Mugabe in fresh farm evictions

Zim Online

                 Tuesday 19 September 2006

      MASVINGO - President Robert Mugabe's government has renewed farm
seizures, ordering white farmers last week to vacate their properties in the
southern Masvingo province before the start of the new rains in about six
weeks time or be forcibly evicted.

      Only about 600 out of an estimated 4 000 large-scale producing white
commercial farmers remain in Zimbabwe after Mugabe drove the majority off
the land and gave their farms to landless blacks in a chaotic and often
violent campaign he said was meant to correct racial imbalances in land
ownership.

      In a fresh wave of farm evictions - which the government had
officially said were over as it was refocusing on raising production on land
already acquired from whites - Masvingo provincial governor Willard Chiwewe
wrote to white farmers ordering them to surrender their land and equipment
to the government.

      "Your farm has been acquired by the government and we therefore
request you to wind up your business before the start of the rainy season,"
Chiwewe, who as governor is the official representative of Mugabe in
Masvingo, wrote to a local farmer, John Sparrow.

      The letter adds: "You are advised to comply with this order since you
risk being forcibly removed if you fail to comply. We also take this
opportunity to tell you that you are not allowed to move out with any of
your farming equipment."

      Under the government's tough land seizure laws, a farmer cannot
challenge in court the expropriation of his land by the government and faces
jail for removing equipment from the farm.

      Apart from Sparrow, at least another 10 white farmers have also
received letters from Chiwewe notifying them to vacate their properties.

      There were also reports that government militias and veterans of
Zimbabwe's 1970s independence war had been sent out to pressure farmers to
give up their properties.

      The war veterans and militias are accused of human rights violations
including murder against white farmers during the first phase of government
farm seizures about six years ago.

      A former official of the white-representative Commercial Farmers Union
in Masvingo, Mike Nickson, described the situation as unbearable, adding
farmers had no option but "to surrender our properties in order to save our
lives."

      Chiwewe on Monday defended the latest farm evictions saying the
government needs the land to resettle black villagers who occupied game
parks and conservancies at the height of farm invasions.

      "We are looking for farms to resettle our people," Chiwewe said. But
the governor denied knowledge of war veterans and government militia
intimidating farmers.

      Influential Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor, Gideon Gono, as well as
Vice-Presidents Joseph Msika and Joice Mujuru have on separate occasions
this year publicly called for an end to farm evictions, saying it was time
to consolidate the government's controversial land reforms by increasing
food production.

      But disturbances have continued on farms with powerful government
officials who already own more than one farm being accused of seizing more
land from whites.

      The farm seizures that began in 2000 and which Mugabe says were meant
to correct an unjust land tenure system that reserved 75 percent of the best
arable land for minority whites while the majority blacks were cramped on
poor soils have been blamed for plunging Zimbabwe into severe food
shortages.

      The southern African country that was once a regional breadbasket has
largely survived on food handouts from international relief agencies for the
past six years and will this year require more food aid for at least three
quarters of its 12 million people. - ZimOnline

Water crisis hits Harare

Zim Online

                 Tuesday 19 September 2006

      HARARE - A serious water crisis has hit Harare with most suburbs in
the city going for days without supplies after the national water authority
failed to raise cash to buy critically needed water treatment chemicals.

      Residents who spoke to ZimOnline on Monday said the water crisis
worsened last week forcing most of them to source water from unprotected
wells and streams heightening fears of disease outbreaks.

      "We have no choice but to use this unclean water. Otherwise we could
go for days without bathing or cooking," said Tendai Mushaya, a resident in
the eastern suburb of Mabvuku, one of the worst affected by the water
crisis.

      Sources at the state-run Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA), in
charge of water management in the country, said the crisis was worsened
after some water chemical firms refused to supply the chemicals after the
Authority failed to clear outstanding debts.

       ZINWA owes about Z$1.5 billion to eight chemical supplying companies.

      "We have run out of aluminium sulphate and the situation is not
healthy. We are indebted to the tune of $1.5 billion and subsequently
suppliers have put an embargo on supplies of chemicals," said the sources
who refused to be named because they are not authorised to speak to the
press.

      Water Resources Minister Munacho Mutezo confirmed Harare was facing
severe water problems but sought to ease residents' fears by telling state
media on Sunday that the situation would improve in days after the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe gave ZINWA funds to buy pumps and chemicals.

      The water crisis in Harare is one of the clearest illustrations of how
far things have collapsed in Zimbabwe after seven years of a severe economic
recession most critics blame on mismanagement and corruption by President
Robert Mugabe's government.

      Apart from a shortage of water, Harare residents - as everyone else in
Zimbabwe - also have to grapple with shortages of food, fuel, electricity,
essential medicines and skyrocketing inflation which shot beyond 1 200
percent last August from 993.6 percent the previous month. - ZimOnline

Concern over physical condition of arrested marchers

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

JOHANNESBURG, 18 Sep 2006 (IRIN) - Rights groups and union leaders have
united to condemn Zimbabwe's government and police for allegedly beating and
torturing demonstrators arrested during nationwide marches against the
country's fast-deteriorating social and economic conditions.

At least 500 people were arrested last week according to Zimbabwe's largest
labour federation, which organised the protests. An IRIN correspondent in
the capital, Harare, witnessed armed police severely beating demonstrators
with batons prior to the marches, which were declared illegal and quickly
suppressed by President Robert Mugabe's government.

Amnesty International said it was "gravely concerned" by reports that
several members of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) were beaten
in police stations in Harare after being arrested.

"Hundreds of members of the ZCTU and women's organisation, Women of Zimbabwe
Arise (WOZA), are also reported to be detained in Harare and other urban
centres in Zimbabwe," Amnesty said in a statement. "Members are being held
without access to lawyers, adequate food and medical care ... There are
serious concerns for the health and safety of all those held."

The Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum (ZHRF), a coalition of 16 rights groups,
said the president, vice-president and secretary general of the ZCTU were
all violently arrested at the protests and subjected to "serious torture".
All three sustained severe injuries while in police custody.

"Torture in Zimbabwe is both widespread and systemic, demanding both a
national and an international response," the ZHRF said in a statement. "The
Human Rights Forum demands the release of all the detained members of the
ZCTU, the immediate investigation of all allegations of torture and the
prosecution of all those guilty of torture."

Zimbabwe's economy is in freefall, with hyperinflation above 1,200 percent
annually and unemployment estimated at up to 80 percent, although the
country's Central Statistic Office maintains the actual unemployment rate is
11 percent. Staple foods are scarce, electricity supply interruptions
frequent, and about 83 percent of the population live on less than US$2 a
day, according to UNAIDS. Mugabe has blamed the country's deepening problems
on domestic and international opponents opposed to his fast-track land
reform programme, which saw white-owned farms seized for settlement by
landless blacks.

Opposition protests and mass-action campaigns against the government have
often stalled at the starting blocks. Mugabe, Zimbabwe's only leader since
it won independence from Britain in 1980, warned critics last month that the
army was ready to "pull the trigger" on those seeking to topple him.

On 13 September, marchers voiced demands for a living wage for workers,
access to antiretroviral (ARV) treatment for HIV-positive people, and an end
to police harassment of "informal economy workers". The protests were
declared illegal and snuffed out by thousands of armed police.

The two-million member strong Congress of South African Trade Unions
(COSATU), a consistent critic of Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party government,
called for international pressure to ensure the release of all trade
unionists detained during the marches.

"In particular, we are deeply concerned at the news that one of those
arrested, Wellington Chibebe, the ZCTU secretary-general, has been admitted
to hospital with a fractured arm and bruises on his head," COSATU said in a
statement. "We demand the immediate release of all those arrested, the
dropping of all charges, and disciplinary action against police officers
found to have been responsible for the beating and torture of detainees."

The South African government, sticking to its widely criticised stance of
"quiet diplomacy" towards its northern neighbour, has refused to condemn the
Mugabe government for the way it has handled the protests.

"We are monitoring developments with interest, but we always maintain that
Zimbabwe needs to address its own problems and nobody can solve those
problems for them, and it would be arrogant for us to pretend we could,"
foreign affairs spokesperson Vincent Hlongwane told IRIN. "We are
communicating with them and are in constant contact, but not with the aim of
dictating to them ... Zimbabwe can deal with its own problems more
effectively."

Zimbabwe's main opposition party, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
hobbled by internal squabbling and a split in October last year, condemned
the Mugabe government and said protests would never be stopped by force and
intimidation.

"We are appalled by the fact that terrorism and violence are being used by
the state against its own people," said Nelson Chamisa, spokesman for MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai's faction. "We applaud the actions of the people of
Zimbabwe for sending a message to the government. The regime is panicked and
cannot maintain its position ... Last week's actions are only a sign of what
is to come."

Zimbabwe shoppers struggle to pay as prices soar

Reuters

Mon Sep 18, 2006 11:27am ET
By Stella Mapenzauswa
HARARE, Sept 18 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's citizens struggled to pay sharply
higher prices for basic foodstuffs on Monday after official data showed
inflation hit a new record in August.

Prices surged further over the weekend after news on Friday that Zimbabwe's
annual inflation, the highest in the world, rose to 1,204.6 percent last
month.

The southern African country is caught in a eight-year recession, blamed on
mismanagement by President Robert Mugabe's government and marked by chronic
shortages of foreign currency, fuel and food and unemployment of over 70
percent.

Producers say the price increases are a reflection of increased output
costs, but disgruntled consumers see it as an unjustified knee-jerk reaction
to inflation data.

"As far as I'm concerned, it is inflation pushing prices up, not prices
driving inflation," Harare shopper Tendai Makoni said as she rushed through
her lunchtime shopping.

Most supermarkets were selling a standard loaf of bread at at around Z$330
($1.32) a loaf, up from from Z$200 last week. The cost of a pint of milk was
up around 70 percent. Items like cooking oil, meat and bath soaps were also
sharply higher.

"It seems like each time we are told of a rise in inflation, we have to
double our grocery budget. You think you'll get used to it but you get
shocked every time it happens," Makoni said.

An elderly man grumbled as he put aside nearly half of the items in his
shopping basket at the check-out counter because he did not have enough
money.

Police crack whip on business over prices

Zim Online

                       Tuesday 19 September 2006

            HARARE - Zimbabwe police yesterday vowed to intensify a
crackdown against firms hiking prices without state permission, sending a
wave of panic among executives of companies manufacturing basic commodities
whose prices are monitored by the government.

            National police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena said police teams
were on the ground checking on prices and would not hesitate to arrest
business executives defying orders not to increase prices of their products.

            "The police are busy monitoring the situation," said Bvudzijena.
"We are still compiling statistics of the businesses unilaterally hiking
prices without government approval and those found to be bending the law
will face the music," he added.

            The police at the weekend arrested a senior executive at the
biggest bakery in Harare, Lobels Bakery and another top official at leading
plastics packaging maker Saltrama Plastics, for hiking prices without state
approval.

            First to be nabbed by the police for increasing prices was
Benson Samudzimu, the managing director of the country's largest dairy firm,
Dairibord Zimbabwe, who was arrested last Friday for hiking the price of
milk.

            Industry and International Trade Minister Obert Mpofu backed the
crackdown, insisting private firms should not resort to hiking prices to
survive Zimbabwe's hyperinflationary environment but should wait for the
government to fix a host of problems afflicting the economy and making it
difficult for business to operate.

            "The police are merely following orders," said Mpofu, adding
that he had warned company executives of the consequences of hiking prices
without state permission.

            But the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC), one of the
two representative bodies for business in the country, absolved companies of
any wrong doing saying they were only increasing prices in response to
rising costs of raw materials.

