialogue on
investment and
shareholding, are restoring confidence in the mining sector.
This has
allowed closed mines to reopen and resume operations, particularly
in the
gold sector.
"The ongoing reforms in the operating environment and good
geology
make Zimbabwe's mining sector an attractive investment destination,"
Mpofu
said.
Notwithstanding the above concessions, production in
the mining sector
will remain subdued as some mining houses such will remain
closed for the
better part of the year owing to viability challenges
associated with the
global financial crisis.
As a result, mining
output is expected to record a decline of 11,2% in
2009.
Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10
September 2009 20:15
IT is disheartening to see that the much-needed
constitution-making
process has stalled, with political parties bickering on
issues that can be
described as self-serving and not in the interests of the
majority suffering
Zimbabweans.
Lack of progress in coming up
with a people-driven constitution is a
serious violation of the Global
Political Agreement (GPA).
The agreement has a clear road map and
timelines for the
constitution-making process that must be adhered to. What
our political
leadership seem to forget is that we are trying to come up
with a sound and
democratic constitution for the future of our children and
generations to
come. If we all accept that this is the ultimate objective,
then narrow and
partisan interests should not be allowed to cloud the
process of writing a
new constitution for Zimbabwe.
The GPA, signed
by the three political formations in September 2008,
says that a select
committee of parliament - comprised of representatives of
the parties -
shall be set up to drive constitution-making. This is very
clear and no
other interpretation must be sought. The constitutional select
committee is
a sub-committee of parliament and reports to the Standing Rules
and Orders
Committee, the supreme decision-making organ of parliament.
Talk about
referring differences over constitution-making to the
principals is a sure
sign of parliament abdicating on its responsibility.
Parliament should
simply assert itself and deliver on what it has been
mandated to do.
Decisions made by the select committee are binding even if
some of the
members decide not to attend meetings. Personal views by
individual members
must be treated as such and not be allowed to derail the
process. Any
differences must be resolved during meetings of the select
committee and the
Standing Rules and Orders Committee.
Among its terms of reference, the
select committee shall:
Set up such subcommittees chaired by an MP and
composed of members of
parliament and representatives of civil society as
may be necessary to
assist the select committee in performing its mandate
herein;
Hold such public hearings and such consultations as it may deem
necessary in the process of public consultation over the making of a new
constitution for Zimbabwe and
Convene an all-stakeholders
conference to consult stakeholders on
their representation in the
sub-committees referred to above and such
related matters as may assist the
committee in its work.
According to the time frames spelt out in the
GPA, the public
consultation process shall be completed no later than four
months of the
date of the all-stakeholders conference. We all know that the
chaotic
all-stakeholders conference was held on July 13 and 14. Almost two
months
down the line, the setting up of 17 sub-committees is yet to be
finalised.
Why there has been such a delay boggles the mind especially after
the select
committee agreed on a formula for setting up the committees. I am
told that
in addition to the sub-committees, there will be 70 outreach
teams, each
comprised of 12 members tasked with gathering public views and
submitting
the data to the sub-committees. These teams have to be set up and
members
trained in the methodologies of data collection and analysis. This
training
will not be an overnight event. Without sufficiently trained
outreach teams,
we should forget about a meaningful public outreach
programme and ultimately
a people-driven constitution-making process. These
delays mean the select
committee has only two months left to carry out
public outreach and comply
with GPA time frames. I am saying two months
assuming that the setting up of
sub-committees and outreach teams is
finalised now. Indications however are
that the process of setting up these
important structures is way off from
being realised.
I would also
want to highlight that the process of selecting civic
society
representatives to sit on the various sub-committees must fully
involve the
civic society groups themselves. It does not appear to be the
case at the
moment. The GPA says an all-stakeholders conference shall be
convened "to
consult stakeholders on their representation in the
sub-committees... and
such related matters as may assist the committee in
its work". The
all-stakeholders conference in July dismally failed to do
this. What is
needed now is for civic groups supporting the
parliamentary-driven process
to organise themselves and come up with names
for each sub-committee. The
select committee has no authority whatsoever to
reject the list from civic
society. The ratio of 70% civic society and 30%
MPs for each sub-committee
must be adhered to.
The other issue of major concern are the
conflicting statements
emanating from the constitutional select committee
itself regarding the
process of writing a new constitution. Co-chairpersons
are issuing different
statements at different times, leaving people
confused. Why the select
committee cannot agree on a common statement to be
issued to the nation is
mind-boggling. The correct practice is for the
select committee to agree on
the statement and have a spokesperson
communicate the correct message to the
nation. A couple of months back there
was an advertisement in the press for
a professional media and information
firm to handle communication business
for the select committee. Sadly, it
would appear the matter is no longer
being pursued. Engagement of a
professional outfit to handle communication
and publicity would have made a
huge difference to the process. Surely, we
cannot continue with this
unprofessional and haphazard handling of the
crucial communication and
publicity function.
One of the major reasons being cited for the slow
progress is limited
financial resources. My view is that Finance minister
Tendai Biti must
prioritise constitution-making in his budgetary
allocations. This is such a
critical issue whose bulk funding must come from
Treasury. Donor funding
should only complement the resources made available
by Treasury. The
constitutional select committee must seriously engage Biti
on the matter
without further delay. I am surprised why parliament recently
approved the
supplementary budget without making sure that there were
adequate resources
allocated for constitution-making.
There have
also been statements to the effect that constitution-making
should only
happen when sanctions have been removed. Call them sanctions,
restrictive
measures or whatever name, Article IV of the GPA is very clear
on this
issue. It says that "all forms of measures and sanctions against
Zimbabwe be
lifted in order to facilitate a sustainable solution to the
challenges that
are currently facing Zimbabwe"; and that the parties "commit
themselves to
working together in re-engaging the international community
with a view to
bringing to an end the country's international isolation".
