150 arrested as police thwart street protests

Zim Online

                 Thursday 21 September 2006

      HARARE - Zimbabwean police deployed on the streets of Harare on
Wednesday and arrested about 150 people in other cities to thwart nationwide
protests called by the country's National Constitutional Assembly (NCA)
civic alliance.

      The NCA, a coalition of churches, civic and women rights groups,
opposition parties, students and labour and that had called protests against
alleged torture of labour leaders by the police last week, also said four of
its members were briefly abducted by ruling ZANU PF party militia in Harare.
They were later released.

      NCA chairman Lovemore Madhuku claimed protests that were being carried
out nationwide had gone well in other parts of the country but said his
group was temporarily shelving street action because of the heavy-handed
response of the police.

      "We have temporarily shelved the demonstrations," Madhuku said.

      ZANU PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira denied that militant supporters
of his party had abducted NCA members, while police spokesman Wayne
Bvudzijena said claims by the civic alliance that its members had been
kidnapped were just an attempt to impress foreign donors who fund the group.

      The NCA was protesting against the severe assault and torture of
dozens of top Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders and some
opposition officials by the police for attempting to stage protests against
worsening economic hardships.

      ZCTU secretary general Wellington Chibebe, who was the worst injured
during the assault by the police, is still admitted in hospital where he is
receiving treatment for severe injuries to the head, a broken arm and
fingers.

      The alliance protests however failed to kick off in Harare as police,
some of them heavily armed, camped virtually at every street corner forcing
organisers to call off the demonstrations.

      In the eastern city of Mutare, about 300 NCA activists marched across
town before police armed with guns and rubber truncheons descended on them,
beating them up to disperse them and arrested about 150 others.

      A total of six people were arrested in the two cities of Masvingo and
Gweru while 17 people were injured as police put down protests.

      All arrested were still being detained in police cells by late last
night.
      President Robert Mugabe regularly sends the army and police onto the
streets to suppress mounting dissension against his rule as Zimbabwe
grapples with an economic meltdown, critics blame on state mismanagement.

      Zimbabwe has the world's highest inflation rate at 1 204.6 percent,
skyrocketing unemployment, shortages of foreign currency, food, fuel and
power and increasing poverty levels. - ZimOnline

Tsvangirai says Mugabe's crack unit assaulted labour leaders

Zim Online

                 Thursday 21 September 2006

      HARARE - Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai on Wednesday
said a crack unit comprising army loyalists from the Presidential Guard,
ruling ZANU PF party militia and youths was put together to brutalise union
leaders arrested last week while attempting to stage anti-government
protests.

      Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders and some opposition
activists were severely assaulted and tortured while in police custody last
week.

      The British Foreign Office condemned the detention while the Coalition
of Black Trade Unions and the American Federation of Labour and Congress of
Industrial Organisations staged a protest march at the Zimbabwe Embassy in
New York where President Robert
      Mugabe is attending the United Nations session.

      Speaking at a press briefing to unveil a commission of inquiry report
on the brutal assault of the rival members of the Mutambara faction of the
divided Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, Tsvangirai - who leads
the larger faction of the opposition party - said the attack on the ZCTU
leadership was carefully planned by the government.

      "These poisoned youths assaulted and injured civil society leaders
wishing to take part in the ZCTU march. The attack on the ZCTU leadership
was carefully planned by the regime," the MDC leader said.

      He said the crack unit numbering 450 personnel, was drawn from
Mashonaland Central and Mashonaland West provinces. The teams were deployed
from 1 Commando barracks. The attack on the labour leaders was
co-coordinated and directed by the military and senior ZANU PF leaders.

      Tsvangirai said: "As a labour-backed party, we feel that our base is
now under siege. There was no justification for denying workers their right
to express themselves. We shall therefore inform a number of international
organisations, including SADC, the AU and the United Nations of the local
situation and express our displeasure at the behaviour of the Mugabe
regime."

      It was not possible last night to get an immediate response to
Tsvangirai's allegations from ZANU PF or from Defence Minister Sydney
Sekeramayi. - ZimOnline

UK summons Zimbabwe envoy over torture

Zim Online

                 Thursday 21 September 2006

      JOHANNESBURG - The United Kingdom (UK) on Tuesday summoned Zimbabwe's
ambassador to London Gabriel Machinga to express its disappointment over
last week's brutal suppression of anti-government protests by labour
leaders.

      Dozens of Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders and
officials from the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
party were brutally tortured last week after they attempted to lead street
protests over worsening economic conditions in the country.

      In a press statement released in London on Tuesday, Britain's foreign
office minister responsible for international human rights, Ian McCartney,
said the assault violated the workers' rights to freedom of speech and
association.

      "The British Ambassador and British Embassy staff have seen first hand
the appalling injuries suffered by several of the demonstrators. I urge the
Government of Zimbabwe to investigate these abuses and to bring those
responsible to justice," said McCartney.

      McCartney also said the attack was a flagrant "infringement on the
rights to freedom of _expression and association".

      Sources at the British embassy in Harare said Machinga was hauled over
the coals over the assault of the labour leaders.

      The Zimbabwean ambassador could not be reached for comment on the
matter last night.

      Last week's torture of labour leaders provoked fierce criticism from
local and international human rights groups which said the events presented
further proof that Harare tortures its political opponents.

      Britain has been at the forefront in criticising President Robert
Mugabe's human rights abuses against political opponents. But Mugabe rejects
the criticism accusing the British of sponsoring the MDC to effect "regime
change" in the troubled southern African country. - ZimOnline

Commission blames state agents for MP's assault

Zim Online

                 Thursday 21 September 2006

      HARARE - An independent commission tasked by the main faction of
Zimbabwe's splintered opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party
to probe the July assault of Harare legislator Trudy Stevenson has blamed
the state secret service for masterminding the attack to exacerbate
divisions within opposition ranks.

      Stevenson and several others who belong to a smaller faction of the
MDC led by Arthur Mutambara were brutally assaulted in Harare's Mabvuku
suburb.

      The Mutambara faction blamed the attack on the larger wing of the
opposition party led by Morgan Tsvangirai, prompting the faction to
institute an independent inquiry. The four-member committee was led by
respected Harare Advocate Happias Zhou.

      In a 123-page report, a copy of which was shown to ZimOnline, Zhou and
his commission claim that evidence suggested that agents of the state spy
Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) lured Stevenson and her colleagues
to a secluded area and brutally assaulted them.

      "All evidence points to the involvement of the CIO in the attack of Ms
Stevenson and her colleagues," reads part of the report, unveiled yesterday
at a press conference addressed by Tsvangirai.

      "The presence of a police motor vehicle soon after the attack is
suspicious. The attack was carried out with such skill and efficiency that
even though it happened in broad daylight, there were no eye witnesses.
Further, it took the police about four days to arrest the suspects whom they
subsequently released," adds the report.

      Spokesman of the Mutambara-led MDC, Gabriel Chaibva, dismissed the
findings saying the Zhou commission was not "truly independent" and had
compiled a report to simply exonerate Tsvangirai and other top officials of
his faction.

      Chaibva said: "We wanted an all stakeholder-driven and independent
commission of inquiry but this was a self-serving one with predetermined
outcomes . Tsvangirai does not want to blame himself for the violence."