            ZNCC economist Bothwell Deka, said: "We have reiterated that
these price controls that were set by the government are not viable at all.
There is need for the business sector to break even and only removing these
price controls can help business to break even."

            The government has imposed a lid on prices of most basic
commodities in a desperate bid to suppress ballooning inflation which last
August shot to 1 204.6 percent up from 993.6 percent in July.

            Hyperinflation is only one of many severe symptoms of Zimbabwe's
seven-year old economic recession that has also spawned shortages of fuel,
electricity, essential medicines, hard cash and just about every basic
survival commodity.

            The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change party and
Western governments blame the crisis on repression and wrong policies by
Mugabe such as his seizure of productive farms from whites for
redistribution to landless blacks.

            The farm seizures destabilised the mainstay agricultural sector
and caused severe food shortages after the government failed to give black
villagers resettled on former white farms skills training and inputs support
to maintain production.

            But Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since the country's 1980
independence from Britain, denies mismanaging the country and says its
problems are because of economic sabotage by Western governments opposed to
his seizure of white land. - ZimOnline

New Bread Shortages in Zimbabwe, Internet services near collapse

Associated Press

HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) - Long-suffering Zimbabweans hunted for bread in shops
Monday during a government clampdown against bakers accused of overcharging.

Also Monday, most international e-mail and Internet services neared collapse
after the state communications company failed to pay its hard currency
satellite charges and the nation's key Intelsat link was cut off.

Stores reported a halt to bread deliveries Monday after the arrest of three
food company executives by police acting for trade ministry price
inspectors.

The executives, one from Harare's biggest private bakery, were accused of
hiking prices on bread and dairy goods in defiance of government-controlled
pricing.

The price of a regular loaf of bread rose by 30 percent Friday to 330
Zimbabwe dollars ($1.32), the fifth increase this year.

Bakers insisted flour shortages and soaring costs of ingredients, transport
and packaging in the ailing economy forced them to exceed the government's
fixed price to continue production.

Price inspectors ordered stores to reduce the bread price Monday and
deliveries dried up, store managers said.

The independent Internet Service Providers Association, meanwhile,
apologized to customers for a drastic reduction in browsing speeds and long
delays in e-mail deliveries Monday. It said Zimbabwe's biggest international
link through Intelsat, controlled by the state communications company,
TelOne, was shut down until debts of at least $700,000 in service charges
were paid off.

The Internet association said the country's main service providers reported
a drop of up to 90 percent in the volume of electronic traffic in the past
week because of the Intelsat shutdown.

The state company TelOne acknowledged receiving a final demand for payment
of its satellite arrears last month and asked the central bank to provide
hard currency which has so far not been allocated.

"This is catastrophic as all legal Internet Service Providers utilize TelOne
for their outgoing bandwidth to the World Wide Web as well as for e-mail
traffic. Thus all such ISPs have and are being affected by this downtime. In
short, this ... is causing an almost collapse of the Internet in Zimbabwe,"
said Mweb, the country's biggest provider, in a circular to subscribers.

Zimbabwe is suffering its worst economic crisis since independence in 1980,
with acute shortages of food, hard currency, gasoline and essential imports.
Official annual inflation is a record 1,204 percent, the highest in the
world.

© 2006 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be
published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed

Robert Mugabe's Helpful Touch

Zimbabwe costs SA dearly

Sunday Times SA

Monday September 18, 2006 14:42 - (SA)

By Brendan Boyle

Living next door to Zimbabwe could be costing SA the difference between
current growth and the 6% that is the goal of the Accelerated and Shared
Growth Initiative (Asgisa), according to a World Bank researcher.

Zimbabwe is one of 26 states listed as "fragile" in the latest analysis by
the World Bank's Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) and is the only one in
Africa said to be getting more, rather than less, vulnerable.

IEG director Ajay Chhibber told Business Times at the annual meeting of the
World Bank and International Monetary Fund the country's decline was having
an "appreciable" effect on SA's economic growth.

"Our research shows that, on average, living next to a fragile state cuts
one to one-and-a-half percentage points off economic growth."

Chhibber said SA's economy was also affected Angola, which is rated fragile
too, but is gaining strength.

"The moment people's incomes rise, they will purchase more and the first
place they will buy from will be SA," he said.

Deputy Finance Minister Jabu Moleketi said Zimbabwe's recovery after years
of economic decline could benefit SA.

"Once there is a significant increase in demand from your major trading
partners, it definitely has an impact on growth. If Zimbabwe goes back to
being a big consumer of South African products, it will definitely have a
positive impact or our growth. Stability there is quite critical for us,"
Moleketi said.

The IEG rates countries on a scale of one to six on policies, institutions
and governance and those scoring three or less are considered fragile.

The unit said the number of "fragile" states had grown in the past year from
17 to 26, with 19 of them in Africa.

"In our globalised world, no country can isolate itself anymore from what
happens elsewhere. Instability in one country can easily affect the entire
region," Chhibber said.

He declined to suggest policies SA could adopt to help Zimbabwe, but said it
was important to understand the political economy of fragile neighbours and
frame policies accordingly.

Group analyst Vinod Thomas said both Angola and Nigeria should be doing much
better than they are on the back of the oil price windfall that is enriching
producers around the world. He said one reason for their failure could be
"the fact that these resources are particularly subject to corruption".

The World Bank has allocated $4.1-billion to its programme for what it calls
low-income countries under stress.

But officials managing the programme said some of these countries could take
up to 60 years to escape their fragile status if policies were not more
consistent and co-ordinated.

They said donor nations were creating what one official called "aid orphans
and aid darlings", with support ranging from $15 per person per year in the
Central African Republic to $200 per person in Timor.

Yet growth is set to remain robust in sub-Saharan Africa. Inflation is
trending down and there is huge interest in the region from emerging market
powers China and India, according to the IMF and World Bank.

There is strong evidence of improving governance in many other African
countries and investors are likely to remain hungry for high-yield African
paper if global imbalances are well managed, the agencies said.

The report said SA was among five countries "well positioned" to meet the
UN's goal of halved poverty by 2015.

Business Times

Muguti Backtracks On Scathing Criticism

The Herald (Harare)

September 16, 2006
Posted to the web September 18, 2006

Harare

DEPUTY Minister of Health and Child Welfare Dr Edwin Muguti has backtracked
on his earlier scathing criticism of the National Aids Council (NAC) for
alleged abuse of funds collected from the Aids levy.

At a Press briefing in Harare yesterday, Dr Muguti made a U-turn from his
criticism, saying he was happy at the way NAC was operating.

The deputy minister, instead, attacked the Press for publishing his
comments, saying for the media to suggest otherwise, was highly
irresponsible and clearly smacked of a hidden agenda.

Dr Muguti appeared on television last week criticising the NAC for not
utilising prudently millions of dollars raised from the Aids levy. He chided
the NAC for reportedly spending on workshops, salaries and office furniture
the money meant for programmes to benefit people living with HIV/Aids.

In an interview, he also told The Herald that while there had been some
improvements recently in the way the NAC was being run, there was need to
criticise them so that they kept up the momentum.

"Yes, there have been some improvements, but we would not want to see the
Aids council losing focus once more and start spending money on the wrong
things. We say this because there are signs that this might be happening and
we wish to nip it in the bud. The council, as an Aids body, should be very
aggressive in pursuing the agenda of those living with HIV and Aids."

Yesterday Dr Muguti said: "My sentiments were misconstrued. The media
sensationalised what were historical concerns made by a Member of the House
of Assembly to his constituency.

"I criticised NAC yes, but historically. I was talking about my unhappiness
with the way it used to operate in the past -- not now," he said.

Dr Muguti said he had very good relations with the NAC as well as the
Minister of Health and Child Welfare, Dr David Parirenyatwa, and wanted it
put on record that he was satisfied that the NAC was doing a good job in
co-ordinating a multi-sectoral response towards the HIV epidemic. That is
the reason why Zimbabwe continued to record a decline in the HIV prevalence
rate, he said.

"I first spoke about NAC at a meeting in my constituency, Chirumanzu, where
I feel the District Aids Action Committees (DAACs) are performing poorly.
Home-based care kits are not available in some areas at certain times -- 
that's all. But otherwise NAC has done a lot in the Zunde Ramambo Programme
which is improving food stocks; it is working with BEAM (Basic Education
Assistance Module) and other organisations like the National Blood
Transfusion Services, the army, and many more," he said.

As far as he was concerned, there was no abuse or misapplication of funds on
the part of NAC as the organisation was spending quite a substantial amount
of money collected through the 3 percent Aids levy on anti-retroviral drugs.

31 ZCTU Members Appear in Court

The Herald (Harare)

September 16, 2006
Posted to the web September 18, 2006

Harare

31 members of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) yesterday
appeared in court for allegedly participating in an illegal demonstration in
Harare.

They were formally charged with contravening section 37 (1) (b) of the
Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, which makes it an offence for
people to act in a manner likely to cause public disorder.

The accused persons, among them ZCTU president Lovemore Matombo, Progressive
Teachers' Union leader Raymond Majongwe and two MDC activists Grace Kwinje
and Lucia Matibenga, were not asked to plead to the charge when they
appeared at the Harare Magistrates' Courts.

Harare magistrate Ms Olivia Mariga remanded them out of custody to October 3
this year for trial on $20 000 bail each.

ZCTU secretary-general Wellington Chibebe, who is admitted at Harare Central
Hospital, could not be brought to court as he was reportedly in serious pain
emanating from an alleged assault by the police during detention.

Matombo and six others, who appeared in court in slings, were brought from
Harare Central Hospital where they were admitted.

Business came to a standstill when another group of suspected ZCTU activists
started chanting slogans outside the court building before the commencement
of the matter, demanding the release of their colleagues.

As a result, police manning the complex immediately locked the main entrance
preventing the mob from entering.

Those that were locked out of the building included Harare North lawmaker Ms
Trudy Stevenson who was persistently shouting and flashing her identity
card.

Among those that attended the court session were MDC faction leader Mr
Morgan Tsvangirai and National Constitutional Assembly chairman Dr Lovemore
Madhuku.

The situation finally stabilised after the riot police stormed the premises
resulting in the arrest of South African Broadcasting Corporation cameraman
Austin Gundani and freelance scribe Tendai Musiyazviriyo who were later
released.

Defence lawyer Mr Alec Muchadehama, who was assisted by Mr Charles Kwaramba,
Mr Andrew Makoni and Ms Sarudzai Njerere, told the court that the 31 were
"brutally assaulted" by the police.

The defence added that Chibebe was severely assaulted and that he sustained
a fractured hand and deep cuts on the head.

According to the defence, Matombo and the other six, who were in sling
bandages, were whisked straight to court immediately after being discharged
from hospital.

Ms Njerere averred that the suspects were never given food during their stay
in the cells and that they were living under conditions unfit for human
habitation.

Prosecutor Mr Tendai Zvekare counter-argued that the offence committed was a
threat to State security and that police trucks were damaged in the
"violent" demonstration and some police officers were injured.

Allegations against the group arose on September 13 this year when the 31,
including freelance journalist Mike Saburi, were allegedly involved in an
unsanctioned demonstration along Leopold Takawira Street in Harare.

It is the State's case that the group was whistling, singing, chanting
slogans and insulting the police and President Mugabe.

According to the State outline, they disturbed the free movement of people
and motorists in the street.

Injured labour leaders fail to attend COSATU congress

Zim Online

                 Tuesday 19 September 2006

      JOHANNESBURG - Zimbabwe union leaders are unable to attend an ongoing
congress of South Africa's trade union because they are still nursing
injuries suffered after they were assaulted by police last week.