Implementation of the GPA is therefore a collective effort and that no
provisions take precedence over others. All must be implemented concurrently
and it is the duty of all political formations to implement the GPA in
letter and spirit.
Zimbabweans have suffered a lot over the years.
The GPA brought hope
for the suffering to end. A new constitution is a key
element of the GPA
that is required to contribute to the creation of a
conducive environment
for free and fair elections and the emergence of a
democratically elected
government with a clear mandate to govern. The
current arrangement is
temporary and cannot be a long-term solution to the
political crisis. So
those who have been given the responsibility to lead
the process of writing
a new constitution must not let the nation
down.
In line with the principle of separation of powers, parliament
must
forge ahead with constitution-making without interference from the
executive. Yes, the executive can be consulted, but they should not be
allowed to control the process. In any case, several executive members sit
on the Standing Rules and Orders Committee. These include Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara and ministers
Patrick Chinamasa (Justice), Advocate Eric Matinenga (Constitutional and
Parliamentary Affairs), Welshman Ncube (Industry and Commerce), Emmerson
Mnangagwa (Defence) and Biti. Even the Chiefs Council is represented through
its president, Senator Fortune Charumbira. So there is absolutely no need to
refer matters to the executive or principals because their voice is already
adequately represented in the highest decision-making organ of
Parliament.
Politicians must remember that they are voted into office
by the
people. Zimbabweans are tired of endless squabbles among political
parties.
John Makamure is the Executive Director of the
Southern African
Parliamentary Support Trust based in
Harare.
By John Makamure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10
September 2009 19:28
AIR Zimbabwe and its chief executive officer Dr
Peter Chikumba are no
strangers to publicity, often in paid-for newspaper
supplements
commemorating the diminutive doctor "scooping" some award or
other as local
businessman/executive/entrepreneur of the year.
But
last Monday brought a double dose of press exposure for the
troubled
airline, effectively exploding the myth there's no such thing as
bad
news.
We read - oddly enough in the pro-government Herald - of "chaos
at the
airport" the previous day as passengers originally booked on the
London
daylight flight on Sunday, August 23, denied seats and told to turn
up for
the Wednesday night service (also over-booked), were furious on again
being
refused a place on the Sunday, August 30 flight and had "turned rowdy"
demanding refunds.
An AirZim duty manager, refusing to be named,
denied any rowdiness:
"There were no scenes like that at all," she said. "If
there were, we would
have called the police and that did not
happen."
She did, however, refer any further questions to the airline's
PR
spin-doctors who (conveniently) weren't on duty. At least those not on
forced leave weren't on duty!
As frequent flyers know, the problem
is AirZim has stopped Friday
night Gatwick flights, so would-be passengers
on that service must be
shoehorned into the other two flights. The situation
is always problematic;
during school holidays it is a nightmare.
You know that and we know it, but apparently AirZim chairman Jonathan
Kadzura doesn't.
In a lead story published that same day in the
prestigious South
African-based Tourism Update Online we read:
AirZim has denied media reports it is in a financial mess. Chairman
Jonathan
Kadzura told TUO he could not comment on people's "dreams"
insisting the
airline was not insolvent.
"Reports in the news are malicious lies. The
airline is doing very
well despite the challenging economy. The whole
industry has been hit by
recession, not just AirZim," he said.
Kadzura's comments are a direct contradiction of reports that hundreds
of
Air Zimbabwe employees are set to lose their jobs to mitigate the airline's
significant financial losses over the past several years.
"If we do
not do anything about it, the business will collapse. The
situation we are
in today as an airline and as a country is not best for
business," Chikumba
was quoted as saying in one report.
"We are restructuring to provide
clients with better service," said
Kadzura. He could not, however, explain
how cutting 500 jobs, a third of AZ's
1 500 workforce, would improve
service.
Kadzura also denied allegations the airline had cut flights to
Dubai,
Kinshasa and Luanda to save money. "We have not cut any frequencies
at this
point. We are doing the best we can to sustain all frequencies," he
said.
There has been no service to Kariba, Hwange, the Lowveld or
Masvingo
for perhaps two years, despite acquiring Chinese planes reportedly
specifically for those routes. A much vaunted highly publicised service to
Brussels, capital of the European Union, via Belgium's former colony, the
DRC, never got as far as a debut flight, nor did an improbable but widely
trumpeted service to Iran "five-times weekly" as part of the Zanu PF
government's laughable "Look East" policy.
In a recent interview
Chikumba said: "To succeed. I should be able to
call (Richard) Branson
(Virgin Atlantic Airlines boss) to invest in AirZim,
I should be able to
call Strive Masiyiwa (Econet), Shingi Munyeza (African
Sun), and Nigel
Chanakira (Kingdom) to invest in our business. They will not
invest until
they get the assurance that their investment would be safe."
For starters,
Chikumba will have to convince the Zimbabwean businessmen to
travel on
AirZim planes, especially the MA60s.
In recent years AirZim has
abandoned servicing Mozambique, Durban,
Cape Town, Mauritius and Windhoek
(Namibia) regionally; Cyprus, Greece and
Frankfurt in Europe. There is too
much talk of turnaround at AirZim and the
results are showing. The airline
is spinning out of control.
Talking of spin, government was last
week embarrassingly economical
with the truth about the country's withdrawal
from the Sadc Tribunal on the
spurious reasons that its constitution was not
proper and therefore illegal.
Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa, The
Herald said, had written to
the court informing it of the decision to
pullout because its formation was
not ratified by two-thirds of the regional
member states.
This turned out to be nothing; just a yarn spun by
Chinamasa and the
Zanu PF half of the inclusive government as a pre-emptive
strategy to stop
the Sadc Summit from discussing and coming up with a firm
stance on Zimbabwe's
deliberate disregard for the tribunal's ruling last
November against the
eviction of 78 white commercial farmers from their
properties, and that it
pays full compensation to those already forced off
the farms.