      Stevenson appeared to suggest that whether it was the CIO behind her
assault the blame still lay with Tsvangirai who she said ignored warnings
that the state spy agency had infiltrated the opposition party.

      She said: "I am yet to see the report but everyone is aware Morgan
Tsvangirai's camp has all along been teaming with the CIO. I am not
surprised but we told him long back and he never did anything to rid the
party of the CIO."

      The commission urged both factions of the MDC to work together to
cleanse their ranks of CIO agents, warning that neither side was immune from
infiltration by state spies.

      It said: "Both the Tsvangirai-led MDC and the Mutambara-led MDC must
realise that they are extremely vulnerable to manipulation-the ruling party
does not want any opposition, weak or strong.

      "There is an urgent need for both groups to work together to rot out
infiltration before rushing to blame one another."

      Tsvangirai yesterday said he was not entirely surprised that the CIO
had been fingered as the hand behind the attack on Stevenson that had been
blamed on his party.

      "It (the report) confirms our long-held suspicion of heavy
infiltration in the party. The report shows that Mabvuku may be just but one
of the many constituencies with a web of bugs and spooks," said Tsvangirai,
whose party on Monday dissolved its executive for Mabvuku district. -
ZimOnline

Zimbabwe internet slows to crawl as debts unpaid

Reuters

Wed Sep 20, 2006 6:12am ET

HARARE, Sept 20 (Reuters) - Internet traffic in Zimbabwe has come close to a
standstill after an international satellite firm slashed its bandwidth
because the cash-starved government failed to pay the bill.
Government-owned TelOne, which owns the country's main satellite Internet
link, said satellite firm Intelsat had cut its international bandwidth
because it failed to pay the $700,000 fee.

"The link is slow because they reduced the megabits on our satellite link
until the payment is made," TelOne spokesman Phill Chingwaru told Reuters on
Wednesday.

"We have approached the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe for foreign currency and
they are working on that, but meanwhile there would be delays in browsing
because of the partial cut-off."

President Robert Mugabe's government is grappling with an eight-year
recession, the world's highest inflation rate of 1,200 percent, shortages of
foreign currency, food, fuel, and unemployment above 70 percent.

Zimbabwe's foreign currency shortages have worsened after a fall-out with
international donors over policy differences, such as Harare's seizure of
white-owned farms for blacks.

"It is a nightmare because of the congestion and we are getting calls from
desperate clients, some of them who can't even access the Internet," said an
official from a private ISP, which uses TelOne's satellite link.

The Zimbabwe Internet Service Providers Association (ZISPA) said on its
website TelOne's connection had been severed, causing an "almost collapse"
of the Internet in the country. It said ZISPA would lobby the government to
help it pay the debt.

Chingwaru said TelOne had asked the government for permission to charge big
firms in foreign currency to avoid being cut off in the future.

He said TelOne had meanwhile ventured into farming by contracting tobacco
and cotton farmers to produce crops for export, in a bid to generate foreign
currency. Chingwaru said TelOne would get $12 million from the recent
tobacco selling season.

Mugabe accuses former colonial power Britain of leading a Western campaign
of economic sabotage.

Zimbabwe succession battle rages on

IOL

      Basildon Peta
          September 20 2006 at 10:53AM

      The stage is set for a vicious campaign to succeed Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe with the country's former finance minister Simba
Makoni entering the succession race as a key favourite.

      With the main opposition split and unlikely to remount a serious
challenge, many Zimbabweans and diplomats in Harare have pinned their hopes
on the potential of a new Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front
(Zanu-PF) leader charting new policies for the country should Mugabe go as
promised in 2008.

      Makoni's entry comes in the wake of Mugabe's disillusionment with his
deputy Joice Mujuru, who had been a hot favourite to take over. Mugabe is
said to have developed serious doubts over Mujuru's intellectual power and
abilities to hold the fractious ruling party together should he pass the
power baton to her.

      Mujuru's elevation to the vice presidency nearly split the ruling
Zanu-PF when Mugabe bulldozed her election at the Zanu-PF congress early
last year at the expense of then Speaker of Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa,
who had been favoured to win.

      Former information minister Jonathan Moyo and five other ruling party
provincial chairmen were expelled from the party after they tried to block
Mujuru's elevation.

      But almost two years into her job as vice-president, Mugabe is said to
be acutely unimpressed by her.

      He doesn't thing Mujuru has what it takes to lead Zanu-PF and the
country.

      Influential Zanu-PF insiders say Mugabe's doubts over Mujuru have
emboldened the Mnangagwa camp, which is still fighting for its candidate,
effectively deepening the divisions within the ruling party.

      Sensing danger ahead, General Solomon Mujuru, the retired army
commander and influential kingmaker, who engineered his wife's ascension to
the vice presidency in the first place, has now settled for Makoni and is
actively promoting the former finance minister as the best alternative
candidate should Mugabe proceed with ditching Joice.

      In fact Zanu-PF insiders say General Mujuru has effectively given up
on his wife succeeding Mugabe.

      But the influential general's camp is prepared to do all it can to
prevent Mnangagwa from taking over. The retired army general and Mnangagwa
have many differences which date back to the mid-1990s when the former
powerful Mnangagwa blocked Mujuru's many business ambitions.

      "He (General Mujuru) knows that the best way to achieve that (stop
Mnangagwa) is for his camp to rally behind Makoni, by far the best candidate
for the job," said a senior member of the ruling party's central committee
who did not want to be named.

      But in the complex web of Zimbabwe's tribal politics, Mnangagwa's
Karanga tribal group is staking its claim for the presidency accusing Mugabe
and Mujuru's Zezuru sect of monopolising political power. Mnangagwa's camp
is thus fighting on.

      While Mujuru was prepared to let his wife let go the presidency, he
was determined to ensure that it does not go to Mnangagwa, effectively
setting the stage for an acrimonious succession race.

      Party insiders said Mujuru's camp cancelled events planned to promote
Mujuru's presidential bid, effectively confirming that it would now
concentrate on promoting Makoni.

      "Should Mugabe drop dead today, there can be no doubt that we
(Zanu-PF) will split through the middle as there is no basis for a
compromise between the two factions," said another senior party official.

      The good news for Zimbabweans, though, is that Makoni might be the
ideal after all. Makoni is widely respected internationally and there is no
doubt he will chart a different course should he take over.

      He contested and lost the presidency of the African Development Bank
last year. Before that he had quit Mugabe's cabinet over differences on
economic policy.

      Amid all the infighting in Zanu-PF, Mugabe is taking a back seat. Some
party insiders believe he is not healing the infighting because he will use
it as an excuse to change the constitution and extend his tenure to 2010.

      But at 82, the majority of party members are proceeding on the basis
that his tenure will sooner or later come to an inevitable end and hence
they are concentrating on positioning their candidates. Makoni could not be
reached for comment. - Independent Foreign Service

      This article was originally published on page 6 of Daily News on
September 20, 2006

Bread Shortage Expands in Zimbabwe

The rise and fall of Zimbabwe

      September 20, 2006

      By ANDnetwork .com

      Harare (AND) If acclaimed diplomat Peter Galbraith could be persuaded
to write a book about Zimbabwe's inconclusive land reform program he would
probably entitle it "How political expediency created a program without an
end."