      The leaders of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) were
brutally assaulted by the police after they were arrested in Harare last
week as they prepared to lead lunchtime protests by workers against
worsening economic hardships. The protests fizzled out after the arrests.

      The Zimbabwe union officials, who were kept in police cells and denied
medical attention for hours, suffered various injuries including broken
arms, legs and ribs.

      ZCTU secretary general, Wellington Chibebe, who was the worst injured
is still in hospital receiving treatment for two fractures on the left arm,
bruises all over the body and deep cuts to the head.

      The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) which on Monday
kicked off its ninth congress in Midrand, just outside Johannesburg, said it
will formally respond to increasing repression in Zimbabwe and ill-treatment
of union leaders by President Robert Mugabe's government.

      "We shall respond to the Zimbabwe police brutality during the course
of the congress," said COSATU secretary general Zwelinzima Vavi.

      COSATU, which is part of tripartite ruling alliance that includes
President Thabo Mbeki's African National Congress party, is highly critical
of Mugabe's controversial rule. - ZimOnline

A week is a long time in politics

Sometimes it is quite hard to keep track of all that is going on in this
small corner of the world that is so important to us who live here. Must be
doubly difficult for those who live "out there". If you take the past week
for example, the main points that we might record are as follows: -

Inflation rose in August to 28 per cent for the month - raising the annual
average so far to 1204 per cent. This is dramatically up on the figure for
July and the IMF followed this with a brief report that said that inflation
was out of control and might reach 4000 per cent in 2007. On the ground the
CEO of Dairibord was arrested when he raised the price of milk and the CIO
started raids on the homes of senior executives of other companies alleging
price fixing and profiteering. After claiming that fuel at controlled prices
(Z$330 per litre) would be available, prices rose today to about Z$1000 a
litre at retail outlets - local commuter transport charges rose by a third
immediately.

The Deputy Minister of Mines reiterated that the State was determined to
take 51 per cent of the equity in all mining concerns. Although the mining
industry remained silent in the face of this threat, with the sole exception
of the Zimplats operation, it now looks as if the rest of the industry will
simply sit tight and await developments. All major maintenance and expansion
is on hold and will remain so until the policy environment is clarified.
Literally billions of US dollars of investment are on hold as a result. It
is yet another example of Zanu PF stupidity and greed.

The IMF announced that in their own view the Zimbabwe economy would contract
by about 5 per cent again this year - bringing to 7 years the continuous
decline in national economic output and coming on top of an over 7 per cent
decline in 2005. In the same week the IMF and the World Bank raised their
estimate of global expansion to 5,7 percent in 2006, citing strong growth in
China and India and stronger performance in Africa. Global trade is growing
strongly and the oil exporters are on a global spending spree that is
helping offset the higher oil prices.

The Minister of Agriculture, that nutty guy Made, accepted for the first
time that we might be short of grain. He explained to a Committee of
Parliament that the GMB did not have the required stocks to overcome a
shortfall in imports. This after he has persistently claimed we had grown a
large crop of maize and would reap over 200 000 tonnes of winter wheat. The
reality is that we have grown a small crop of maize (about 700 000 to 800
000 tonnes) and cannot expect to reap more than a tiny wheat and barley
crop - no more than about 50 000 tonnes or 15 per cent of our needs.

What nobody has admitted is that the cotton crop - grown almost completely
by small-scale farmers who are largely unaffected directly by the farm
invasions, has declined by 30 per cent in a year of above average rainfall -
a serious development. To emphasize the impact of this, the largest cotton
spinner cut back production by 50 per cent last week and went onto short
time. Clothing manufacturers were all rushing to try and find fabric to fill
the hole in their programmes in advance of the Christmas season when demand
is normally high.

On the democratic front, the State announced last Monday in the form of
adverts in the government owned press that Rural District Council elections
would be held at the end of October and that candidates had to register by
Friday morning. Just to make sure everyone had the opportunity to serve
their communities, the compulsory police clearances needed by all
prospective candidates had to be processed in Harare and would cost Z$2
000.00 (two million dollars in the "old" currency). Now remember there are
nearly 2000 seats up for election in these Districts - many in the most
remote corners of the country. The Nomination Courts would be held at all
Rural District Council Offices in each District.

The MDC had to find candidates, put them through selection procedures and
clearance procedures, get their fingerprints done at local police stations
and then send the prints to Harare by whatever means possible, get clearance
and then get them back to the Districts in time for the applicants to submit
their documents - which must include the new "long" birth certificates. All
in 5 days! Well, that proved too much even for Zanu PF who knew of this plan
well in advance and was working on candidates and we got an extension to
Wednesday - another 3 working days. Still this makes a complete mockery of
the democratic system - how on earth can people work within a system that is
managed like this - we have not seen the voters roll and there has been very
little voter registration activity.

Then Mr. Mugabe commandeered a plane from Air Zimbabwe, leaving passengers
stranded all over the world (as we only have one long distance aircraft
flying) and flew to Cuba for the Non Aligned Movement summit. He was in good
company as he stridently announced to the world that "democracy was stupid"
and that the demand for adherence to democratic principle was an excuse for
regime change in counties like his own. How right he is - if we had a real
democracy here, he and his clowns would be history, voted into oblivion by
the people.

Just to endorse his view of the values of the rest of the world, the
Minister of Information here said that "a free press would result in Zanu PF
losing power" and this was why they were going to keep a tight grip on the
press and the electronic media. We all knew that, but it was nice to have it
confirmed by the regime itself.

Just to confirm the character of the regime we had the spectacle on
Wednesday of 40 000 baton wielding riot police backed up by at least 24
water cannon - most of them brand new, freshly trained by Chinese experts in
freedom and democracy, chasing a few hundred Unionists and MDC leaders who
were trying to deliver a document to the Minister of Labor.
By my own tally, 260 people were arrested, many beaten in front of thousands
of by standers and then taken off to Police Cells. There the leadership of
the ZCTU was subjected to a brutal and savage beating. At least two - Lucie
Mativenga and Wellington Chibebe were beaten about the head and have serious
head injuries. They and others have broken arms and legs and crushed hands.
We will find out who was responsible (not just the Ministers) and we will
eventually get justice for those injured in this appalling action.

A long overdue, but still welcome development was a strong statement from
the traditional leaders of the Church in Zimbabwe calling for negotiations
centered on a fresh vision of the future and to agree on a solution to the
present crisis. This was echoed by voices abroad that said it was time to
prepare for a post Mugabe era. We in the MDC agree with both sentiments but
Mugabe remains obdurate and stuck in a morass of his own making.

Finally, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the MDC, was on BBC World yesterday on
a call-in programme called "Have your say". The programme was recorded in
South Africa because the BBC could not get a permit to enter Zimbabwe. I may
be biased, but frankly I thought he was fantastic. It was just what those of
us who have worked with the man for the past decade have come to respect. He
came across as a man of compassion and intellect, a real human being who
wanted the best for his country and its people. There was one "planted"
e-mail from a group in Zimbabwe that came via Ireland, but the rest were
genuine questions and I think they mostly got a good thoughtful response. It
was like a breath of clean air after all the rest. Pity it's only on DSTV
and the great majority of Zimbabweans will not have had the chance (the very
few such chances) to actually see the man who almost certainly will be our
next President.

Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 18th September 2006

Medical Doctors and Traditional Healers Square Off In Zimbabwe AIDS Fight

VOA

By Carole Gombakomba
      Washington
      18 September 2006

Controversy has flared in Zimbabwe as to whether modern medicine or
traditional healers offer the best hope for those living with the virus or
the disease - especially given the high cost and limited availability of
anti-retroviral drug treatments.

Some AIDS activists are urging officials to investigate traditional healers
who may be making unfounded claims as to the effectiveness of their
treatments against AIDS.

One source in the nongovernmental anti-AIDS community, speaking on condition
that he be granted anonymity, said health authorities have tilted too far
towards traditional healers, recently empowering them to provide sick-day
documentation for workers.

This activist said he knows people living with HIV-AIDS who have halted
anti-retroviral treatment in favour of traditional remedies which have not,
he said, been proven to reduce HIV viral load - the level of the virus
present in the bloodstream .

Doctors also express concern that herbal preparations given to the
HIV-positive or to those with AIDS-related illnesses, may not be properly
tested or formulated.

Reporter Carole Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe took up the
question with Zimbabwe National Traditional Healers Association President
Gordon Chavhunduka and Chitiga Mbanje, information officer for The Center,
an HIV-AIDS assistance organisation in Harare. Mbanje said The Center sees
traditional medicine as one useful weapon in the country's available
anti-AIDS arsenal.

The Zimbabwean government recently announced a decline in the HIV prevalance
rate among adult Zimbabweans to around 18%, from 20% previously. But the
AIDS toll remains shockingly high: it is estimated that 3,500 Zimbabweans
die each week from AIDS-related illnesses and relatively few have access to
anti-retroviral drugs.

Mugabe ouster could spark civil war - Chissano warns

New Zimbabwe

By Christopher Thompson and Charles Mangwiro
Last updated: 09/19/2006 04:49:22
FORCING President Robert Mugabe out of power could compound Zimbabwe's
political crisis and even lead to civil war, Mozambique's respected former
president Joaquim Chissano said on Monday.

In an interview with the Reuters news agency, Chissano took issue with what
he called a Western obsession with term limits for Africa's presidents, and
was critical of calls to force Mugabe's departure after 26 years at the
helm.

"If Mugabe steps down, what will happen then?" asked Chissano, whose country
has historic ties with neighbouring Zimbabwe, forged during their wars
against white rule.

"What is happening now is bad, but it could be worse -- a big situation of
violence could lead to internal war," he said.

But Chissano implied that Mugabe should have acted in the national interest
and planned an orderly and dignified exit.

"There are some cases that (you realise) you are hindering ...democracy and
development so you say 'yes, I will step down," he said. He said such a move
could have saved Zimbabwe its political and economic crisis.

Western and domestic critics accuse Mugabe of political repression, vote
rigging and mismanagement that has turned one of Africa's most promising
economies into a basket case.

Zimbabweans are struggling with the world's highest inflation of over 1,000
percent, a jobless rate of some 70 percent and shortages of everything from
food to fuel. Millions have fled abroad and hundreds try to leave daily.

The African Union last year asked Chissano to mediate between Mugabe's
ruling ZANU-PF party and its domestic opponents to avert political upheaval,
but Mugabe spurned the offer.

Western nations with the resources to bail out Zimbabwe have shunned
Mugabe's government, which is under limited European Union sanctions over
accusations of undermining democracy.

Chissano acknowledged that the poor international image of Mugabe's
government was a major stumbling block to any effort to reverse Zimbabwe's
steep economic decline.

"The quick recovery of the economy depends upon the recovery of its
reputation -- this is their struggle," Chissano said.

Chissano ruled from 1986 to 2005 when he stepped down voluntarily, foregoing
one more presidential term.

He secured peace between Mozambique's warring factions, who were responsible
for some of Africa's worst atrocities during nearly two decades of civil
strife. He introduced free market policies in the former Marxist state,
turning it into a multi-party democracy and an African success story.

But Chissano disagreed with campaigners calling for African presidential
terms to be limited to two, and questioned widespread criticism of Mugabe
and Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni for clinging to power.

Museveni, in power since 1986, won election this year to a new five-year
term, made possible by a constitutional change.

Chissano said many African countries had written a two-term limit into their
constitutions but experience had shown at least three terms would be
required. He said the ideal situation in Africa would be to have no term
limits at all.

"The correct democracy is one which puts no limits on mandates and leaves
everything to the will of the people," he said. - Reuters

Missing trillions now manure, says Gono

New Zimbabwe

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 09/19/2006 04:49:25
ZIMBABWE'S central bank said on Monday Z$10 trillion worth of old banknotes
were not surrendered to authorities after last month's changeover to a new
redenominated currency.