The same court ruled that the chaotic land seizures of 2000
were
discriminatory, racist and illegal under the Sadc Treaty, which give
birth
to the Sadc Tribunal.
Why Zimbabwe began to question the
legality of the Sadc Tribunal at
this juncture is quite puzzling. Is it not
the same Chinamasa who dispatched
Deputy Attorney-General Civil Division
Prince Machaya and the coordinator of
the Zanu PF created Zimbabwe Lawyers
for Justice Advocate Martin Dinha to
Namibia last year to mount the
government defence against the 78 farmers? So
the court became illegal after
government lost the case?
The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights were
dead right last week when
they asked why Zimbabwe seconded Justice Antonia
Guvava to sit as a judge on
the Sadc Tribunal if it were illegal.
What is more shocking though is a minister of justice quoting sections
basing a far-reaching decision of this sort on a repealed law. What do you
have to say about this Patrick?
The US Congressional delegation
was in Zimbabwe last week and the
motive of the visit was "questioned" after
"their impromptu last minute call
on President Mugabe at State House" on
Thursday "just as they made their way
to the airport".
The Herald,
quoting an anonymous source that most Zimbabweans now know
has an office in
Munhumutapa Building, claimed Mugabe was surprised that the
delegation had
arrived at State House and wanted to see him.
Out of courtesy, we were
told, Mugabe met the delegation.
What was unacceptable in this Herald
fiction is that Mugabe's
spokesperson George Charamba confirmed this
construction.
"Clearly, the Congressmen did not have the president on
their
schedule. The meeting was incidental to their mission in Zimbabwe,"
Charamba
said. "The visit seems to have been focused on one party in the
GPA. Their
visit to State House was a self-fulfilling one and even the
president was
taken aback."
The US Embassy's Public Affairs Officer
Tim Gerhardson has since
written to the Herald editor William Chikoto
expressing the mission's
"concern about the inaccurate and irresponsible"
article headlined "US
Congressional team's visit raises eyebrows."
Gerhardson sought correction of the distorted information on the
Congressional visit, but at the time of penning this article, the newspaper
was yet to correct the blatant lie of the unscheduled visit.
Below
is part of the US letter to Chikoto.
"The US Embassy submitted
Diplomatic Note number 227/09 to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Republic of Zimbabwe (with copies to the
Offices of the President and the
Prime Minister) on August 14, 2009,
requesting meetings for the delegation
led by Representative Meeks with the
President and Prime Minister.
"In addition to the Note, officials of the US Embassy met with and
talked
with staff from the Minister of Foreign Affairs on several occasions
before
the delegation arrived and sought Ministry assistance in scheduling a
meeting with President Robert Mugabe.
"While awaiting the
delegation's arrival, the Chargé of the Embassy of
the United States of
America discussed the delegation's interest in meeting
with the President
with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and explained the
delegation's fixed
departure time. Efforts to schedule the meeting
continued throughout the
time the delegation was present in Harare.
"We find the assertion in
your article that it was an "impromptu last
minute call" on President Mugabe
grossly inaccurate and would like this
impression corrected for the benefit
of both your readers and professional
journalism."
So you see
what Information, Media and Publicity Minister Webster
Shamu means when he
claims to the world that the state controlled media are
newspapers,
television and radios of record.
It is interesting for the minister to
explain to Zimbabweans how media
organisations' registration laws operate,
especially as to who gave
H-Metro - a new Zimpapers publication - a license
to operate. Are there
separate laws of registration for public and private
entities? Is there
fairness in all this exercise?
But our only
comfort comes from the fact that the first instalment of
the H-Metro was as
not only uninspiring but also absolute drivel. Who in
their right minds will
believe that Macheso will hook up with Akon in a
duet? Singing what? Not
'konvincing' is it?
As if that was not enough, the paper carried
pictures of scantily clad
young ladies taking part in the latest edition of
Big Brother Africa. This
was a grotesque lie. For the record, at the launch
of the reality show there
were no female contestants in the house, but two
guest prominent South
African ladies who left the house after 24
hours.
At the launch of the paper last week, Information minister
Webster
Shamu had this to say about this sort of journalism.
"The
great temptation with this niche in the publishing industry is to
push for
sensation at the expense of truth, accuracy, fairness and balance."
This rule was broken at launch!
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
19:24
MOST Zimbabweans are inherently honest. However, even the most
honest
become dishonest when their children are crying from
hunger.
Distressingly, that is increasingly so in Zimbabwe today.
With more
than 80% of the population desperately struggling to survive on
incomes far
below the poverty datum line (PDL), and over two-thirds of those
not even
having income equating to the food datum line (FDL), (the minimum
necessary
for survival without sustaining malnutrition), it is not
surprising that
crime is becoming more and more pronounced.
The
paucity of incomes of most Zimbabweans is of such overwhelming
magnitude
that ever greater numbers can perceive no opportunity of staying
alive other
than to resort to crime in general, and corruption in
particular.
The intensity of the survival struggle has increased exponentially
over the
past decade. Zimbabweans, with very rare exception, are strong
adherents to
the extraordinary, admirable "extended family" culture. They
are imbued with
a sense of obligation to fend for any and all, even most
remotely related,
who are in need. In a study conducted in 1991, it was
assessed that the
average income earner was wholly or partially supporting
himself and six
others. A recent study concluded that in the economically
debilitated
Zimbabwean economy, the average income earner is wholly or
partially
supporting himself and 19 others.