      More than any heroic battle fought during Zimbabwe's 16-year
independence war, the frustrating skirmish to reconfigure ownership and
transfer land to indigenous natives has remained the hardest to master for
the Zanu PF-led government.

      Countless pronouncements by senior government officials in charge of
the dislocative land reform
      that the program was either in its final stages or complete have
failed to endure the test of time.

      This week, government introduced a new law to deal with illegal farm
invaders and farmers refusing to make way for those that have been given
"offer letters".

      The Gazetted Land (Consequential Provisions) Bill also seeks to
nullify the Rural Land Occupiers (Protection from Eviction) Act that allowed
anyone who was occupying land without an "offer letter."

      But President Robert Mugabe is agonisingly coming to terms with the
pesky disaster he created in the agricultural sector and its downstream
effects on the economy through his ill-conceived land redistribution
program.

      His recent remarks that government had resumed allocating land
disputes earlier claims of a successfully completed program.

      "There is a lot of land that was not taken up," Mugabe told
traditional chiefs assembled at Kariba a
      fortnight ago, revealing that only 40% of the people had taken up the
land.

      admitted

      Put another way, Mugabe admitted that 6 out of every 10 beneficiaries
rebuffed his offer for land.

      Or that over the past six years, 60% of
beneficiaries-turned-robber-barons merely raided the farms on the basis of
offer letters, looted available equipment and auctioning it off for
immediate financial gain then moved away to the comforts of their original
homes.

      More revealing was Mugabe's realisation that ambition alone was not
good enough to merit being doled large tracts of land.

      "You need capability, money and labour. Not everyone can be a farmer,"
Mugabe is quoted as owning up to the traditional leaders.

      In other instances, the beneficiaries used the offer letter to claim
loans from government aided financial institutions without any collateral,
only to divert the funds on luxuries unrelated to agriculture.

      Of late, Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono has been trying to persuade
banks to take up his plea to boost farm lending through playing a bigger
role in financing agriculture.

      But analysts doubt advances to agriculture will see an immediate and
significant rise unless there is
      security of tenure and guaranteed repayment of money borrowed.

      Ironically, the (RBZ) has itself, withdrawn a range of farm subsidies
and cheap funds for farmers on the back of non-repayment.

      No recovery plan was put in place when Gono doled out trillions of
dollars in a bid to shore up agriculture and prove that the agrarian reform
was succeeding.

      For instance Agribank, the state lending institution had $519 billion
in non-performing loans in December. Bad and doubtful debts rose from $31
billion in 2004 to $401 billion in 2005.

      records

      According to records the bank made a provision for doubtful debts of
$434 billion, up from $36 billion in 2004. Loans and advances to farmers
stood at $1.53 trillion, with the bulk of that loan book in 91-day to
180-day maturing loans - a scheme heavily criticised by emergent farmers for
not giving them enough time to put a crop in the ground, harvest and market
it in order to repay. The bank wrote off $3 billion in bad debts in 2005, up
from $415 million.

      It could mean the 60% who did not take up land offered benefited from
loans and used them for other things remotely related to the purpose that
they were acquired for.

      No one knows for sure whether some of Mugabe's peers that accord him
tumultuous cheers whenever he takes to the podium on the international
circuit trying to justify the calamitous land scheme are not jeering him for
his folly.

      Mugabe is now in revisionist mode after seeing what could have turned
out to be a legacy of his legendary 26-year rule crumble right under his
nose.

      Mugabe's government is now calling on farmers who failed to get land
under the fast-track scheme to re-apply to the Ministry of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement that has lost track of the initial
      applications submitted six years ago.

      "We cannot trace all the applications," State Security, Lands and Land
Resettlement minister Dydimus Mutasa says.

      No one is certain, how the skeptics in his government have tended to
see complementary initiatives proposed by well-meaning stakeholders as
serving to stall the land reform programme, especially the fast track
processes.

      Farmers

      For example, in June 2000, the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) made the
first substantial offer of 200 farms to the government following the
designation of 804 farms spanning 2 million hectares for compulsory
acquisition.

      The farms were distributed to 416 high-ranking members of ZANU-PF,
including ministers, provincial governors and army officers. The
government's own survey, shows that very few of those who received the farms
have farming experience.

      Since then, the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), in conjunction with
the private sector, has offered a million hectares through the Zimbabwe
Joint Resettlement Initiative (ZJRI).

      Key features were an offer of 561 farms as well as mounting of an
international publicity campaign to convince the donor community that
Zimbabwe had the ability to settle its land-reform problems in an orderly
way and thereby secure financial support from the donor community.

      But sensing that his political support was flagging, Mugabe threw all
his toys out of the pram, seized on the land issue giving a series of
inflamed speeches on the subject and deliberately avoiding any
responsibility for the impending disaster.

      In July last year government stopped issuing offer letters to A2
farmers until irregularities unearthed in the allocation process are
normalised.

      President Mugabe said government was not satisfied with operations on
some farms allocated to A2 farmers and had decided to halt the issuing of
offer letters.

      The gravity of the situation and agony for officials who created a
program without an end was recently illustrated by central bank governor's
passionate plea during his mid-term monetary policy review last month.

      Gono solicited for an urgent need "to bring closure to the land reform
by declaring a moratorium on new allocations, new invasions and new
disruptions". effective 1 September 2006.

      "Unless therefore we declare this moratorium and try to support fully
those currently on the land, the program will turn out to be a slow moving
train whose entry and exit doors remain open and the conductor is unable to
charge anyone for the trip," Gono said.

      He said government is currently undertaking a land resettlement audit
to resolve some of the problems being experienced with A2 farmers.

      Apparently, the chickens have begun coming home to roost and observers
can safely say the script fits a slapstick comedy full of policy flip-flops
and smack of trial and error.

      By Savious Kwinika - Johannesburg Bureau, AND

Tsvangirai reaction to Stevenson inquiry report

New Zimbabwe

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THIS is the text of MDC faction leader Morgan Tsvangirai's reaction to the
publication of internal inquiry report into the assaults perpetrated on
members of a rival faction, including the Member of Parliament for Harare
North, Honourable Gertrude Stevenson, Simangele Manyere, Linos Mushonga,
Luxon Sibanda and Tawanda Mudzerema on Sunday 2 July 2006:

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By Morgan Tsvangirai
Last updated: 09/20/2006 23:03:00
FOLLOWING a report in the Herald newspaper on Tuesday 4 July 2006 which made
public an attack allegedly perpetrated against the Member of Parliament for
Harare North, Honourable Gertrude Stevenson, and Simangele Manyere, Linos
Mushonga, Luxon Sibanda and Tawanda Mudzerema on Sunday 2 July 2006, we set
up an independent Commission of Inquiry to investigate the incident.
We felt such a move was necessary given the numerous allegations linking the
party, and myself in particular, to the attack. I also met a representative
from the Stevenson's family who had indicated to me their concern about the
allegations and sought some assurance from me about the future.

The commission, headed by Advocate Happias Zhou, carried out its work and
has now concluded its report, complete with a summary of the evidence, its
findings and recommendations. May I thank the commissioners for a
professional and objective investigation? We have already begun to use the
findings, the experiences highlighted by the commission and the lessons from
the probe in an honest search for remedies to our organizational and
structural weaknesses as a party.

Today, I wish to make public that report.