The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe last month lopped three zeros off the local
dollar in a move aimed at taming hyperinflation, giving Zimbabweans until
August 21 to exchange banknotes.

The Zimbabwean currency is now officially priced at 250 to the U.S. dollar,
against 250,000 previously.

Central Bank Governor Gideon Gono said the currency swap was a success but
that people were still holding on to 10 trillion Zimbabwe dollars of the
phased-out notes.

"I can tell you that 10 trillion (in old banknotes) is still out there and
it has become manure," Gono said during a meeting with women legislators. He
did not give further details.

Individuals were barred from depositing more than Z$100 million in old notes
in banks unless they could show that they acquired the funds legitimately,
leaving many people holding large sums of cash.

Gono said trillions of Zimbabwe dollars had been stashed in homes and
outside the country to facilitate black market deals.

The central bank says the redenominated currency makes life easier for
Zimbabweans, who have had to carry huge piles of cash to make even the
simplest purchases as a result of rampant inflation, which accelerated to an
annualised 1,200 percent in August, the world's highest rate.

Gono repeated that the central bank would bring in a new currency but did
not give a timetable. He has previously said the new currency would be
introduced without prior warning - Reuters

Dairibord, Lobels and Saltrama chiefs arrested over price increases

      By Lance Guma
      18 September 2006

      Three directors from Zimbabwe 's largest milk supplier Dairibord,
bread maker Lobels and Saltrama Plastics were arrested on Friday and
Saturday respectively over so-called unsanctioned price increases. Dairibord
chief Benson Samudzimu was arrested Friday morning after the wholesale price
of milk went up from Z$185 to Z$250. Samudzimu is expected to appear in
court soon, according to the Herald, although no specific date was
mentioned.

      Lobels operations director Lemmy Chikomo was arrested Saturday
afternoon after the company raised the price of bread from Z$200 to Z$335
for a loaf. The managing director of Saltrama Plastics Edward Madza was also
picked up. It's not yet clear why the Saltrama boss was arrested since
plastics do not fall under the same category of essential items like milk
and bread. All three were held at Mbare Police station over the weekend. A
Herald report says they will all be charged with increasing the price of
goods without authority from the Ministry of Industry and International
Trade.

      Police spokesman Andrew Phiri confirmed the arrests to the state media
saying it was an ongoing operation and that over 200 police officers had
been deployed to monitor prices in the shops. Interestingly a stand-off
between government and fuel dealers over prices also remains unresolved but
no arrests have been made. It's thought the majority of contracts for
selling fuel were given to Zanu PF bigwigs and any arrests would ruffle a
few feathers higher up the hierarchy.

      Economic experts however dismiss government's price crackdown as an
attempt to treat the symptoms rather than the disease. Manufacturers in the
country have to operate in an environment with over 1200 percent inflation,
dominated by acute foreign currency shortages. A dwindling agricultural
production base, caused by a violent and disorderly land grab, have all
compounded to kill off the economy, leaving it relying more and more on
imports.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

ZCTU protests are curtain raiser for more action

      By Violet Gonda
      18 September 2006

      Pro democracy groups in Zimbabwe have maintained they will continue
with their protests for change and that recent attempts by the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) to embark on mass protests was just a
curtain raiser for more action in the country.

      In separate interviews, the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA),
The Zimbabwe National Student Union (ZINASU), Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA)
and the Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) said Zimbabwe will see
more spontaneous action by the individual groups working in a non violent
way.

      Although the groups could not elaborate on dates it's reported that
the demonstrations will continue this week.

      NCA chairperson Dr Lovemore Madhuku confirmed that his pressure group
would be embarking on some form of protest but would not be drawn to
elaborate on the nature or date, for strategic purposes.

      ZINASU coordinator Washington Katema also confirmed that plans for
nationwide protests by the students were underway.

      CHRA Chairperson Mike Davies said the situation is getting so bad that
it is affecting everybody, irrespective of their political persuasion. "So
we see a broader protest developing which includes co-relating around
residents issues, or gender, education or health." He said that because of
the repressive system in the country localized protests won't change the
regime which continues to use violence against the people. But he said
progressive forces need to seek a diversity of tactics to respond.

      He added; "We at CHRA have exhausted all other avenues to try and get
the regime to address the crisis here in Harare. We have tried petitions, we
have tried legal action and basically this has prepared the way for us for
civil disobedience."

      But Davies said his group will not engage in centralized protests
saying the Mugabe regime will respond with the type of force that was seen
last week.

      Scores of people, including labour leaders, were arrested and
brutalised while attempting to participate in ZCTU led demonstrations for a
better standard of living last Wednesday. The civic leader said; "We are
under no illusions about the nature of this regime and their readiness to
unleash violence upon the citizens of this country."

      CHRA said it will continue with the neighborhood organized sewage and
rubbish dumping protest.

      Commenting on what appeared to be the lack of participation by the
general work force in the recent ZCTU action Davies said the primary
response of Zimbabweans to the crisis is to seek personal coping strategies.

       The civic leader pointed out that; "They are not looking for social
responses to what is essentially a social crisis and they have lost faith in
social mechanisms as a route to address their problems. So it is very
difficult to mobilise people because we can't demonstrate that our tactics
will look to any outcome other than getting cracked around the head and
spending a couple of days in jail."

      Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum has called for the
immediate prosecution of police and soldiers who brutalized the labour,
civic and opposition leaders who were arrested in connection with last week's
protests.

      Dr Reginald Matchaba Hove of the Zimbabwe Doctors for Human Rights,
one of the medical doctors who saw some of the victims at Parirenyatwa
Hospital in Harare , described the severe injuries and the torture of the
arrested officials  as "really terrible and terribly brutal." He said even
though some of the victims showed serious injuries and could not walk or
talk they arrived at the hospital in handcuffs.

      All those arrested in Harare on Wednesday were granted bail after they
appeared in court on Friday. But The ZCTU Secretary General Wellington
Chibhebhe who sustained a broken limbs and head injuries, had his court
hearing held at the state Parirenyatwa hospital on Saturday. Like the other
leaders, he is accused of inciting protesters to cause a breach of the
peace. The labour leader's case was deferred to October 3rd.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

JAG PR Communique dated 18 September 2006

IMPORTANT: FREE HELP, OPPORTUNITY FOR THE FARMING COMMUNITY

The following correspondence relates to a great opportunity being offered of
professional help for our community.  The below mentioned workshop is
targeted at all those who have suffered stress and trauma over the past six
years through dispossession and deprivation of rights and all those
suffering stress and trauma as a result of trying to survive during these
extremely difficult times.  The workshop is not confined to helping only
those in the farming community, anyone will be welcome.  This workshop is
also extremely important for those in our community who are engaged in
dealing with and helping stressed and traumatised people.

For the purpose of managing the two days it is important that you phone in
and enrol with the JAG office on 04-799410.  There is absolutely no charge
for this workshop.

The JAG Team.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dear JAG,

Herewith details of the workshop on Stress Burnout, Psychological trauma and
supporting people affected by Trauma.

Patrick Strong has a wealth of experience and is an excellent communicator.
I am sure that this day will be of immense help to many of your members and
their friends.

There will be no charge for the day. Lunch can be ordered as a takeaway from
Food court, or bring along your own packed lunch. Teas will be by donation.

Please can you circulate this as widely as possible, a second day on the
26th can be organised if there is demand for it.

Best wishes, Ben Gilpin

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dear Patrick

Greetings from Zimbabwe.

Sr Patricia Walsh has informed us of your forth-coming visit and suggested
that you would be prepared to speak to a group of mostly farmers, who have
been adversely affected by the on going, often violent, "land reform" in
Zimbabwe.

Many of these people have been very traumatized and continue to live under
great stress.

We have been advised that you will be available on the 21st September and
again on the 26th, if there is demand.  I have suggested three sessions
devoted to: stress and burnout, psychological trauma and assisting people
who have been traumatized.

Thank you for considering us and we look forward to meeting you.  Trust that
your visit to Zimbabwe will be both memorable and rewarding.

Kind regards

Ben and Sue Purcell Gilpin

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

Workshop on Stress, Burnout and Psychological Trauma: Thursday 21st
September 2006 at : Dominican Convent:  Entry Via Selous Gate:  08:30 for
09:00 hours

Morning Session:  Stress and Burnout
Tea Break
Late Morning:  Psychological trauma
Lunch Break
Early Afternoon:  Supporting people affected by trauma

This workshop will be conducted by Mr Patrick Strong,

Patrick Strong was educated by the Christian Brothers in Ireland.  He
graduated from the Open University with a BA degree in Education and Social
Sciences and from Wolverhampton University with an MSc degree in
Occupational Psychology.  The topic for his dissertation was stress
management.

After qualifying and practicing as a psychiatric nurse he held various posts
in the English Health Service including education and management.

For the past twelve years he has worked as an independent training
Consultant.  In this role he has been mainly involved in designing and
running various training programmes in human resource management and change
management.  In addition he holds workshops on stress management, mental
health, disaster management and spirituality.

His main area of work is Eastern Europe and the Causasus with the newly
independent countries.

He has also worked on refugee relief projects in Somalia and Albania
following the Kosovo crisis.

Patrick has a special interest in the interface between psychology,
spirituality and counselling.  He has taught in the Major Seminary of Christ
the King in Nyeri, Kenya and regularly contributes to the Redemptorist
Renewal Course at Hawkstone Hall near Shrewsbury, Central England where he
lives.  He is also visitng lecturer in the Venerable English College in
Rome.

A second date can be arranged if there is demand on the Tuesday 26th
September.

Please could anyone, interested in attending this highly beneficial
workshop, enrol with the JAG office on 04-799410.

Mugabe Lashes Out At US, Britain

The Post (Lusaka)

September 17, 2006
Posted to the web September 18, 2006

Larry Moonze in Havana, Cuba
Lusaka

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has said Zimbabwe has rejected the US and British
governments' stupid and belligerent adventurism of trying to impose a regime
change in that country.

Addressing the 14th Non-Aligned Movement Heads of State or government summit
in Havana on Friday, President Mugabe said under a unilateral international
world order people's democracy to elect their own leaders had become in the
minds of others and a right of the US to impose government.

He said while terrorism must be condemned, the world was threatened by state
terrorism.

"Daily, there are threats of attacks from the West demanding regime change,"
President Mugage said. "In my country, we have rejected this stupid,
belligerent tendency of unilateralism and adventurism led by the US and
Britain and it shall not succeed."

He said the present day world scenario presented challenges to most NAM
members' economic progress and the Movement required a strong stand to
uphold the principles of the UN Charter and international law.

President Mugabe said there was need to religiously adhere to the principles
of international laws and the UN Charter including the principles and
purposes of the NAM to have a prosperous world. He said as the world
experienced events of a unilateral world, it was high time the countries
took a firm stance in rejecting hegemony.

"As I speak some members of NAM including Zimbabwe have not been spared of
unilateral sanctions," President Mugabe said. " Lebanon suffered actual
unilateral and military attacks."

He said the NAM must support the United Nations as a fulcrum of
multilateralism and that the Movement must ensure that agreements
particularly internationally agreed goals on Millennium Development Goals
were implemented.

President Mugabe said development should be the centre of the UN.

He said development was a human right of each and every community.

President Mugabe said over the years, a lot had been said and it was time
that resource commitments were now upheld. He said many developing
countries' problem of resource inflow could not be disassociated from
external debt.

President Mugabe said while some developing countries had had their debt
forgiven, they were fast getting indebted. He called for a comprehensive and
coordinated debt process to be adopted.