This is a consequence of mass
unemployment, with almost 90% of the
employable population being without
gainful formal employment. It is also a
consequence of the HIV and Aids
pandemic, Zimbabwe having an estimated 500
000 Aids orphans, and innumerable
Aids widows. Moreover, with average life
expectancy in Zimbabwe having more
than halved in just over a decade, there
is an ever-greater number of
children deprived of parental support, and
therefore dependant upon other
relatives, and yet those relatives invariably
already have a greater number
of dependants, without concomitant resources
to sustain them fully.
As a result, the ever-increasing numbers -- in desperation -- turn to
crime,
no matter how reluctantly they do so, perceiving no other means of
funding
themselves, their immediate, and extended families. Not only does
need
become their justification for doing so but also very often, they
convince
themselves that doing so is not untoward, for they recurrently
perceive the
magnitude of the corruption that permeates much of the
Zimbabwean political
hierarchy. (Whilst, of course, not all of the high
echelons of power are
corrupt, nevertheless the perception is that that is a
characteristic of
very many, for the magnitude of the wealth of some is
awesome and so great
that there is an inevitable assumption that such
pronounced enrichment, in
less than a generation, could not have been
attained wholly by legitimate
means).
The corruption that prevails in Zimbabwe is very diverse,
covering a
broad spectrum of crime. It ranges from middle and senior
management (in
both public and private sectors) accepting backhanders,
commissions,
kickbacks, gratuities, and so forth for ensuring that contracts
are awarded
to those providing such largesse, and that goods and services
are sourced
from them, to misappropriations of goods and funds.
It
includes unauthorised and untoward usage of assets of employers,
such as the
immense extent that governmental and private sector enterprise
motor
vehicles are illegitimately used to provide public transport by way of
pseudo-provision of taxi and unlicensed commuter omnibus services. The
varied consultation techniques include the unauthorised usage of telephone
services at the expense of employers, the expropriation of office supplies
such as pens, pencils, stationary, envelopes, toilet paper, cleaning
materials, tea, coffee, sugar and the like. And it includes the theft of
manufacturing inputs and of manufactured stocks, the issuance of fictitious
expenditure vouchers and of falsified invoices, misappropriation of receipt
books, falsification of travel and other expenses, and much else.
Over and above the consequential decimation of the moral fibre of
Zimbabwean
society, the corruption pandemic was a very major constituent to
the
destruction of the economy, and is a major retardant to the
desperately-needed and critically- awaited economic recovery. Although there
were many causes of the horrendous, world-shattering, hyperinflation that
prevailed in Zimbabwe in 2008 -- including government's pronounced
profligacy and endless printing of money, the gargantuan decline in
industrial productivity, the near-total collapse of agriculture, the intense
illegal trafficking in foreign currencies, and much else -- one of the main
contributors to that hyperinflation was corruption.
The costs of
the widespread corruption very significantly increased
the production and
operating costs of businesses, resulting in massive
compensatory price
escalations. Those costs also impacted substantially upon
the working
capital requirements of virtually all enterprises. Similarly,
corruption-generated costs exacerbated state deficits, and intensified the
losses of most parastatals. And the intense prevalence of corruption added
to the many deterrents of much-needed foreign direct investment
(FDI).
The need to address this chronic national ill was recognised
many
years ago, when government enacted anti-corruption legislation,
including
the creation of the Ministry of Anti-Corruption. But the reality
is that has
not contained corruption. Insofar as is apparent to the populace
at large,
neither that legislation, nor that ministry, has done anything
meaningful to
curb and contain corruption. Save for a very few, very
isolated, instances,
no actions have been taken against any within the
political hierarchy,
within the corridors of government, or within
parastatals, to bring Zimbabwe
from its current pronounced pursuit of
corruption to its impressively high,
moral and ethical behaviour of the
past.
No action appears to have been taken against police officers that
demand spurious, unreceipted spot fines from motorists for mythical
offences. There are no indications of actions against corrupt politicians,
and equally corrupt members of the public service. Personnel of parastatals
appear to be immune from the resources of the Ministry of Anti-Corruption.
Instead, with rare exception, the legislation is invoked only against those
seen as politically unacceptable, and against a few in the private sector
who have attracted the malevolent attention of those with political
influence or connections.
If real economic recovery is to be
achieved for Zimbabwe, and if
Zimbabwe is to be restored to its previously
high and admirable moral,
ethical and internationally recognised levels of
compliance with the laws
and norms of justice, it must vigorously arrest the
corruption epidemic.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10 September 2009
19:58
SADC leaders cowardly ducked the Zimbabwe issue at their summit
in
Kinshasa, DRC, on Monday and Tuesday, leaving President Robert Mugabe
emboldened in his defiant refusal to implement remaining GPA provisions and
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai gutted.
The result of this outcome
is predictable. Given the delicately
balanced power relations in the
inclusive government, the internal power
struggles will continue. The battle
is going to get nastier before it
reaches denouement.
Tsvangirai
and his party had vigorously campaigned for Sadc leaders to
tackle the
outstanding GPA issues in Kinshasa to clear the deck and allow
government to
focus on economic reconstruction. The MDC's feverish campaign
was brave but
hopeless - it had no realistic chance of succeeding largely
because Mugabe
had behind the scenes lobbied effectively to expunge Zimbabwe
out of the
agenda. Most of the Sadc leaders were by alliance or default on
his
side.
This enabled him to dodge scrutiny, although it did not solve
anything
at the end of the day. He was just buying time and postponing
problems. The
issues won't go away until they are confronted and settled.
The sooner
Mugabe realises this, the better. Mugabe and Tsvangirai need to
seriously
engage and resolve matters on their own without being unduly
influenced by
demagogues around them who are mainly driven by self political
interest and
personal agendas. Their fight at Sadc summits and other fora
have become
embarrassingly messy encounters. The wear and tear on themselves
and other
stakeholders is now evident.