Once again, I wish to express my dismay with the attack on Honourable
Stevenson and the other MDC members. Such a brutal act on fellow
Zimbabweans, innocent human beings and committed activists could have been
avoided. It is regrettable. It is clear from the findings that the state was
determined to cause maximum damage on the MDC and to discredit the
democratic movement. State agents ensnared and trapped Honourable Stevenson
and her colleagues into this sadistic and unfortunate attack.

The report shows that neither Honourable Stevenson nor some of her
colleagues knew the people who advised them to follow them and later waylaid
them to the scene of attack - a secluded rural or peri-urban area outside
Mabvuku. The attackers, working at a lightening pace and without any notice
of members of the public or eyewitnesses, took place in Harare East
constituency in the Chishawasha area.

The events leading to the attack and methods used in attack, according the
investigation, show that a professional hit man directed the assailants with
precision and a broad political motive. We shall handover a copy of this
report to Honourable Stevenson for her perusal, for her own information and
possible use at her own discretion.

A major highlight of the report is a confirmation of our long-held suspicion
of heavy infiltration in the party. After the regime's failure to liquidate
the MDC following the leadership crack on October 12 last year, Robert
Mugabe and Zanu PF changed their tactics and are still pursuing their
project to destroy the MDC. Before October 12, the regime targeted our
provinces and provincial structures for infiltration. When they realized
that the rest of the party remained intact at the grassroots level, they
changed tact.

The report shows that they have since moved downwards and are still working
on this destructive project. It is clear from the report that some state
security agents direct party affairs and determine the party agenda in
Mabvuku. The constituency is heavily infiltrated and all our members and
structures in the area are at risk. Not surprisingly, the Advocate Zhou
commission noted that some of the people working with Honourable Stevenson
in Mabvuku were suspect and could have been working against her own
political interests.

The report shows that Mabvuku may just be one of the many constituencies
with a web of bugs and spooks. We are grateful that we can now institute a
process of clearing up our structures in Mabvuku and in other areas to
contain and vaccinate the party against negative external influences. The
National Executive Committee shall meet soon to institute an intensive
leadership analysis and scrutiny at all levels in order to set in motion a
regular process of weeding out nests of saboteurs and others whose agenda is
at variance with what we seek to achieve.

Zanu PF and Mugabe have a history of infiltrating political parties and
interfering with their legitimate political activities. The MDC has been a
prime target for such a project during the past seven years. The report on
what happened in Mabvuku provides ample evidence of a sustained conspiracy
to damage the reputation of the MDC and to direct the party focus onto its
internal differences.

Mugabe is desperately looking for breathing space and has now gone down to
our lowest structures to promote violence against the people. Mugabe and
Zanu PF must understand that violence is a symptom of a deeper societal
dysfunction. As long as certain fundamentals remain unattended to and the
police turn a blind eye to their Constitutional duty, violence is set to
live with us for sometime. In the case of Mabvuku, it took the police four
days to move in and, by the look of things today, the investigations have
already been bungled up. The people who should be made to account for the
attack on Honourable Stevenson and others may never be punished because of
Zanu PF's interests. Mugabe cherishes a society in which violence dominates
political activity.

We are a young party, with a membership born and raised in a climate where
violence was officially encouraged and celebrated. Mugabe, as the founding
President of the Zimbabwe whose regime inherited a violent culture, worsened
the situation and even boasted that his party has its own degrees in
violence. We are suffering from the contagion of state-sponsored violence.
Our young membership is vulnerable to abuse for a variety of reasons. They
are hungry and poor. They are idle and jobs are scarce. The regime has
abandoned them. We disagree with some of the findings because they are based
on factually incorrect information.

For instance, the commission says we have a security department headed by
Nhamo Musekiwa. We do not have such a department. The commission also states
that previous attempts to address issues of violence within the party failed
to bear fruit. That is incorrect. We took action against certain individuals
involved in violence in the past. In June 2005, we expelled more than 30
youths from the party because of their violent activities. It is common
cause that Mugabe owns a militia which he uses to perpetuate the culture of
violence. We understand they trained 300 000 and deployed them in urban
areas. Only yesterday, this militia was active at our border posts looking
for bearer cheques. Only yesterday, these poisoned youths assaulted and
injured civil society leaders wishing to take part in ZCTU march.

The attack on the ZCTU leadership was carefully planned by the regime. A
task force, made up of selected army loyalists mainly from the Presidential
Guard, the militia and Zanu PF youths, was put together by the army
intelligence unit. The force, numbering 450 personnel, was drawn from
Mashonaland Central and Mashonaland West provinces.Governor Masawi and
Saviour Kasukuwere supplied the militia. The teams were deployed from I
Commando barracks. The attack on the labour leaders was co-ordinated and
directed by the military and senior Zanu PF leaders.

As a labour-backed party, we feel that our base is now under siege. There
was no justification for denying workers their right to express themselves.
We shall therefore inform a number of international organisations, including
SADC, the AU and the United Nations of the local situation and express our
displeasure at the behaviour of the Mugabe regime. Zanu PF and Mugabe want
to trivialise the Zimbabwean struggle and to make it appear as if
Zimbabweans are a confused lot, incapable of finding permanent solutions to
their national problems. The attack on Honourable Stevenson and others may
not be the last act of the regime to dampen our people's confidence in the
MDC.

We know Mugabe shall from time to time select targets for attack, for his
propaganda purposes, using a range of surrogates in order to selectively
damage our reputation at home and abroad.

TUC calls demonstration to support trade unionists in Zimbabwe

TUC, UK

The TUC is organising a demonstration in front of the Embassy of the
Republic of Zimbabwe at 1pm on Friday 22 September 2006 to protest against
the repression of trade union and human rights by the Zimbabwean authorities
and to express solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe.

On 13 September 2006, the Zimbabwean Police arrested and assaulted hundreds
of trades unionists, following peaceful protests by the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trades Unions (ZCTU) over the state of the economy and food shortages.

The arrested union activists and officials were held in detention for days
without access to medical attention or legal representatives. They were also
subject to brutal assaults by the police. Wellington Chibebe (ZCTU General
Secretary) and several other union leaders sustained such serious injuries
that have been hospitalised after the beating they received.

Last week's brutal crackdown is the latest in a series of attacks on trade
unionists and human rights activists by the police, who routinely disrupt
trade union activities. The ZCTU, which plays a pivotal role in organising
civic opposition to President Mugabe's mismanagement of the economy and
repression of human rights, has become the prime target of the Government's
onslaught.

The arrested trades unionists released on bail last week must appear in
court on 3 October 2006, facing criminal charges. The TUC demands that all
charges against them be dropped and that trades unionists in Zimbabwe should
be allowed to exercise their democratic rights without interference from the
state.

Please help us raise the profile of these abuses of workers' human rights by
joining us in a protest at 1pm on Friday 22 September 2006 in front of the
Embassy of the Republic of Zimbabwe, 429, The Strand, London WC2R 0JR (you
can print out a map here).

Let 's stand in solidarity with the ZCTU and the people of Zimbabwe in their
hour of need.

Story from www.tuc.org.uk/international/tuc-12433-f0.cfm

The Central Statistical Office's mathematical illusion and the continued slide into poverty

Zimbabwejournalists.com

      By Mfandaidza Hove

      HARARE - At independence in 1980, Zimbabweans enjoyed one of the
highest standards of living in the region.  In fact, we were three times as
well off as the average citizen in Botswana.  By 1990, our Gross Domestic
Product per head was just under US$1,000.