President Mugabe said it was possible for developing countries to trade
themselves out of poverty.

He said it was unfortunate that globalisation and trade liberalisation had
very different impacts in different countries including lopsided growth.

President Mugabe said the NAM should call for international development
characterised by greater coherence and universal rule-based multilateral
trade system.

He said the NAM together with the G77 plus China should work from a common
platform to make progress on outstanding issues of the Doha Round.

President Mugabe said the NAM should support and reinvigorate south to south
cooperation to break the dependency syndrome. "In Zimbabwe, we have adopted
a Look-East approach to promote south to south cooperation. We have revived
relations with China, the Asian Tigers, India and Pakistan and it has worked
well for us," said President Mugabe.

He said the issue of Africa must be addressed. President Mugabe said Africa
needed appropriate partnership to compete fairly on the global market.

SPCA Confiscates Starving Snakes

The Herald (Harare)

September 18, 2006
Posted to the web September 18, 2006

Fidelis Munyoro
Harare

THE Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (SPCA) on Thursday last
week confiscated several snakes, tortoises, rabbits and chameleons from
Snake World along the Harare-Norton Road after finding them on the brink of
starvation.

SPCA is now probing the snake sanctuary for deliberately ill-treating 24
snakes, 11 tortoises, three rabbits and six chameleons, by underfeeding
them.

The heavily emaciated snakes, rabbits, tortoises and chameleons were last
week taken by the SPCA to a veterinary hospital for urgent malnutrition
treatment.

SPCA's inspectorate team led by Inspector Glynis Vaughen confirmed that the
reptiles were translocated for veterinary attention adding that the National
Parks and Wildlife Management Authority had authorised the release of the
reptiles once they had been treated.

"The reptiles were in desperate need of veterinary attention and were
malnourished. Of these reptiles, five were African rock pythons, one of
which had to be euthanased," Insp Vaughen told the Herald last Friday.

She said the Snake World was now under investigation and would soon answer
charges of cruelty against animals for putting them under "captive
breeding".

National Parks and Wildlife Management Authority spokesman Retired Major
Edward Mbewe also confirmed that the SPCA had informed his organisation
about the allegations.

"It is true that something like that happened. The SPCA came to Parks to
discuss the matter about what transpired at Snake World," he said.

"They are the custodians of the law that protects animals against cruelty
and have a duty to prevent animals from any inhuman treatment."

SPCA, he said, presented a report on the allegations that Snake World was
underfeeding its reptiles and Parks agreed that the report should get
special attention.

"As we speak right now, they have organised for the reptiles to get
veterinary attention."

How Mugabe wants to be remembered

New Zimbabwe

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
New Zimbabwe.com has dug on the archives to present a 2002 interview between
President Robert Mugabe and Baffour Ankomah, the Editor of New African, a
British-based magazine. The interview is a must read for history students
and scholars for its authority in revealing how Mugabe sees history and
wants to be remembered:

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last updated: 09/19/2006 04:48:52
ZIMBABWE celebrated 22 years of independence on 18 April, 2002. Because of
the severe drought affecting the whole of Southern Africa and causing food
shortages in the region, including Zimbabwe, the ZANU-PF politburo decided
to have a low-key independence celebration and instead use the money to
import more maize (the staple food) to feed the people.
Before the celebration, President Robert Mugabe granted a wide ranging,
world exclusive, interview to the New African editor, Baffour Ankomah. They
talked about the pre-independence and post-independence period, and the
future of both Zimbabwe and Africa. It is a collector's item.

Baffour:
You were in Ghana for two years, 1958-60, teaching at the Takoradi Training
College. What made you come home to join the liberation struggle?

Mugabe:
It had always been my wish to go into politics, and I soon realised when
Ghana became independent that, actually there could be two reasons for going
to Ghana to teach. One was, for me, to be in a newly independent African
state, and have the experience of it, the feel of it, see how things were
going, and compare and contrast the political system, the way of life being
led by the people in the newly independent African state with the one in the
colonial state of which I had great experience and was familiar with -
whether it was Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia or South Africa where I
went for my university education.

I had decided that my life in the future should be political. And for me to
be able as a politician to go round and campaign and talk to people, I had
to be independent of the governmental system, and if I had remained a
teacher I wouldn't be independent of the governmental system very much. But
in order for me to get where I wanted to, I had to teach for some time,
acquire money and go and study in Britain.

And so when Ghana became independent, I applied to Ghana to teach under a
contract. The contract was to last for four years, and I thought during that
time I could earn enough money and find my way to Britain to study law,
become an advocate and come back and practise, and then join politics as an
independent, self-employed person, and therefore avoid the constraints and
restraints that a civil servant would have. That's the second reason why I
went to Ghana.

So I applied to the Catholic Church there and they offered me this post. I
took it up knowing that after four years, when my contract elapsed, I would
go and study law.

However, after two years of working at Takoradi Teacher Training College, I
came back on leave. By then a number of political events had occurred here.
I came back in 1960, there had been the banning of the nationalist
organisations in the Central African Federation, the Federation had been
created in December 1953 and lasted until December 1963. The nationalist
organisations had been banned because of the fear by whites here that
British control over the political system in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia
was not as strong as in Southern Rhodesia, and therefore not as strong over
the Africans in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia as it was here in Southern
Rhodesia.

The whites feared that, sooner or later, British control would cease and the
Africans in the north would quickly move towards independence. And with
Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland becoming independent, the influence here
would be great and that the British might be tempted also to grant
independence to Southern Rhodesia.

So if there was a federal system, the whites here (whose population was
higher than all the whites in the three territories that federated in 1953)
would have control and would ensure that the pace that Britain wanted the
northern territories to take towards self government or independence would
be slowed down, if not completely, or be interrupted.

Baffour:
Was land a core issue even then?

Mugabe:
Land was an issue. It has always been an issue. The Africans were always
complaining about the land, about how they had been pushed into little
portions of the country called Native Reserves for a start, and later on
they were called Communal Areas. Yes, that was a very deep-seated
grievance - land shortage. And the fact that the whites occupied the best of
the land in the country, the more fertile areas, and spacious areas for that
matter, while the Africans were hurdled together, packed like sardines in
small areas.

And this is why when you travel, you have areas that were cleared of the
African people and made spacious in order for them to become vast estates
for white farmers who then prided themselves of owning vast estates in a
country where the majority of the people were hurdled together.

Baffour:
In today's terms, they would call it ethnic cleansing...

Mugabe:
...Well, they would call it ethnic cleansing naturally, and this is it -
they used race, colour - and here of course it was not so much of ethnicity
as colour.

Baffour:
Colour cleansing, not ethnic cleansing?

Mugabe:
Colour cleansing yes, but sometimes the two go together - colour cleansing
and ethnic cleansing. Here in Africa, the two went together.

Baffour:
You spent some time in prison. What actually happened?

Mugabe:
When I came back, I didn't tell you the story why I didn't finish the four
years in Ghana. When I came back, parties had been banned, and here in the
then Southern Rhodesia, the African National Congress (ANC) had been banned,
and people had been detained under the Detention Act in February 1959. I
came back in 1960, about May, June. I found that the National Democratic
Party (NDP) had been formed to replace the African National Congress. It was
then just six months old.

Then I started telling people, friends and relatives who had joined the NDP,
they wanted me to tell the people, at political meetings and rallies, how
Ghana was; how free the Ghanaians were, and what the feeling was in a newly
independent African state. So I went round and talked about how young people
in Ghana who had only done Standard 7 were being raised up, being taught how
to type, and the wonderful life there was in Ghana, the "Highlife" at the
time and so on; you know, the very, very inspiring environment there was in
Ghana.

So I told them all that, and about Kwame Nkrumah. I told them also about
Nkrumah's own political ideology and his commitment that unless every inch
of African soil was free, then Ghana would not regard itself as free. So I
went round politicising people, using what I regarded as factual description
of my experience in Ghana.

And this was now in June, July 1960; and by then there was quite an amount
of concern by the people about the leaders who had been arrested in February
1959 after the Detention Act had been applied. And there was now a movement
to get them released.

There were demonstrations, I remember the July, August demonstration of that
year. I was instrumental, together with others some of whom are now dead,
and we urged the people to strike, to strike in order to demonstrate our
desire to have those in prison released. The strike succeeded in Harare
first, then it was re-echoed in Bulawayo, Gweru and Mutare, and people
wanted their leaders released.

Of course the workers who joined the strike had their own grievances about
their working conditions, pay and salaries. So we took all that together and
bundled it up, and we said no, we wanted the leaders freed, and the workers
must also be paid, but it was mainly political, we wanted the leaders who
were still in detention to be freed.

Baffour:
So that led to your arrest?

Mugabe:
No, it didn't lead to my arrest because nobody knew me at that time and I
could move freely. Of course they didn't know me, and they said who is this
chap who is so articulate, they didn't know me. They knew only the leaders
of the NDP, and they picked them up.

In fact, one day I was driving a car with lots of pamphlets in it, in
Highfield. Lots of pamphlets in the back of the car to distribute to various
parts of Harare, and my car suddenly stopped, I couldn't start it. And the
policemen who were around said, "what's wrong?" The Support Group of the
police had teargas everywhere, and I said "Oh I can't start it". They said,
"Can we give you a push?" I said yes, "please give me a push". So they gave
me a push. And there it was, the car started, and I went distributing the
documents.

And one of the documents was actually prepared for the BBC. I was helping
with publicity, I was working mainly in the publicity section of the party,
I wasn't then officially an officer of the party at all, but my colleagues
who wanted me to assist said I better assist in the information and
publicity side of the party. And of course we had a duplicator and a
cyclostyling machine at the time. So that's what we did. They didn't get to
know me until very late.

Baffour
So finally they got you?

Mugabe:
Finally, oh they got me, they got me. They got to know me too. But it took
them a long time to know who this guy was. Not in 1960. We sailed through
that year. But then in October, the NDP held its inaugural congress. They
asked me to chair it in Goodwill Hall, it was a hall for coloured people, I
don't know whether it is still there.

At that inaugural congress in October 1960, we had Nkomo elected in absentia
as president. I was then the information and publicity secretary of the NDP
and that was what I was to the very end of the party until it was banned. Of
all the parties that had existed in colonial times, the NDP had the longest
life. It went through the whole of 1960 and the whole of 1961, and was only
banned in December 1961, just a week or so before Christmas.

It was then that we immediately formed ZAPU, the Zimbabwe African People's
Union. At the time, Joshua Nkomo had returned towards the end of 1960 from
Britain, and the ANC was banned. He had attended the All People's Conference
in Ghana, and from Accra he went to London. It was when he was in London, in
February 1960, that the swoop was done here and in Northern Rhodesia and
Nyasaland, and this was when the major nationalist parties were banned.

So we made him president. When the NDP was banned in December, within a
matter of 10 days we formed ZAPU. But we didn't want to call it ZAPU
initially. There was KANU in Kenya, and TANU in Tanzania, and here the name
given was ZANU.

And as publicity secretary, I said ZANU yes, it would give uniformity with
what had happened elsewhere in the subregion, but for me PU - the people's
thing - was what mattered, so why can't we call it ZAPU.

So ZAPU was my choice actually as publicity secretary, and I thought it
would give a better ring and a better appeal to the people - the people's
union. So Nkomo said, "OK, you can have it your way". So we called it ZAPU.

Baffour:
And Nkomo became leader.

Mugabe:
Nkomo became leader, I was still publicity secretary.

Baffour:
There are allegations that you unduly supplanted Nkomo and became leader.