The view of many delegates
to the summit, including journalists, was
that the long-drawn-out Zimbabwean
saga was increasingly becoming a shaggy
dog story. Zimbabwean leaders should
not squander the current opportunity to
resolve the situation because the
consequences of failure may be ghastly.
Besides, regional and international
goodwill will sooner rather than later
run out.
The Kinshasa summit
was supposed to be a watershed but fizzled out
into a damp squib. Delegates
and diplomats on the sidelines of the summit
had raised the alarm three days
before the summit, saying Zimbabwe had been
knocked off the agenda. Mugabe,
working with his allies on the premise of
regional solidarity, threw the
issue out the window days before.
By the time the summit started it was
clear Mugabe had succeeded in
wriggling off the hook. The MDC was left with
a mountain to climb and in its
bid to ascend it crashed. Belated attempts by
the party to push for an
extraordinary summit on Zimbabwe - a daring effort
- were not going to
succeed because Sadc leaders had taken a position to
pass on the issues to
the troika. This was a plausible excuse to avoid
dealing with Zimbabwe
formally.
If it were not for South African
President Jacob Zuma's approach,
Zimbabwe would have simply disappeared off
the Sadc radar. Zuma's role was
crucial. Apart from ensuring the success of
the summit through logistical
support for the DRC, Zuma kept the Zimbabwe
issue alive in his fairly
forthright report to regional leaders which
ensured Sadc remained interested
in the issue. In his speech, Zuma not only
mentioned Zimbabwe, but also said
remaining "obstacles" must be
removed.
Before his departure on Tuesday evening, Zuma gave a press
briefing in
his Guest House at the African Union City where he told
journalists that
issues on Zimbabwe were raised "frankly" with Mugabe. He
said the Sadc
troika would review the six months of the inclusive government
and address
outstanding issues. This would in a way keep the matter under
regional
scrutiny.
Mugabe and Tsvangirai's camps were heavily armed
for the Kinshasa
battle. They had roped in civil society groups on both
sides to reinforce
their positions. They had reports and dossiers to
buttress their arguments.
All together, Zimbabwe had at least 45 delegates
on its official list. South
Africa, which has got bigger resources, had much
fewer delegates.
Even if Mugabe managed to get Zimbabwe out of the
official agenda, the
issue, as exhausting as it has become, still dominated
debate in formal and
informal meetings.
Mugabe, using the advantage
of incumbency as head of state and access
to regional leaders, smuggled his
sanctions "outstanding issue" onto the
Sadc communiqué, while the MDC,
undermined by lack of an equal opportunity
to present its case, had all its
demands shunted aside and forwarded to the
troika.
Mugabe also
managed to influence who was going to be on the Sadc organ
of defence,
politics and security by blocking Botswana from coming in. With
the AU
chairmanship going to Malawi next year, Mugabe clearly seems to have
put his
ducks in a row. The MDC needs to go back and reorganise after being
left
scattered and in disarray in Kinshasa.
Give all this, it is difficult
to see how the Sadc troika - comprising
Kabila, President Hifikepunye
Pohamba of Namibia and Zuma or the Sadc organ
of defence, politics and
security, which has Mozambican President Armando
Guebuza, Rupiah Banda of
Zambia and Swazi King Mswati, would resolve the
Zimbabwe situation when they
allowed Mugabe wriggle out.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10
September 2009 19:56
THE inclusive government embarked on a
constitution-making process
some four months ago.
For some
people a new constitution was seen as an enabling tool to
hold free and fair
elections within two years, while to others in civic
society it was an
opportunity for a people-driven process to replace the
Lancaster House
Constitution, which critics say has been manipulated by
President Robert
Mugabe and his party to hold on to power. But to another
group of people
resisting the reforms, a new constitution is seen as a
weapon to limit
Mugabe's powers.
A new constitution was a key demand of the MDC led by
Morgan
Tsvangirai in joining the inclusive government with Zanu PF. And true
to the
Global Political Agreement, a parliamentary select committee was set
up in
April and entrusted with crafting a new constitution.
The
inclusive government was seen as a transitional arrangement, until
a new
constitution is in place.
But up to today, not much has been done
except for holding the
all-stakeholders conference in July, which was
chaotic, with disruptions
from Zanu PF supporters.
Politicians have
been known to think that their constituents are
gullible, but pretending to
be committed to a process is tantamount to
taking a peaceful people for
fools. Zimbabweans are beginning to wonder if
the setting up of the select
committee was meant to hoodwink them into
believing that the inclusive
government was truly committed to the
constitution-making process.
Factors on the ground show that the government might not be serious
after
all and the select committee on the constitution is now frustrated by
the
lack of movement.
It is not clear up to this day how government plans
to fund the
process. The real source of funding remains a mystery four
months after it
started the process.
The constitution-making
process will cost a total of US$11,2 million
and only US$2 million has been
received from UNDP. What we know is that
Treasury has no money for the
project. Why it was even launched is beyond
anyone's comprehension because
the inclusive government knew then that it
did not even have a cent to fund
it.
Where is Finance Minister Tendai Biti expected to get the funds
when
he does not even have the money to pay civil servants or fund key
service
areas such as education, health, water and sanitation? The country
does not
have money to import electricity and is currently looking for
farming
inputs.
The government's major task at the moment is to
turn around the
economy. Zimbabwe needs US$10 billion for its emergency
short-term economic
recovery programme and has raised more than US$1
billion, mostly in lines of
credit from other African countries.
It
recently received US$500 million from the IMF.
During his revised
budget speech, Biti said the country must do only
those things that Treasury
can pay for from what it receives through taxes.
Responding to
teachers' demands for a salary hike, the Finance
minister said government
could not "draw water from stones" and that the
economy was not performing.
One would like to believe that there must have
been a plan 'B' when the GNU
launched the reform process, otherwise where
did they expect Biti to get the
money.