      However, since 1999, this has fallen to less than US$400 and is
expected to fall to US$350 per head by the end of 2006.  Over 80% of
Zimbabweans are now living on less than US$2 a day.  The main reasons for
this include the Government's political illegitimacy, corruption and fiscal
profligacy all of which have reduced all economic fundamentals to crisis
levels.

      The release of the August Consumer Price Index (CPI) by the Central
Statistical Office (CSO) revealing a sustained increase in inflation from
993.6% in July to 1,204.6% is further evidence of the continued economic
meltdown.

      According to the CSO, the month-on-month rate for August increased to
29.2% from 25.5% in July- an increase of 4.1%.  On the face of it, this
appears to be a modest change; however, this has very little bearing to the
facts on the ground.  Some of the issues that lead the nation to doubt the
integrity of the inflation data released by the CSO include the following:

      The fact that the base year used is the Incomes, Consumption and
Expenditure Survey of 2001- very unlikely to be representative of present
trends;
      The extent (if any) to which parallel market exchange rates are taken
into account in determining the monthly CPI.  Given the fact that most
producers access their foreign currency requirements through the parallel
market, and consequently factor this in their pricing policies, failure to
incorporate this into the monthly CPI casts serious doubts relating to its
integrity.

      In light of these doubts, the CSO's calculations are a mathematical
illusion and therefore fail to accurately portray the continued slide into
poverty that the majority of Zimbabweans are experiencing.

      The key issue to note is that for as long as this illegitimate
government remains in power with the resultant pariah status that it has,
the economic meltdown will continue.  Consequently, hyperinflationary
conditions will persist fuelled mainly by continued foreign exchange
shortages, capacity utilization difficulties faced by the manufacturing
sector, irresponsibly high budget deficits, increased central government
borrowings on the domestic market and the illegal quasi-fiscal operations of
the central bank.

      The shortage of foreign exchange adversely affects the supply side of
the economy in that this reduces output by the few producers that are still
able to operate.  Consequently, until a favourable business environment is
restored, shortages will continue.  An environment conducive to a
functioning economy is one that enables business to generate foreign
exchange through exports and one that attracts foreign direct investment,
grants and loans.  To the extent that the ZANU PF government has no capacity
to address these basic issues, Zimbabweans cannot hope that a solution to
this problem will be found in the foreseeable future.

      We must point out that the crusade against the foreign exchange
parallel market dealers is a futile exercise as the existence of such a
market is a direct result of a dysfunctional economy.  What is needed is a
policy that addresses all economic fundamentals thereby ensuring that the
incentives for the parallel market to exist are removed.  Until this is
done, the central bank will continue to address the symptoms and not the
causes of the problem.

       The scarcity of foreign exchange also results in concomitant
shortages of fuel and other petroleum products all of which are imported.
Since fuel is an important and significant input in the product cost
build-up, any worsening supply of foreign exchange in the country leads to
increases in the price of fuel.  Such increases are, of course, subsequently
factored in the prices of various products.  Consequently, until industry
and commerce can access fuel at affordable prices, hyperinflation will
continue unabated.

       A further major cause of inflation in this country, is government's
fiscal profligacy; the ZANU PF government is clearly unable/unwilling (or
both) to live within its means.  This is clearly demonstrated by the
relentless increase in the budget deficits -a major source of inflationary
pressures in this country.  A more disturbing development is that these
deficits are mainly financed by printing money, a major proportion of which
goes in search of foreign exchange from the parallel market resulting in
pressure on rates and the scarcity premiums there.

       Finally, the quasi-fiscal activities of the central bank Governor are
yet another major contributor to inflation in the country.  The Governor
continues to behave like a Prime Minister, dishing out printed worthless
money across all sectors of the economy especially loss-making state-owned
enterprises.  The Governor needs to be reminded that the generally accepted
view is that successful central bankers should be seen neither as heroes nor
villains, but simply as competent referees, allowing the game to flow.
Zimbabwe needs a new beginning. We need to save our country.

      Mfandaidza Hove is the Secretary for Economic Affairs with the
opposition MDC.

With Planting Season Near, More Zimbabwe Farmers Contemplate Eviction

Mens News Daily

September 18, 2006
Zimbabwe's few remaining white commercial farmers are heading into the
planting season amid great uncertainty given the expiration of deadlines on
eviction notices the government handed them several months ago, the
Commercial Farmers Union says.

Issued under the latest phase of Harare's controversial land reform drive,
the notices instruct farmers to vacate their farms within 90 days or face
forcible eviction, warning them as well not to take any farming equipment
from the property when they leave.

Commercial Farmers Union President Douglas Taylor-Freeme tells reporter
Ndimyake Mwakalyele of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the 90-day deadlines
have expired, but authorities have taken no action and farmers are unsure
where they stand.

But Acting Information Minister Paul Mangwana says there should be no
confusion among the farmers, who are well aware of the government's
objectives.

source: voa

State to Deal With Illegal Land Occupiers

The Herald (Harare)

September 20, 2006
Posted to the web September 20, 2006

Harare

GOVERNMENT has introduced a new law to deal with illegal farm invaders and
farmers refusing to make way for those that have been given offer letters.

The Gazetted Land (Consequential Provisions) Bill --which seeks to make it
an offence to occupy or continue occupying gazetted land without lawful
authority -- yesterday sailed through the House of Assembly without
amendments.

It now awaits transmission to the Senate for consideration.

The Bill validates all offer letters issued by the Ministry of National
Security, Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement and provides for compensation
for improvements made on acquired farms in line with the Land Acquisition
Act.

In his seconding reading speech, the Minister of State for National
Security, Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Cde Didymus Mutasa, told the
House of Assembly that the Bill was intended to deal with the continued
occupation of gazetted land without lawful authority.

"The Bill seeks to make it punishable by law to hold, use or occupy a piece
of land that was gazetted for resettlement purposes without lawful authority
in the form of an offer letter," he said.

The ministry, Cde Mutasa said, was having problems of evicting white former
commercial farmers who continued to utilise the land after the prescribed 90
days' notice.

This had made it difficult for new farmers issued with offer letters to move
onto the acquired farms and engage in operations.

"In order to deter the continued illegal occupation of land after the expiry
of the prescribed 90 days' notice to vacate, offenders will be given a
sentence not exceeding seven days and would be evicted from the farm.

"The Bill also addresses the issue of unlawful fresh farm occupations," Cde
Mutasa said.

The proposed law also seeks to repeal the Rural Land Occupiers (Protection
from Eviction) Act that allowed and protected everyone who was occupying
land without an offer letter.

"It protected our people from harassment and possible evictions by former
white farmers, but the situation has since been regularised through the
issuance of offer letters to all those on State land.

"No one will now claim protection under this law."

A total of 231 251 families under model A1 (communal and small-scale) and A2
(large-scale) have been resettled on 10 662 162 hectares. Turning to the
issue of 99-year leases, Cde Mutasa said the Agricultural Land Resettlement
Board had inspected 96 A2 farms and those who qualified would be issued with
the leases soon.

The ministry would start issuing lease application forms to farmers who had
a minimum of three years' production.