Mugabe:
No, if anyone was defending Nkomo, it was I. I was the last to leave ZAPU
and only at a time when I felt things had gone too far. No, no, no, I was
the whole way through against anyone who wanted division, who wanted us to
remove Nkomo. No, not I.

I feared that if we did that we would divide the people almost immediately
and Matabeleland would go its way. So we sailed through that problem. ZAPU
did not have as long a life as the NDP. It got banned in September 1962. It
was formed just before Christmas 1961 and got banned nine months later. And
we had planned that ZAPU would go beyond what the NDP had done. The NDP had
been principally a people-mobilising party, getting the people to be much
more conscious than during the ANC days.

When the ANC was banned in 1959, not much work had been done and the people
were, as it were, raw. But they became now much more mature. There were more
politicisation, more conscientisation about their nationalism, and giving
also a belief and a greater sense of confidence in them, and they wanted to
do in Zimbabwe what others had done elsewhere, for example in Ghana, and
after Ghana of course we had the other Francophone countries becoming free.

You know Nigeria would not have independence for a start, they said they
were not mature yet. They laughed at Ghana when Ghana wanted independence.
They [Nigeria] wanted a kind of political tutelage for a year or two before
their own independence.

And so to get the people to have the confidence that they could actually
overcome the European here [in Zimbabwe], the psychology that was required
to re-orientate them was great.

And so, we had people who actually when the native commissioner or district
commissioner or policeman was saying any nonsense or was trying to challenge
you at a political meeting, there were people who could actually box him,
box him to give people the confidences. Or say rough things to him or
dismiss him as nonsense. So people could now say: "Ah, can people do this to
a white man?" And it took some time to get them now to have confidence in
themselves. But confidence was coming.

But ZAPU was banned nine months after it had been in existence. And at that
point, we said we should not form another party. We should go underground,
prepare our people now, send people to be trained abroad, and nobody had any
experience how a guerrilla war could be waged.

And we got detained after the banning. We got detained when David Whitehead
was prime minister, and I was detained at my own place. The detention was
very ridiculous and ludicrous all at the same time. How did it happen?

The leaders were taken to their home places and confined to their country
homes. You were given a radius beyond which you couldn't travel. And then
you had to report to the nearest police station once a week or so. And at
your home, they pitched their tent where two policemen, Special Branch
people, security people, drawn from the CIO guarded you, or two policemen
alternatively plus a white man who supervised them and who would be present
and then absent himself and come and go like that.

So I was detained at home. And if I went to church they followed me, and I
don't know whether they prayed with me. And even I remember, you know, going
to the cemetery to bury a relative, there they were beside me, perhaps not
as mournful as I was.

But the funniest of all, you know, here we use the plough and oxen to till
our fields. So this was December. We were detained after September, so come
December we were still at home, and it was ploughing time, the rains had
fallen, and there I was ploughing, holding the plough. My brother had been
arrested because a bomb had been discovered in one of the rooms of our
cottage at home, and he was the one staying there. He was at Marondera
awaiting trial.

So his wife was the one who was driving the cattle for me with the whip. The
way we plough you take a piece of the land, and then you start, it was a
one-dish plough, it takes long to finish a piece. And you go this way, and
the cattle are trained, a young boy would lead them if they were not, and
you turn and go up and down, again and again, until you finish the piece.
And the police would follow me as I went round like that, even if it took
two hours, there they were.

Baffour:
Very interesting.

Mugabe:
Very interesting. But anyway, in about December 1961 there was an election
which Whitehead had lost, and in came the Rhodesian Front - a combination of
the Dominion Party and another. The leader was called Winston Field. He came
before Ian Smith. Winston Field said no, these people who had been detained
by Whitehead I have no case against them. I want to start on a clean slate.
And so that is how we got freed. Again, we drifted into town, and it was
when we were here that we started now meeting and planning the way forward.

So I was released. Nkomo was this time again abroad and was not arrested.
But quite a number of leaders were detained at their homes. We were released
towards the end of December or early January 1962. And we started looking
ahead as we met. We had said to ourselves that we wouldn't form another
party. Eventually Nkomo returned from abroad, we met him in Highfield and we
decided to start recruiting.

In the meantime, we asked Winston Field to release, not just ourselves as he
had done but also the detainees who were arrested in February 1959. There
were now four of them left. So he released them about February 1962, then we
started planning.

But James Chikerema and Nkomo came to us and said it was necessary, if we
were going to embark on a guerrilla struggle, for them to visit Egypt and
talk to Abdel Nasser, but along the way they would first talk to Julius
Nyerere and if they could also go to Accra, they would talk to Kwame
Nkrumah. We said fine, and they were given funds by our treasurer, and so
they travelled.

By the way, we in ZAPU had imposed on ourselves a restriction that we would
not go to the United Nations to make appeals for financial help, because in
the NDP we had tended to rely too much on outside help.

Anyway, Chikerema had tremendous influence on Nkomo. He was the man we said
should organise young men for guerrilla warfare. So they travelled to
Tanganyika and then to Egypt. And when they got to Egypt, we heard they had
gone on to London and to New York. We said why violate the restriction we
made for ourselves not to go to the United Nations and make financial
appeals?

When they came back, we were very disappointed that they had done this. They
told us that they had had lots of arms from Nasser, and we said yes and so
what? They said when things started happening here, it would be very
serious, you just have to press a button here and there would be an
explosion. We said, "Ah, press a button and...? Have we trained our guys
yet?"

The rest of us didn't want to know the numbers but we wanted to know whether
we were now at a stage where enough people could undertake this sabotage
acts to mark the beginning of a guerrilla struggle.

They said yes. Later we found that what they called arms were just about two
truck loads. But how can you wage a guerrilla war with two truckloads of
arms? You may be able to start something yes, but you can't say because we
have that you can fight an effective guerrilla war.

They said - and this is Chikerema who had influenced Nkomo - that they had
messages from Nkrumah, Nasser, Nyerere all to the effect that we should
leave the country because there was going to be a very, very serious
programme of guerrilla struggle.

We said: "Ah, are we at that stage?" They said, yes. I said to Chirekema in
front of Nkomo: "If we leave the country without real preparations, the
people would say we have deserted. Are we that ready?" They said if we start
things here, we will get arrested. I said no.

And Jason Z. Moyo who was close to me, he was my best man at my wedding when
I got married to Sally [his first wife from Ghana who died in 1992], he was
the secretary for finance in the party, he also had said no.

And Nkomo and Chikerema said: "OK you remain behind, perhaps you will change
your mind, we are going, but give us your car."

So my little car, an Opel Rekord, the only car I have bought in my life,
which I bought when I was in Takoradi [Ghana], I asked Sally to come with
it, to send it before she came here to Southern Rhodesia as it were. I said
fine, "you can have it. I wanted to exchange notes with J. Z. Moyo, the two
of us were quite keen in the NDP and also in ZAPU.

So I talked to J.Z. Moyo and he too was against our leaving the country. But
he said: "If we stayed behind and things didn't go well, then the rest of
the people would accuse us of having obstructed the campaign. So let's go."

I said fine, I will go with Sally. So we travelled from here to Bulawayo,
then we joined J.Z. Moyo and we drove through the southern part of the
country and crossed into Botswana. There was a river there, it was quite
full, and we had to wade through the water with the car, but the car managed
to pull through.

When we arrived in Francistown [Botswana], the leader of the only party in
town (not the same as the present party) accommodated us, while J.Z. Moyo
arranged for a small plane to fly us to Tanzania.

So on Good Friday, we left Francistown and landed on the border with Zambia
for refueling. We slept there actually, then we flew on to Tanzania and used
a local flight to Dar es Salaam. When we were there, staying in the hotel,
an arrangement was made for us to meet with President Nyerere. His secretary
was Kambona.

So we met Nyerere. Mind you, the background was that Nkrumah, Nyerere and
Nasser all wanted us to leave the country, so we could form a government in
exile, and when things happened here in Southern Rhodesia, naturally, the
leadership would be free from arrest.

And now we are meeting Nyerere. But when the issue was put by Joshua Nkomo,
it was put this way: "Mr President, we are here to ask for support, we would
want to form a government in exile, and we have decided that it wouldn't be
safe for us to remain in Rhodesia, and so we want you to provide us with a
room here, and secondly provide us with all the support, financial and
material, that we might require for the purposes of waging a struggle."

And Nyerere looked at us for a while. And he said: "Well, I know very little
about guerrilla struggle and governments in exile. But the little I know is
that before you can establish a government in exile, you sure must have a
square of control of your territory. You don't have that. There is no
fighting that has taken place in your country. And there are no guns that
have the range of firing bullets from here to your country. I would be very
happy to provide you with a room, but we would be doing you a disservice if
we allowed you to form a government in exile here. That's a matter we cannot
do at the moment."

So we were just listening. And we went to our hotel, it was called the
Metropole, owned by Tiny Rowland. And I then went to Takawira, (he is late
[dead] now), he was the chairman of the party external. And I said: "Ah, Mr
Takawira, did you hear how the conversation went. We had to ask for the
first time for permission to live in this country, to be accommodated here,
but I thought we had been told that the request for us to be outside our
country came from Nkrumah, Nyerere and Nasser. What is this? So we've not
been told the truth. But why should this have happened?"

We all concluded that it was Chikerema's own persuasion to Nkomo. That was
the bone of departure between me and Joshua Nkomo.

So what was the next move? They said we must discuss it together. In the
meantime, President Kaunda [of Zambia] sent a note, it was carried by
Terrence Ranger, one of the white liberals here. Kaunda was angry that we
had taken this action of "leaving the people" as he said. "We would denounce
you if you don't come back," he added.

But we said to Kaunda, no, but give us your country as a venue so we can
meet members of our executives who are in Southern Rhodesia, they could come
to the northern side of the border and meet with us to discuss the
leadership of the party.

Kaunda was agreeable, but when Nkomo got back home, with the influence of
Chikerema, in fact Chikerema told him: "No, don't go to that meeting, they
are going to change the leadership. What you should do now is to suspend so
and so and so."

And we were suspended from ZAPU, a number of us. In the meantime, we also
announced on the BBC that, on the contrary, we were suspending Nkomo and the
others and creating a new leadership.

So we were split now. The people at home who were being suspended (we were
still in Tanzania) decided they better form another party. If I had been in
the country I would have advised against it. I would have insisted on
changing the leadership within the same party, it would have been much
easier. But they decided they wanted a new party. The members of ZAPU who
had remained at home formed a new party, and Ndabaningi Sithole was made the
leader, and I was made secretary general, but I was still in Dar es Salaam,
Tanzania.

That is how we actually split. But there was never any manoeuvre by me
personally, never at any stage, to upstage Nkomo.

Yes after Lancaster, Nkomo desired that we fight the elections as one. My
side said no, we have fought the struggle separately as ZANU and ZAPU, and
let's fight the elections separately, and we will merge after the elections,
win or lose. So we pledged ourselves in advance to be working together, be
united in government and form a government of national unity if we win the
elections.

But at no time did I ever actually personally want to push Nkomo from his
seat. Never. Except when we joined with others and said no, because of the
events that had taken place, and the fact that we had been misled, we must
go for a new leadership. Yes, at that stage I was for a change of
leadership.

Baffour:
If I should take you to Ian Smith's UDI days (Unilateral Declaration of
Independence). It is said that you, Nkomo and others were taken from prison
to meet with the British prime minister Harold Wilson, and Wilson was
furious that you had been denied food for hours before the meeting. But you
didn't get any joy from Wilson either?