Maybe, the government expected donors to pour in the funds. But
factors on the ground show that donors were not willing to fund the
inclusive government until it created a democracy and improved human
rights.
Announcing the 25-member Parliamentary Select Committee,
Speaker of
the House of Assembly, Lovemore Moyo said the
"constitution-making process
will require substantial financial and human
resources". He called upon all
"progressive forces to join hands" with
government in funding the process.
Donor funding is already a problem
with Zanu PF, which has stated that
it will not allow foreign resources into
the process.
So far, appeals for financial aid for the process have
been made to
the European Union, Usaid, UNDP and donor countries like
Germany and Sweden.
But only UNDP has responded with the US$2 million, part
of which was used to
hold the all-stakeholders conference. Right now, the
select committee does
not have offices, cars, materials, phones and they
have not been paid their
allowances.
It cannot start the outreach
programme because the US$4,2 million
required for the consultations is not
available. Lack of commitment,
especially from Zanu PF, is shown through its
unwillingness to submit names
for the thematic and sub-thematic committees.
Even if it claims to be
committed, why does it not just simply give the
committee the list so that
it can at least set up the thematic committees
and start preparing the
people for training?
Meanwhile, the MDC
formations do not seem to be doing anything to
reach out to supporters to
prepare them for the constitution-making process.
Zanu PF has been
holding meetings with their MPs, simplifying the
Kariba draft for their
constituents.
But the delay and their unwillingness to commit to the
process show
that there are deliberate moves to prolong the inclusive
government by all
parties.
MDC-T deputy secretary-general Tapiwa
Mashakada was correct when he
said the process should not be allowed to take
more than two years and that
extending the GNU should be a decision from the
people through a referendum.
If a government can violate the
constitution by not holding
by-elections in close to 15 constituencies, what
makes people think it will
live up to its promise to finish the constitution
within 18 months and
thereafter hold free and fair elections?
The
politicians have to be reminded why they occupy those positions
and that
they should not get too comfortable and relaxed.
Faith
Zaba
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 10
September 2009 19:32
THE annual Sadc Summit that ended in the DRC on
Tuesday was a big
betrayal to the people of Zimbabwe as the regional bloc's
leaders once again
showed that they were toothless bulldogs.
Instead of taking President Robert Mugabe head on for adamantly
refusing to
resolve outstanding issues of the global political agreement
with his
partners in the inclusive government, Sadc even had the guts not to
put the
country's crisis on the summit's agenda.
That the crisis was not on the
agenda is quite instructive of how Sadc
leaders view Mugabe's partners in
the inclusive government -- Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and his deputy
Arthur Mutambara. They have no respect for
the two.
It is the same
regional bloc which in January cajoled Tsvangirai to
join the unity
government despite resistance from his chief negotiator
Tendai Biti and also
set out the sticking points of the GPA. But on Monday
and Tuesday the
leaders did not see it fit to deal with outstanding issues.
The bloc even
did not honour its commitment to review the GPA after six
months.
Biti should be feeling vindicated and telling Morgan: 'I told you we
should
not have formed the inclusive government before the outstanding
issues were
resolved'.
The summit once again showed the true colours of the
regional leaders.
For the umpteenth time, they failed the people of
Zimbabwe by not
taking a strong stance against Zanu PF's intransigence and
raping of
democracy.
They deliberately decided to protect and
defend the ageing Mugabe
instead of telling him in his face to adhere to the
GPA and respect the rule
of law, justice and human rights.
Instead
of dealing with the deadlock between Mugabe and Tsvangirai on
key political
appointments and ongoing concerns over human rights abuses,
among an array
of other issues, the summit called on the international
community to lift
sanctions on Zimbabwe.
This is an issue the international community
said rests on the full
consummation of the GPA, which is under threat
because of Mugabe and Zanu PF's
intransigence.
It is now crystal
clear that Sadc's call would remain hollow until
Mugabe plays ball to the
international community's satisfaction.
Saying the outstanding issues
should be dealt with by the Sadc Organ
on Politics, Defence and Security was
not only a betrayal, but a breach of
the bloc's decision during an
extraordinary summit in Pretoria in January
that the GPA would be reviewed
by the bloc after six months.
Despite a clear setback on the
aspirations of Zimbabweans to see
finality on the outstanding issues,
Tsvangirai remained rather
unconvincingly optimistic that a resolution to
the deadlock on the sticking
points would soon be reached.
"Now
that the Sadc troika is specifically vested with the matter of
Zimbabwe, it
is my hope and belief that it will deal with all outstanding
issues as a
matter of urgency," he told journalists in Kinshasa.
A few months ago I
wrote in this column that Sadc had betrayed the
people of Zimbabwe, killed
their aspirations and hopes by adopting a
velvet-glove approach to the
political crisis in the country.
Since the inking of the GPA last year,
it became evident that the
majority of Sadc leaders were more uncomfortable
with Tsvangirai than they
are with Mugabe by putting pressure on the premier
to join an inclusive
government in which he would be a junior
partner.
Sadc has failed to provide direction on the litmus test for
the
restoration of legitimacy.
The Sadc leaders should have been
firm on Mugabe by demanding that a
resolution be found so that the work to
rebuild the country continues in
earnest.
There is no need on the
part of the Sadc leaders to pull punches.
We hope Sadc leaders will
soon come to their senses and see the need
to have the outstanding issues
resolved.
South Africa Deputy President told his parliament on
Wednesday that a
special Sadc Summit could take place to help ensure
accountability among
Zimbabwe's political protagonists.
"Sadc
leadership... has decided that the Sadc secretariat should on an
ongoing
basis ... monitor resolution to all these outstanding issues and
that if
that does not produce the desired results an extraordinary summit
will be
convened focusing specifically on ensuring that more fillip is added
to the
processes of moving Zimbabwe forward," Motlanthe said.