Interview Part 1: Eric Bloch

New Zimbabwe

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
This is the full transcript of Part 1 of an SW Radio Africa Hot Seat
interview with economist Eric Bloch. Violet Gonda asked the questions:

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last updated: 09/20/2006 09:56:23
Broadcast Tuesday September 29, 2006
Violet: Zimbabwe is a country in crisis. Inflation is at an all time high of
more than 1200%, unemployment 80% and an unstable political environment. On
the programme today I have invited Economist Eric Bloch - who advises Gideon
Gono the Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe - to give us his views on
the crisis in the country.

Welcome on the discussion Mr Bloch.

Eric: Thank you Violet

Violet: Now, my first question is related to the issue of mass action that
the labour body embarked on just recently and was crushed by authorities
before it even started. In your view, and, as an economist, do you see mass
action changing things in Zimbabwe?

Eric: Not mass action by way of disrupting commerce and industry. I don't
see that that achieves change, that only provokes a very heavy handed stance
from the authorities and it's counterproductive because it forces the
economy into even greater depths to the prejudice of the very people who are
protesting who are resorting to the mass action. So it is very, very counter
productive on their part. I do believe that the masses should be more
forthright in making government aware of dissatisfactions in order to
achieve change, because any government has to be sensitive to the views of
the populace. But, that must be done by way of protests or actions which are
not of a negative nature and which actually are more harmful to the
protesters than to anyone else.

Violet: But, isn't that why the tripartite negotiations failed because to a
large extent the government was not sympathetic to the workers?

Eric: No, that was the case at one time but the reality is that at different
times over the last two years or so each of the parties at the Tripartite
Negotiating Forum has frustrated things. Initially, Government refused to
enter into agreements because it did not want to be constrained on the
management of the fiscus; on its spending. Subsequently, it was the private
sector; private enterprise, who resisted because they felt that the demands
being made were incapable of being met or fulfilled by private enterprise
without enterprise dying.

Thereafter, labour resisted and said they were not prepared into any
agreement unless there would be a minimum wage at least equal to the Poverty
Datum Line. Eventually the private sector said they were prepared to agree
to a minimum wage of the Poverty Datum Line subject to a qualification, and
that qualification being the ability of businesses to pay it, because they
saw no point in agreeing to a wage which, in practice, would not be paid
because the businesses would collapse.

That qualification was unacceptable to labour. So, the reality is that at
different times, each one of the negotiating parties has frustrated an
agreement coming about. I do believe that eventually reality will prevail,
and we will see a reasonable agreement coming out of the TNF but, it does
need a will on the part of all three to compromise instead of each sticking
to their rigid stances which has been the characteristic of much of the
negotiations.

Violet: Right, so if the economy of Zimbabwe is one that cannot be addressed
through the current strategies being employed by the ZCTU, such as going on
strike as you say, now, in your view, what should the different segments of
Zimbabwean society be doing right now to resolve this?

Eric: Essentially first and foremost, I believe that the people must be
prepared to speak out and make their views known, but that can be done by
way of written petitions rather than undermining the economic activity. It
can be made by way of attendances at rallies and at report-back meetings in
constituencies, thereby making the views of the populace known to the
Members of Parliament. It can be made through the media, particularly the
independent media where people can express their views far more readily than
in the state controlled media where much of those views would be censored
and simply would not be published, and, of course, representative bodies
such as the ZCTU could, very forthrightly, make the views of their
membership known to government without having to resort to strikes and
protest marches. The intention last week was that they were going to deliver
a written protest to representational government in each of the sixteen
centres in Zimbabwe where they had intended to have marches. They could have
delivered those same things without having had the march, so, they were
obviously looking for publicity side to it over and above actually making
their views known.

Violet: But Mr Bloch, knowing full well the repression in the country, you
know all the things that you have described about what the ZCTU should have
done, you know that in Zimbabwe right now, it's very difficult to do any of
those things. For example, written petitions; they tried to do this but we
know very well that the Government ignores this and even in fact, as you
said, the ZCTU tried to present a written petition, and, they were blocked
before they even started. The media is another problem; it's extremely
partisan and it does not even give a voice to the other stakeholders. And
then, you talked about rallies; opposition forces or pro-democracy groups,
to a very large extent are not allowed to hold rallies in Zimbabwe. So,
clearly it looks like a lose-lose situation for the worker?

Eric: Agreed, agreed, but therefore to resort to something which A) doesn't
have the support of the masses, and B) will have the same repression is an
exercise in the pointless and the fruitless, because the reality is that the
majority of workers did not turn out for the protest marches last week. The
ones that were dispersed were mainly the leadership of ZCTU; the heads of
the various Unions, not, the workers, the mass workers turned up for work
because they couldn't afford not to receive a day's wages.

And, those who did turn up were subjected to the same repression that you
are talking about. So, all you're saying is that instead of following
tactics that have been repressed in the past, let's do other tactics which
will be repressed and which will be equally unproductive. That, I don't
believe, makes sense. What makes far more sense is that when government, for
example, when it has it's Independence Day rally, when it has it's Africa
Day rally, when it has it's Defence Forces Rally and it's Defence Forces
Rally and it's Hero's Day rally, let hundreds of thousands turn up to those
rallies and let them shout out those views collectively at those rallies.

Those are Governmental rallies which aren't going to being prevented by the
state, but if hundreds of thousands are prepared to voice their views,
peacefully - not resorting to violence, there is no choice but for
Government to hear it, and, any Government in the world becomes concerned
when they find that there is a unified opposition stance from a majority of
the population because then they fear that it may move away from a peaceful
situation. So, there has to be greater constructively. Resorting to a tactic
which isn't going to work to replace other tactics that didn't work, is
meaningless.

Violet: But again, I know this is the last point on this issue because it
seems there is no solution to this problem. All the other pro-democracy
groups have taken to the streets, whether if it's the WOZA women, if it's
the NCA, if it's the ZCTU. So far as we have seen as the media, covering
these protest marches, they have been largely peaceful. So, to some extent,
even if the majority of the people f Zimbabwe were to take to the streets,
the government will still clamp down on this?

Eric: Yes exactly and that's why I say it's pointless for them to take to
the streets in a protest march. It achieves absolutely nothing. But, if,
collectively, the masses voice their views at official rallies of the State
and through the media, and by bombarding the Members of Parliament and their
Government with their submissions, and, if the representative organisations
keep making those submissions, eventually, it's got to ware down the
authorities, as we have seen in other parts of the world.

However, to resort to strikes will only result in the collapse of the very
businesses with the result that instead of having 80% unemployed, we finish
off with 100% unemployed. And, whilst the people are not being paid an
adequate wage, it is still better to have an inadequate wage then a zero
wage. So to me, the ZCTU was actually proposing actions which were going to
be harmful to it's members without any compensatory benefit flowing from it.
They need to be more dynamic and positive in the message that they resort
to.

Violet: Now let's move on to the issue of recovery. You have been advising
the Government, namely the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono, and,
as I mentioned earlier, inflation is nearing 1200%, there is a critical
shortage of foreign currency, unemployment is at 80%. So, my first question
on this issue would be, what exactly are you advising Mr Gono?