Mugabe:
Yes, the prisons would always do that. You know, they would not give you
food, and when they gave it, it was bad food. What happened was we were in
two camps now - the ZAPU camp and the ZANU camp. We didn't see Wilson
together. No, ZAPU's delegation saw Wilson alone and we saw him alone in
State House where I conduct ceremonies nowadays. We were never allowed to
meet as ZANU and ZAPU. We were taken to the police, we were given a very
rough ride in a bumpy aircraft. Yes, we were not well accommodated. We were
given food but after quite some time. They didn't treat us kindly at all.

So from the police, when our turn came to see Wilson, we met him. It was in
October 1965, just a month before UDI. And Wilson told us that he had come
to prevent the contemplated stupid action by Ian Smith to declare UDI. And
he thought he had succeeded by threatening Ian Smith with an oil embargo.
But we said oil sanctions would not work. He said he thought they would
work, they would crush the entire economy, it would crumple under the oil
embargo.

But we said: "Why, won't you send troops, British troops? He said, word for
word: "Ah, because the British public would not stand for it."

We said: "Kith and kin issue?"

He said: "Well, you know what happened when the Suez War was fought, and
this was by the Conservatives, the British public was against it. You see,
it was that pressure."

But we said: "No, we are not here negotiating with the British public, we
are negotiating with the government, and it is government action we want."

So I have been using that recently in respect of the demand by Britain and
the whites here that I use my army and police force to go and deal with the
war veterans on the farms. I say no, I can't send my army full of war
veterans to go and kill war veterans. I would rather use more peaceful
means. And this is what we have done. And through that peaceful way we've
managed to prevent loss of life to a great extent.

Baffour:
So Ian Smith carried on...

Mugabe:
...So Ian Smith carried on.

Baffour:
He says in his book The Great Betrayal, have you read it?

Mugabe:
I haven't, I've heard about it, The Great Betrayal.

Baffour:
He says in that book that his regime was winning the war against the
terrorists, he still calls you terrorists...

Mugabe:
Yes, to him we are terrorists, we will remain terrorists unto death.

Catholic, Christian churches call for urgent debate on 'ailing' Zimbabwe

9/18/2006
Catholic Information Service for Africa (www.cisanews.org/)

HARARE, Zimbabwe (CISA) - Churches in Zimbabwe want a national debate to
secure the future of the southern African nation, paralyzed by its worst
economic and political crisis since Independence 26 years ago.

As a contribution to that debate, Catholic, Protestant and Evangelical
leaders have published a comprehensive discussion document that examines the
crisis and offers proposals on the way forward.

Prepared jointly by the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference, Zimbabwe
Council of Churches and the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, the 44-page
document, entitled "The Zimbabwe We Want: Towards A National Vision For
Zimbabwe," says the "nation is desperately in need of a physician, and that
physician is none other than us the people of Zimbabwe."

According to the report, all development indicators show that Zimbabwe has
suffered a severe and unrelenting economic melt-down characterized by loss
of professionals through massive brain drain, hyperinflation (now at more
than 1,000 percent), shortage of essential commodities, decline in
agricultural and manufacturing productivity, shortage of foreign currency,
escalating corruption, drying up of foreign investments and collapse of
tourism.

The crisis, the leaders say, is due to lack of a shared national vision,
political intolerance, oppressive laws (particularly the Public Order and
Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act)
and the failure to produce a home-grown, democratic constitution.

Other factors are economic mismanagement and corruption, failed land reform,
international isolation and inability of churches to speak with one voice on
national issues.

The church leaders admit their own failure to speak up on behalf of the
people during the crisis, which they say has been worsening for the last
eleven years.

"As churches, we confess we have failed the nation because we have not been
able to speak with one voice. We have often not been the salt and the light
that the gospel calls us to be. We, therefore, confess our failure and ask
for God's forgiveness."

Zimbabweans need to clearly redefine a vision of the nation they want and
the core values upon which to build it, the church leaders say.

"Our vision is that of a sovereign and democratic nation characterized by
good governance as reflected in all its structures and operations at all
levels and in all our institutions; a nation united in its diversity, free,
tolerant, peaceful, and prosperous; a nation that respects the rights of all
its citizens regardless of creed, gender, age, race and ethnicity as defined
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and with a leadership that
puts the interests of the people of Zimbabwe above all personal gains; and
above all a nation that is God- fearing."

Some of the core values that would help realize that vision include
spirituality and morality, unity-in-diversity, respect for human life and
dignity, respect for democratic freedoms, respect for other persons, and
democracy and good governance.

Other values are participation and subsidiarity, sovereignty,patriotism and
loyalty, gender equity, social solidarity and promotion of the family,
stewardship of creation, justice and the rule of law, service and
accountability, promotion of the common good, option for the impoverished
and marginalized, and excellence.

- - -

Republished by Catholic Online with permission of the Catholic Information
Service for Africa (CISA), based in Nairobi, Kenya (www.cisanews.org).

Zimbabwe: a short road to Banana Republic

New Zimbabwe

By Mutumwa D. Mawere
Last updated: 09/18/2006 20:50:51
AFRICA is not alone in seeking to challenge the current global architecture
in which the powerful seem to have arrogated to themselves the right to
define and dictate a value system that ensures no accountability and
responsibility to the less powerful.

The language coming out of many developing countries seems to confirm the
widely held view that a unipolar world in which the US and its allies have
sought to framework their response to the global challenges outside the UN
system and only choose to use the multilateral platform for their own ends
poses the most significant threat to world peace and security.

However, with few exceptions Africa finds itself at its most vulnerable
point in history to have a meaningful voice in the globalization debate. The
few countries endowed with natural resources are increasingly flexing their
muscle particularly in respect of how their resources are exploited. While
the ideological debate appears to be taking shape with the marginalized
seeking to organize so that they can challenge the powerful nations there
appears to be no compass to inform the basis on which a transformation of
countries like Zimbabwe should unfold.

Should Zimbabwe accept the neo-liberal ideology that is premised on a market
system as the basis for a post-Mugabe era? What are the development options
for Zimbabwe? Are Zimbabweans taking the time to reflect on the global
issues while at the same time debating the ideological challenges that they
confront? After twenty six years of nation building experience, what lessons
can we draw that should guide the debate on the way forward?

It is important that in as much as people may find Robert Mugabe
objectionable as a head of state, there are many in the world who admire him
for the courage to stand up for what are perceived to be the rights of the
marginalized. There are few in the world whose perspectives of life and
governance resonate with the world's poor than Mugabe. There is no doubt
that intellectually Mugabe is a giant and yet at the execution level his
policies appear not to provide hope and jobs to his natural constituency
i.e. the poor. Could it be the case that Mugabe may be the only
revolutionary in an environment infested with vultures, mercenaries,
cockroaches, parasites etc? Does Mugabe know what is going on? Does he have
a clue on what time it is?

While the country has focused its attention on the fate of one individual, I
believe that it is equally important to focus on the governed and
interrogate the proposition that the health of any nation state can only be
as good as the interests that underpin it. Some may argue that any
environment that allows an individual to pursue his/her self interest
ultimately may prove a sustainable basis on which development can take
place. In this construction, it is not the state that should think for the
individual rather it is the individual who shapes the destiny of any nation.

However, we should accept that the notion that an individual outside the
framework of the many can be the engine of development is a contested issue.
In fact, many would argue that there is a significant role for the state to
play in shaping the destiny of any nation. Although there are few successful
examples of nation states that have materially improved the standard of
living of their citizens using a socialist model, Mugabe is not alone in
believing that in as much as the market system did not decolonize Africa one
should not look to a market system to address issues of poverty and
unemployment. Under this framework, one can understand the calls by many
leaders in the developing world for a new compact that places natural
resources under the control of the state and benefits arising from their
exploitation being placed firmly under the control of the state. The
question that then arises is who should be in control of the state and the
basis on which citizens can choose their leaders on an informed basis.

In the final analysis we may discover that there may be many similarities
between Tony Blair, George Bush and Mugabe than meets the eye. In fact, many
leaders in the world end up believing that their choices are the only
rational and correct ones. Once you understand the common trait in political
leadership, it is important that nation states develop institutional
mechanisms that would make it difficult if not impossible for a person like
Blair monopolizes the political space with his ideas and mistakes.

In the case of Africa, one needs to appreciate the fact that most leaders
end up being surrounded by people who become experts at lying to the extent
that a leader who overstays in power may end up undermining the values that
he purports to stand for without even knowing. The more a person stays in
power the wider the power density becomes. It is not inconceivable to
imagine that even Fidel Castro may not be able to imagine what Cuba would
have been without him and in fact his own subjects often end up believing
that no one else can do better.

Given the complexity of the Zimbabwean dilemma, I have come to the
inescapable conclusion that we need to break down high sounding words so
that people can better conceptualize what they need to do in their own self
interest to make a difference not only for Zimbabwe but all people who share
the African heritage. I am reminded that the newly industrialized countries
have demonstrated that when for example Koreans made the decision that their
relationship with poverty must change, that decision elevated the standing
of all Koreans to an extent that even risk averse banks can now lend money
to an ordinary person of Koreans extraction with the confidence that he/she
will honor their obligations.

However, in the case of Africa, we still have a long way to go
notwithstanding the fact that some countries are making tremendous strides
to live up to the expectations of their citizens it is still a challenge for
perception that Africans cannot be trusted with money to change. I have come
to accept that I can only be as good as my fellow Africans and unless we
pull up together we only serve to undermine our own heritage. It is common
cause that good black lawyers, doctors, architects, etc need good black
clients. We have a collective responsibility to create our own form of
African corporate heritage that will allow us to have our own case studies
so that those who wish to be in business can have people to look up to and
not the other way round.

For this week, I thought I could share with you an article that was
published in the Sunday Mail of 3 September 2006 that is quoted hereunder in
its entirety. The articles raises a number of legal, political and
governance issues that I thought would help in broadening and deepening the
kind of debate that not only Zimbabwe needs but the rest of the continent.

The two principal actors in the article are RBZ governor Gideon Gono and
Airforce Commander Perence Shiri. In contemporary Zimbabwe, it is important
that we locate the basis upon which Gono derives his power base and
implications thereof. Unless we understand the power dynamics and the
interplay between the powerful forces, it would be difficult to appreciate
why the change agenda may appear to be mirage. I have chosen to analyze the
article as one way of demonstrating the power of literacy in nation
building.

'THE RBZ will from January next year treat banana farmers like any other
farmer and allow them to retain 75 percent of export proceeds to cushion
them from ever rising costs of securing chemicals and other farming inputs.

Speaking during a tour of the Commander of the Airforce of Zimbabwe, Air
Marshal P. Shiri's Hopedale farm in Bindura, RBZ Governor, Dr Gideon Gono
said he would lend support not just to Hopedale Farm but to other deserving
farmer to benefit banana farming programmes."

It is important to note that a new policy was announced during a tour
presumably because Gono may have been invited for the purpose of lobbying
him to accommodate the interests of Shiri. In this case, all banana farmers
benefited from Gono's tour. What this suggests is that if you are not
powerful enough to have Gono's ear, you are doomed in terms of policy. One
may ask what would have happened to banana farmers whose predicament is not
different from other farmers if Gono had not visited the farm.

"Dr Gono said the purpose of the visit to the farm was to give him an
opportunity to see a green field and an innovative farm following an
invitation by Air Marshal Shiri."

It is clear that Shiri was smart enough to invite Gono, having established
that random-walk-policy-making is now the order of the day. All you need is
to convince Gono and the rest is history. For Shiri, I am not sure whether
he would support any change from the status quo because the current system
does deliver on request. How many people know that policy making has now
been reduced to a pedestrian approach? If one assumes that Gono has the same
24 hours that every Zimbabwean has, how many problem areas can he physically
visit to make a difference?