Let's hope this
will materialise soon.
Constantine Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
No Consistency in Minister's Stance
Thursday, 10 September 2009
19:51
THE Commercial Farmers Union wishes to reply on behalf of its
affected
members to the Herald report on September 2 of a change in the
Zimbabwe
government's position regarding the legality of the Sadc
Tribunal.
We do not know if the minister involved, Patrick Chinamasa,
had duly
consulted with the inclusive government and had authority to take
the action
or make the statements he has made.
Without authority
naturally he will be personally responsible for any
consequences.
The Tribunal record shows that this minister has previously accepted
that
the government of Zimbabwe is bound by the Tribunal's rulings, at
international level, and must respect them.
The argument he has now
advanced for his revised view is based on
implying unwritten extra rules
into the Sadc Treaty.
He claims that under these unwritten rules the
Tribunal Protocol
adopted by the Summit in 2000, and the agreement amending
the Sadc Treaty
adopted by the Summit in 2001, and the amendment to the
Tribunal Protocol
adopted by the Summit in 2002 have all not yet come into
force or effect.
If that is accepted, Zimbabwe unavoidably must also
pull out of all
new Sadc institutions created by its agreement in 2001,
including its organ
on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation and other
bodies that it is
still participating in.
Zimbabwe should also
revert to being represented in the Council of
Ministers by its Finance
minister or of Economic Planning, and not by its
Minister of Foreign
Affairs.
In the absence of this, we respectfully suggest the minister's
new
posture cannot be taken seriously.
We inform readers that all
legal advice we have received, all
documents filed with the Tribunal by the
Attorney General's Office until
now, and the independent legal opinions we
have seen, do not support the
minister's belated change of stance.
With respect the Minister seems to be clutching at straws.
Charles
Taffs,
Vice President,
The Commercial Farmers
Union.
---------------
Sadc Deflates Hope for Democratic
Reform
Thursday, 10 September 2009 19:48
THE Southern African
Development Community's (Sadc) predictable stance
on Zimbabwe on the just-
ended summit held in the Democratic Republic of
Congo leaves a lot to be
desired. Despite the calls from the MDC and civic
groups to have Zimbabwe
tabled at the summit, the guarantor to the troubled
coalition government
dismissed the Zimbabwean crisis as less pressing.
The decision not to
put Zimbabwe on the agenda of the Kinshasa summit
leaves Robert Mugabe and
Zanu PF as the victors at the expense of the people
of Zimbabwe.
Mugabe and his party will continue to enjoy the status of a problem
child in
the absence of a checks and balance system in the implementation of
the
Global Political Agreement between the three political parties.
Six
months after the formation of the coalition government, its full
implementation has been stalled by Mugabe's refusal to reverse the
appointment of the Reserve bank Governor and the Attorney General, and
swearing in of Roy Bennett as the deputy minister of Agriculture.
Although these are the pressing issues from the Movement of Democratic
change's point of view, as succinctly noted by Irene Petras director of the
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), "democratisation remains a
challenge".
Since the formation of the coalition government, no
repressive laws
have been repealed.
Draconian laws such as the
Public Order and Security Act and Access to
Information and Protection of
Privacy Act are still intact. The public is
starved of objective news and
information and left to receive vitriol and
Zanu PF propaganda from the
state media. The apparatus of violence which
manifested during the period
preceding the June election period still
remains intact. There is no genuine
effort towards reforming state
institutions.
The plight of
prisoners in state prisons is cause for concern.
Zimbabwe Prisons Service is
currently operating below the minimal standards
set by the United Nations
amidst fears that prisoners are dying of
starvation, diseases and
torture.
It still remains to be seen if Mugabe and Zanu PF have genuine
concerns for the people of Zimbabwe that surpass their narrow partisan
interest in this marriage of convenience at a time when Zimbabwe is in need
of a visionary leadership. The disruption of the all-stakeholders
constitutional convention at the Harare International Conference Centre by
Zanu PF thugs is a testimony of party politics at the expense of the nation
as a whole.
Foreign aid and investment will remain elusive as long
as the
government fails to guarantee the rule of law, respect human rights,
exercise good governance and honour property rights under bi-lateral
agreements with other member states from the region.
The refusal by
the Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa to honour the
ruling by the Sadc
Tribunal in favour of 78 white farmers facing eviction
under the chaotic
farm invasions set a bad precedent on the part of the
Zimbabwean
government.
Not only does it further dent the country's battered image
on the
failure to uphold the rule of law, but it also undermines the
integrity of
Sadc as a body in its endeavor to finding solutions to African
problems.
What Zanu PF does not understand about the targeted sanctions
is that,
it is they not the MDC, who need to rebuild a credible brand,
convince the
world that they have now repented from their oppressive rule
and are now
sincere about democratic reforms.
Readiness to accept
the people's right to choose leaders of their
choice is also a critical
pre-requisite in restoring donor confidence.
Restoration of Human
Rights
(ROHR) Zimbabwe
www.rohrzimbabwe.org
-------------------
Sadc Leaders let Zim Down
Again
Thursday, 10 September 2009 19:44
SADC
leaders have once again let the people of Zimbabwe down by
the stance they
took at the regional summit in Kinshasa, the DRC this week.
The
people of Zimbabwe were expecting that Sadc leaders would
take a tough
stance against President Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF who continue
to disregard
basic human rights issues in order to maintain a tight grip on
power.
Zanu PF and Mugabe were rejected by the people in the
March 2008
elections but are still clinging to power just because some of
the Sadc
leaders are protecting Mugabe.
It was sad to note
the Sadc leaders' unwillingness to take a
decisive and conclusive stance on
the Zimbabwe issue. The human rights
abuses, farm invasions and the failure
to fully implement the Global
Political Agreement are just but a few issues
that require Sadc's full
attention.