Eric: Well I, I'm not at liberty to disclose confidential advices.
Obviously, some of the advices I give are in line with things that I have
also written about and spoken about, so, I can only give you a partial
answer. But, before I even do so, I think I need to make two points. The
first is that Dr Gono has a large number of advisors, not just myself, and
he will receive diverse advices and then he will have to evaluate and
consider which one he is going to take. But, secondly, in many instances,
his hands are tied in that even when he wants to take those certain actions
he has been precluded from doing so because many other things require the
authority of Government rather than being in the ambit of the Reserve Bank.

So, whilst he tries, as much as he can, to right the state of the economy,
often things are beyond his hands. For example, the gross mismanagement of
agriculture by the Ministry of Agriculture over the last six years could not
be remedied by him because he has no authority over the Minister of
Agriculture and that's just one example. Having said that, I believe that
key features towards our economic recovery are first and foremost, that
there has to be a significant cut back in Government spending, so that we do
not continue with massive deficit budgeting which is funded through the
printing of money, which is one of the major causes of the rampant inflation
that we have.

Secondly, in line with that, we have to stop talking about containing
corruption and actually have to start containing corruption, because as one
of the most corrupt countries in the world, we are, in fact, fuelling our
inflation through the very high costs of that corruption. The Third thing is
that we have to ensure that we do have a significantly increased flow of
foreign currency so that all sectors of the economy have their inputs
consistently and therefore that we maximise productivity because that is key
to bringing inflation down. Now, in order to obtain that foreign currency,
number one, we have to be realistic in our exchange rates.

We must either allow our currency to float or we must regularly devalue in
line with inflation, so that we do create and keep export market
competitiveness. Secondly, we have to reconcile with the international
community and in order to do that we need to demonstrate that we are going
to have a full respect for human rights, for democracy, for the preservation
of law and order, for the implementation of justice; completely free and
independent judiciary.

All of those are pre-requisites to reconciliation with the international
community plus we must also stop calling the international community names.
If we do all these things and achieve the right reconciliation then, we
will, on the one hand get the resumption of financial support from the
international bodies such as the IMF and the World Bank, the European
Investment Bank and the like; we will receive far more substantial
developmental aid from many of the countries in the world, and, we will once
again become an investment target for many which brings both the foreign
currency, and new employment, as well as other economic benefits.

So, collectively, we've got to be prepared to deregulate the economy,
devalue the currency regularly, restore our relationships with the
international community by changing the very mode of the operations of our
country; of the Government of our country.

Violet: So now you say there's corruption, overspending by the Government as
some of the reasons for the high inflation. So, is there hope then or any
chance at all that the economy could be improved by the Mugabe government?

Eric: Oh yes, and in fact, I do believe that we will start to see economic
improvement, economic recovery, but, I don't believe that we will be
achieving it as rapidly as we should because of the reluctance of Government
to take many of the steps that I've just mentioned. Some of the steps will
be taken, for example we did see a devaluation of the Zimbabwean Dollar on
the 1st August, and that has already helped, to some degree, in bringing in
new export orders. We are seeing more determined efforts now to recognise
bilateral investments, protection agreements and bring some sanity back into
the agriculture sector. So some of the measures are being taken and will
begin to yield results in 2007 but it's going to take years and years
because we cannot achieve a total recovery until there is a radical change
in governmental thinking and actions.

Violet: What is the Government doing in terms of corruption or stemming
corruption?

Eric: Absolutely nothing other than talking about it. It keeps saying that
it's going to contain corruption and, already two years ago, a Ministry of
Anti Corruption was established, but, in reality, there has been very, very
few prosecutions and only of people that Government wished to eliminate, but
there's been no focus on the others. If we think that it's now already some
nine or ten years since the Chidyausiku Commission identified hundreds of
persons who corruptly obtained war veteran compensation and yet there hasn't
been a single prosecution out of that. It's at least five years since the
exposures of major corruptions in certain parastatals, and with the
exception of two uncompleted prosecutions relating to the Grain Marketing
Board, we haven't seen any prosecutions there. So, basically what Government
is doing is talking; nothing else.

Violet: So then, how can we expect things to change under the present regime
if they are actually doing nothing as you say?

Eric: Exactly as I said just now; we can only expect partial change; being
those things that they do, eventually, out of desperation, do. I've given
the example that they are now trying to change the situation within
agriculture. That is one positive. There has finally been some recognition
that there has to be some exchange rate movement. That is a partial positive
because while there has been some movement, it hasn't been sufficient. There
is some attempts on the part of the State now to ensure that there is
greater compliance with the budget votes by the various Ministries. So, I
wouldn't go so far to say that Government isn't doing anything, what I do
say is that government is not doing enough and it's only doing those changes
which it reluctantly feels that it has no alternative to change, rather than
that it's dynamic and proactive in addressing the comprehensive changes that
are needed.

Violet: What about Gono's recent currency reforms? How effective are these
and how does reducing the Zeros actually help, given the fact that inflation
is at 1200 %

Eric: This has been one of the biggest misunderstandings in Zimbabwe and
world-wide. The change in the currency was never intended to have any
bearing on inflation; other measures were to be taken. The change in the
currency was merely an attempt to prevent the economy collapsing even
further through an inability to manage and administer money. Because of the
extent of inflation that we've had over so many years, we were faced with so
many zero's in all transactions, there were hardly any computer programmes
in Zimbabwe that were able to function any longer. The cash registers in the
supermarkets could not even tally up an ordinary trolley load of groceries;
the petrol pump metres could not record the price of petrol on the rare
occasion that there was any petrol to sell, desk calculators couldn't handle
transactions any longer. It was totally impossible administratively, so
three zero's had to be knocked off just to be able to restore ordinary
administration.

Similarly, because of the number of zeros the extend that people had to
carry money just to do ordinary transactions, was creating tremendous
security hazards, first of all for businesses where major supermarkets were
now being faced with having to have dozens of large tin trunks to hold all
the money and transport them to the banks instead of very much lesser
volumes, and, people were having to carry large suitcases and bags full of
money making them vulnerable to bag snatching, to hi-jacking and to robbery
than a far greater extent than before. So, by knocking of the three zeros,
management of currency was being restored. It wasn't intended one way or the
other to have any effect on inflation. It wasn't intended to have any effect
on the economy, other than to restore the working environment, and, that it
has achieved.

So, whilst many people have been highly critical of the action, I believe
that in principle I think they were completely right. Where I have my
reservations is that I think that it was implemented in too short a period
of time creating a major difficulty for some in achieving the exchange of
their money timeously. So, some hardships were created through the
implementation side of it, not through the principle.

Violet: But how sustainable is this? I mean, are we not going to find
ourselves in a situation where we have those zeros back by December as was
said by the Finance Minister, Herbert Murerwa, recently?

Eric: Well, not by December. I do believe that probably in another year's
time we are going to have to go through the same exercise because until we
do get inflation down very substantially we will find progressively the
amounts of money needed for each transaction rise, the number of zeros will
increase again. Probably mid year or so next year, the whole exercise will
have to be done again, but as we bring down inflation it won't have to be a
recurrent thing every few months or every year, it's once or twice that it's
got to be done and it's still better to do that than not do it and have yet
a further nail in the economic coffin.

Violet: And did you have anything to do with the slashing of the zeros?