"Having gotten the opportunity to get out of the city, I have taken the
opening to visit farms in districts and get first hand information on what
is on the ground for planning purposes. Many are good at planning, but never
get results because they would be out of touch with what they will be
planning for," Gono told the Mail.

Is it the appropriate role of the Governor of the RBZ to retail policy
making? Should the RBZ operate as a commercial bank that deals with the
public and plans accordingly? Would it not make sense for the RBZ to use the
existing banking channels to get intelligence about the market environment?
Why is it necessary for the Governor to get first hand information? Does he
not trust other people to give him the intelligence? To the extent that
Shiri is a direct beneficiary of unorthodox policy making, what would his
attitude be to the need for good corporate governance practices at the RBZ?
Should Shiri not be the one to demand that policies are put in place that
responds not only to the interests of the powerful but to even the
vulnerable members of the society? If Shiri is now a businessman while at
the same time being entrusted with the defence of the country, is there no
risk of a conflict of interest? Is there no risk of corruption, where Shiri
because of his position in government gets what he wants when other people
do not have the same access?

Speaking on the sidelines of the tour, Air Marshal Shiri said he came to
Hopedale Farm at the end of April last year from Irene farm in Marondera
where he was into tobacco farming.

"I am not a good tobacco grower and it is not my favorite crop. I researched
with friends and it dawned upon me that there was an opportunity for me to
grow bananas then set on a mission of identifying a piece of land where I
could grow the crop. I needed an area with lots of water, hot temperature
and frost free and found one in the Pote Valley which offers a conducive
climate," he said.

He said he negotiated with a farmer who was at Hopedale and approached
Government so that they would swap farms since that farmer was interested in
tobacco farming. Air Marshal Shiri said the former owner of the farm grew
maize, vegetables and soyabeans. He said he had to go through the process of
ripping and deep ploughing the land before he planted 53 hectares of bananas
in August last year and started harvesting them after one year and two
weeks.

Air Marshal Shiri said his target was to plant bananas on 150 ha of land in
September 2007 and has already cleared 40 ha to start the ball rolling. He
said he was facing problems securing chemicals, as bananas required special
chemicals which were not readily available on the domestic market. The farm
employs 120 full time workers and several seasonal workers from Musana
communal areas.

Air Marshal Shiri's goal was to enter the export market, but at present
sales were confined to the local market. "I would prefer to export on my own
unless there are inhibiting factors where I would require a third party.
When we start exporting, we will benefit and we appreciate that we have been
using foreign currency generated by others to get where we are. We hope to
be weaned and help other sectors," he said.

Air Marshal also has 10 ha of potatoes, 50 ha of wheat, a ha of garlic and
five ha of sweet potatoes under cultivation.

The ability of Shiri to swap a farm and get what he wants should the
standard upon which every citizen should be treated. This interesting part
is that articles like these that help educate us all on what is possible and
what power can do never become part of the conversations that Zimbabweans
have. How can Shiri help other Zimbabweans to push their personal agendas
using the state machinery and yet be able to intimidate Gono to see the work
in their own eyes and self interest without being accused of corruption? If
Shiri chose to hide his interest and exported bananas at a parallel exchange
rate would he risk ending up like many who have been accused of
externalization? If Shiri can be given a dispensation on the spot why is it
that the majority of Zimbabweans cannot access the same privileges? If it is
obvious to Shiri that incentives are required to stimulate production why
should he not use his influence to ensure that all willing and able
Zimbabweans have then same dispensation?

To the extent that land reform program has created new interest groups in
Zimbabwe, what is of concern is that manner in which these interests choose
to communicate with government. Would it not have made sense for Shiri to
locate himself with fellow banana farmers so that they can articulate their
positions to government better rather than encourage Gono to undermine the
very principles of good corporate governance that he purports to be
upholding? If the President is aware of how policies are being formulated,
why then would he be vocal about corruption when the system appears to be
functioning on different principles? Even the settler white commercial
farmers organized themselves into institutions that allowed them to speak
with one voice.

Having read the article above, I wondered whether Zimbabwe was not on its
road to a banana republic where the rules on the ground may be slippery for
the powerless that may have to endure the harassment while those in power
have the freedom to chose and swap farms at will. Should we not uphold the
principle of common citizenship and equal access to government? What is the
risk that Shiri would one day be blackmailed by the same people who appear
to have privatized government institutions when the day of reckoning dawns?
If the poor became angry at the selective treatment, would Gono go down
alone or would he seek to drag Shiri with him? To the extent that Shiri is
in the defence force, what is the risk that he may be tempted to protect his
personal interests using the state machinery?

All these questions are raised to help expand the envelop of debate so that
Zimbabweans can choose for themselves what model they wish to adopt to
advance their national interest.

Mutumwa Mawere's weekly column appears on New Zimbabwe.com every Monday. You
can contact him at: mmawere@global.co.za

'Followership' problems in Zimbabwe opposition movement

      With Dr Stanford Mukasa

      18 September 2006

      The ZCTU mass action last week was both a failure and a success.

      However, the jubilant state media and other propaganda machinery of
the Mugabe regime were quick to pronounce the mass action a flop.

      Some analysts felt the ZCTU leadership had not adequately prepared its
membership for the mass action.

      Others said that people were reluctant to engage in a two-hour action
that did not seem to promise any significant push for the demands the ZCTU
was making.

      There can be no doubt that the mass action preparations could have
been improved, taking into account lessons learnt from the past experiences.

      But there are overriding issues over and above organizational
strategies that need to be considered.

      With the unemployment in Zimbabwe at 80 percent the number of
Zimbabweans in the formal workforce has shrunk considerably to the extent
that they are now a minority in the overall population of the country.

      A significant number of workers are engaged in the informal sector -
doing what they can to earn a living. It can be argued that workers in the
formal sector are no longer a very powerful force by themselves. On their
own workers are not powerful enough to engage in action that can
significantly push Mugabe to make meaningful reforms.

      ZCTU's strength now lies in a coalition of the Zimbabwean opposition
movement as a whole. Trying to tackle the Mugabe monster on their own was
too much of a task ZCTU had taken on itself.

      The ZCTU action may have been effective if it had been coordinated
with protests from other groups in the opposition movement. This way Mugabe's
police would have had to deal with numerous protest groups taking place
simultaneously.

       Imagine if during the ZCTU mass action, Tsvangirai would have been
leading his supporters in the historic march to Parliament and WOZA women
would have been demonstrating as well as NCA!

      Another major issue that needs to be considered here is the fact that
most supporters did not join when the ZCTU leadership took to the streets.
This gave police and the army the golden opportunity to savagely beat the
ZCTU leadership.  Had people turned up in thousands police would have found
it extremely risky to assault the ZCTU leadership.

      A very troubling situation is that the ZCTU leaders, supported by some
members of the MDC leadership, were out in full force and in front but with
very few followers. This raises a serious question about whether the
Zimbabwean opposition movement has a leadership or followership crisis.

      How does the ZCTU membership feel about the barbaric assault on their
leaders? And even after the assault the membership of the ZCTU does not seem
to have been outraged enough to take it to the streets to protest.

      One would have thought this assaulting of their leaders would have
triggered a mass revolt! Yet for most membership it was business as usual
while leaders were licking their wounds in hospital.

      ZCTU members must realize that their leadership are mere mortals. They
are human beings just like anybody else. On their own, the leadership cannot
achieve much and they stand a great personal risk like what happened to the
ZCTU and some MDC leaders who took to the streets.

      Had the leaders been made sacrificial lambs by what appears to be an
uncaring membership?

      The same fate befell NCA chair, Lovemore Madhuku, when a few years ago
he was savagely assaulted by police and left for dead. There was hardly any
mass protest at this act of brutality. In other countries this would have
been the last straw that broke the camel's back.

      Commentators and analysts have always talked about the need for a
triggering event to galvanize the otherwise passive Zimbabweans into mass
protests.  There have been many such triggering events. The assault on the
ZCTU leadership was simply the latest in a series of failed opportunities to
mobilize.

      Having said this, ZCTU mass action was not a total failure. Even
though it was cancelled at the last minute the ZCTU leaders, by their very
heroic stand against the Mugabe regime, made some important gains.

      First it dramatized the ruthlessness of the Mugabe regime. The savage
beating and manhandling of the ZCTU leaders once again brought the
international spotlight on Mugabe and his despotic regime.

      To those in the international community who were beginning to think
that Mugabe was reforming or easing up or scaling back on violence the
latest action showed  very clearly and unambiguously that violence is Mugabe
and ZANUPF trademark for their repressive rule.

      The ZCTU action also created panic within the Mugabe regime. The
unusually heavy deployment of soldiers and police demonstrated an
increasingly unstable regime.

      Mugabe's police and army had mobilized a large chunk of their manpower
and military resources in a bid to cover all areas of the country.

      Had the mass action been indefinite and actually taken place in the
large numbers that had been anticipated it is very doubtful that Mugabe's
military machinery would have been able to sustain this kind of nationwide
deployment.

      The calling off of the mass action by the ZCTU must have come as a big
relief to the already tense regime. To this extent, therefore, the ZCTU
action scored some considerable successes.

      What the ZCTU needs to do now is build on its success and learn from
its failures.

      Lesson Number 1 for the ZCTU and the opposition movement is that any
preparations for a nonviolent action must be planned using military
strategies. This means an element of surprise. ZCTU and other opposition
groups must have learned by now that giving widest publicity to their
planned actions only helps the regime to plan a counter action.

      Mass actions must never be publicly announced in advance. The
opposition movement should use its own information networks, not the public
mass media, to mobilize people.

      The repressive law called POSA must never be followed. A mass protest
is an act of civil disobedience. Not following the POSA requirement to
notify the police is part of that civil disobedience strategy.

      Secondly the opposition movement should learn to coordinate their
actions. This fragmented and individualized approach to confronting Mugabe
is potentially counterproductive. It renders the protesters easy prey to
Mugabe's military machine. If mass action is to be initiated, all opposition
groups must be involved in their own ways.

      It is also a good idea to spread out the mass action as much as
possible. Create pockets of resistance throughout the city or the country.
This will stretch the police and army to the limit and possibly degrade
their resources and capacity to sustain their control of the protestors.

      While it is important that leaders march in front of their followers
adequate security measures should be undertaken not to expose the leaders to
the brutality of the police and army. What happened with the ZCTU protest
where leaders were savaged by  the Mugabe military machinery must never be
repeated.

      Leaders must never be used as sacrificial lambs. For all we know the
ZCTU leadership could have been killed by the trigger-happy
marijuana-smoking killer gangs of Mugabe.

      Mugabe's dream by day and night is to wipe out the leadership of the
opposition movement. He can easily be tempted to use the occasion when the
opposition leadership appears on the streets without their followers to
massacre them, and then later blame it on some unruly elements in the
police. Whatever inquiries he may establish the damage will have been done
already.

      However, the only thing stopping Mugabe from carrying this plan to
murder opposition leadership is the fear of what the masses could do in
retaliation. This is why the apartheid regime in South Africa kept Nelson
Mandela alive when they could have easily killed him.

      Equally important is the fact that when leaders call for mass action
they must always operate on the worst possible scenario. Leaders must be
cognizant of the real possibility that people may not turn up in the
anticipated numbers. If this happens leaders must have a backup plan other
than simply canceling the protest.

      Mass protests should be viewed in the broader context of a civil
disobedience campaign in which alternative forms of nonviolent protests
should be explored and enacted.

      The bruised leadership of the ZCTU has announced that the mass
protests will continue. They see their brutalization by Mugabe's thugs as a
baptism of fire and they are all fired up and raring to go.

      Are the followers also ready to answer the clarion call? Only time
will tell.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Torture victims file