The decision has left
the people of Zimbabwe -- who were hoping
for a better future -- dejected
and pessimistic about the future of the
inclusive government.
Zanu PF is going full throttle in celebrating the failure by
Sadc to
chastise them and will use this endorsement to continue trampling on
the
rights of the people of Zimbabwe. This is all because the Sadc leaders
have
been silent on bringing Mugabe and Zanu PF to book on their actions.
The
regional bloc has failed to stand on the side of the suffering
Zimbabweans.
Sadc leaders should take the collective blame
for failing
Zimbabwe at this crucial time.
It is high time
that Sadc leaders were bold and stopped playing
along to Mugabe's
tune.
Agrippa Zvomuya,
Harare.
---------------
Border Harassment Deters
Tourists
Thursday, 10 September 2009 19:35
ON
a visit to South Africa recently, we were harassed on our
return at the
border by young children and beggars wanting to either guard
our car or ask
for money.
At the South African border, there are no such people
loitering
about the border post which clearly shows that the traffic control
and
security personnel on the Zimbabwean side are not doing their
job.
The same can be said for Forbes Border post with the same
scenario on the Zimbabwe side and yet, one has no problems on the Mozambique
side.
Whilst these individuals may be desperate to make a
living, it
is hardly a compliment to our efforts in promoting tourism and
being
"tourism friendly" to be accosted by such persons who are not only
annoying,
but also intimidate visitors - both local and
foreign.
Quite honestly, it is a disgrace and urgent attention
to this
complaint should be made to enforce discipline and order at these
border
posts as they are the first or last impression of visitors to our
country.
Needless to say, one still has to queue for bridge toll
fees,
then immigration, then road access fee and then customs. Our industry
must
take a firm stance in this regard and demand that action be taken to
show we
really want to encourage tourism and get our industry and country
back on
its feet.
Gordon Addams,
www.innsofzimbabwe.co.zw
----------------
SMS The Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 September 2009 19:36
CAN all those calling for the
removal of the "illegal" sanctions
please list them so that we all may
know.
Gone Bananas.
IT seems that Zimbabweans
are in a dilemma. They agitate for
Robert Mugabe to go but offer no viable
replacement. They should be sure
before they throw themselves into the
frying pan.
Nyasha Mahoks.
DURING the 1970s
Ugandan state broadcasters would start off with
the statement: His
Excellency Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada, President of
Uganda, Conqueror of
the British Empire, Victorious Cross, Member of the
Excellent Order of the
Source of the Nile, Distinguished Service Medal,
State Combat Star, Long
Service and Good Conduct Medal, and many other
honours and titles he had
heaped on himself. ference to Robert Mugabe.
Observer,
Chiredzi.
JOSEPH Chinotimba must engage a producer and become
our next
Mukadota, Shogo, Mutirowafanza or be the local version of Mr Bean.
We have a
shortage of real comedians on ZBC. Chinotimba is political satire
personified. I urge any producer who he approaches to ignore his "shonglish"
and partisan vitriol. We need people like him in the democracy we are
carving!
Producer.
ZBH management are just
not serious. How can they attempt to
launch a second television station when
they are failing to run ZTV fully?
The government should license other
players.
Observer.
THERE is never any Econet
network reception from Macheke to
Nyanga. Econet should rectify this
promptly.
Kedza.
WE thank the IMF for the bail
out package they have given to our
country. We just hope God will keep on
intervening and sanity will prevail
again in our government's
structures.
Ali Baba.
PART of the US$500
million we are getting from the IMF should be
used to pay off all Zesa debts
and revive its power stations.
Economist.
I
APPRECIATE Tendai Biti's call for an investigation on NSSA's
activities.
Pensioners are being robbed by such organisations. The
investigation should
look at the organisation's records from 10 years back
to now.
Bots.
IT is insulting to our intelligence when we hear Finance
minister Tendai Biti claiming to have no money to pay civil servants
reasonable salaries when he gives US$30 000 each to our 210 MPs, 93 senators
and 70 plus ministers including the junior ones for the purchase of top
notch vehicles. It seems that those are his priorities.
Hebert Mugwagwa.
GIDEON Gono should seriously consider
retiring as RBZ governor
because his relevance has withered away. It's
better for him to go on his
own.
Analyst.
I BELIEVE that Gideon Gono has truckloads of already
printed Zim
dollars on standby in the event of its
reemergence.
Economist, Harare.
CAN a losing
MP -- Patrick Chinamasa -- from a losing party Zanu
PF represent us and make
decisions on behalf of the government such as
pulling Zimbabwe out of the
Sadc tribunal? Why do we still have this kind of
scenario?
Judge Dread.
HARARE hospital recently bought five dialysis
machines and it is
clear that the new blood in government -- especially
those who won the March
2008 elections -- are the ones who are properly
apportioning resources so
that everyone can benefit.
Change
for life.
THE Labour ministry along with the Public Service
Commission
must hasten the reappointment of civil servants. They are taking
too long to
process our papers -- in some cases taking more than five
months. How do
they expect us to survive?
Hungry civil
servant.
WITH the way public officials such as Harare mayor
Muchadeyi
Masunda are spending the tax payer's money on luxury vehicles, who
can blame
the West for giving us humanitarian aid.
Economist.
I CANNOT understand transport operators'
justification in
charging US$4 for the Harare to Shamva trip. They should
desist from milking
us dry.
Ngoni
Mugwagwa.
IT seems that Econet is ripping us off on the text
messages. Of
the 15 text messages one is supposed to send after buying a
US$1 recharge
card, it seems only five of the message actually get delivered
and there is
no refund.
Gidza.
WHAT is the
point in our cellular networks having millions of
subscribers when we are
failing to make use of basic services such as SMS
let alone
phone?
Disheartened subscriber.