Eric: Certainly I had recommended it; I believed it was right and I had
heard the representations from the Computer Vendor's Association and the
Computer Society of Zimbabwe, from the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce
because all it's members were being unable to cope, from the Institute of
Bankers and numerous others. And, having heard and seen their representation
and being aware that they were right in those representations, I certainly
supported them. To me, it wasn't just a good idea, it was something we had
to do, there was no alternative. I would have liked to have seen the actual
implementation slightly better handled, but, we had to do it, otherwise
things were going to be only worse, there was no alternative to it.

Violet: Join us for our final segment of this discussion with Eric Bloch
where we ask the economist, among other issue; How much of Zimbabwe 's
economic downturn is a result of mismanagement and poor governance? What is
a man with his expertise and reputation doing working with a regime that has
been marred by corruption and seems to be going down hill? Should the RBZ
governor be determining fiscal policy over and above the head of the Finance
Minister Herbert Murerwa? These issues will be discussed next Tuesday.

Comments and feedback can be emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com

A revolution that lost its way

New Zimbabwe

By Tendai Dumbutshena
Last updated: 09/20/2006 05:28:04
IN 1980 when Zimbabwe attained independence from the United Kingdom the
stage was set for a successful nation.

Comprehensive economic sanctions imposed by the international community in
response to the white minority government's unilateral declaration of
independence (UDI) in 1965 were lifted. The new country could now access
investment and aid finance.

To combat sanctions, Ian Smith's government implemented an import
substitution economic policy which produced the most diversified economy in
sub-Sahara Africa after South Africa. A sophisticated agricultural sector
developed to be the mainstay of the economy with Rhodesia a major producer
and exporter of high quality tobacco.

Unlike the apartheid government in South Africa, successive white
governments in Rhodesia did not condemn blacks to an inferior education.
There was by no means universal access especially at tertiary level but the
education was of a high standard. Missionaries also played a critical role
in the provision of quality education. Furthermore , during the 15 years of
UDI, thanks largely to elements of the international community, a critical
mass of black Zimbabweans were educated in foreign lands.

At independence, Zimbabwe had advantages African countries, which attained
independence in the 1960s, lacked - an educated indigenous population and a
relatively developed economy.

A substantial number of Zimbabwean rulers and senior civil servants had
lived in African countries, where they observed the mistakes made by these
newly independent states. Surely they would not repeat them. It must be also
pointed out that Zimbabwe is blessed with a majority rural population
attached to the soil. The advent of peace in 1980 coupled with the
restoration of commercial agriculture created conditions for rapid growth in
that sector. In the first years following independence the country also
received good rains.

So where did Zimbabwe go wrong? Any new government sets its priorities form
the outset. It is a critical time to lay foundations of a new society.

In 1980 what was new Prime Minister Robert Mugabe's prioritiy? It was to
consolidate his power and lay the constitutional foundations of a one party
state over which he would preside with untrammelled powers. For the crucial
first years of independence Mugabe's energies were consumed by an obsessive
quest to construct a one party state overlorded by an all-powerful executive
president.

There was no prioritization of building a strong economy that would yield
the resources to develop the country and elevate living standards.
Opportunities to attract meaningful levels of investment were lost with
investors put off by Mugabe's incessant calls for the creation of a one
party Marxist state. There was fiscal profligacy which in the1990s drove
Zimbabwe into the arms of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other
multilateral and bilateral financial institutions and donors. This triggered
political consequences, which will be dealt with below.

The population of Zimbabwe - particularly its educated and conscious
elements - cannot escape blame. Intoxicated by their newly found freedom,
Zimbabweans forgot that it was critical to interrogate the content of the
incoming dispensation. Grateful to their liberators ,they gave Mugabe's
government carte blanche to do as it pleased. It is now fashionable to
condemn the massacre of Ndebeles in the 1980s but the undeniable truth is
that the majority of Zimbabweans turned a blind eye to this atrocity
committed to further a narrow political agenda.

The IMF imposed conditions for its assistance including the removal of food
and other state subsidies. This accelerated the impoverishment of the most
vulnerable members of society. There were political consequences the most
critical of which were the radicalization of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) and the formation of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC). Faced with this challenge to his rule, Mugabe's response was
predictably vicious. When white farmers supported the MDC there was a
wholesale expropriation of their farms in the name of agrarian reform. As
his government faced limited sanctions and serious economic decline set in,
the list of those targeted by an increasingly desperate regime grew longer.

What is to be done? Zimbabweans must demand and get their political, civil
and economic liberties. There is certainly no solution on offer from the
international community. Zimbabwe is too insignificant to the western powers
for them to go beyond so called smart sanctions. African countries including
South Africa support Mugabe. It is up to Zimbabweans to overcome their fear
and lethargy to save their country from the abyss.

Zimbabweans have to create a society that entrenches two fundamental
principles that underpin truly successful nations - political and civil
liberties and the sanctity of property rights. The creativity, ingenuity and
commitment of people thrive when these principles are upheld. Today the
regime in Harare tramples upon the liberties of its people. In the 21st
century Zimbabweans are not even allowed freedoms of association and
assembly. According the government's own statistics over three million
Zimbabweans live in foreign lands. This is a staggering 20 percent of the
population equivalent to 75 million Americans living outside their country.

Some of Zimbabwean's most resourceful people live outside the country
fearful of victimization. Entrepreneurs like Strive Masiyiwa, James Mushore,
James Makamba, Mutumwa Mawere and many others should be in Zimbabwe creating
wealth and jobs. They are the first generation of black Zimbabweans who are
serious economic players. For petty reasons they have been criminalized and
robbed of their assets by a government that pretends to be a champion of
black economic empowerment. How can a country succeed when it drives away
its entrepreneurs? This writer is the last person to condone criminality.
But when crimes are alleged to have been committed let the criminal justice
system dispense due process without the intervention of the executive.

Other prominent Zimbabweans in fields as diverse as the arts, journalism and
music are now in exile. Names such as Geoff Nyarota, Chenjerai Hove, Francis
Mdlongwa, Wilfred Mbanga and Thomas Mapfumo come to mind. It is however the
young journalists in Zimbabwe whose careers were nipped in the bud who
continue to suffer up to this day. To deny young people a source of
livelihood through pernicious legislation like the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) is the height of cruelty. As a resident of
South Africa it is depressing to see the numbers of highly skilled and
educated Zimbabweans fuelling the economic growth of South Africa while
their own country joins the ranks of failed states. There is nothing worse
than a country whose citizens have lost faith in it.

But no one has suffered at the hands of this government more than the people
they disdainfully call "Povo". During the violent occupation of farms,
labourers, who under a proper land redistribution programme would have been
immeasurably empowered, were driven off the land and condemned to
destitution. The elections of 2000 and 2002 saw many supporters of the
opposition in rural areas killed, tortured and rendered homeless. Many found
refuge in urban areas where they swelled the ranks of the unemployed. As the
economy imploded many workers lost their jobs as companies closed down or
retrenched. Those still lucky to be in employment found their pay packages
seriously eroded by rampant inflation.

As if this was not enough the government unleashed Operation Murambatsvina
in a move that rendered 700,000 people homeless and destroyed their
livelihoods. Zimbabweans have never been poorer thanks to a government whose
only concern is its own survival.

The present generation of Zimbabweans has a duty to bequeath a country to
the next one that gives them hope and opportunities. It would be a criminal
dereliction of an historical duty to make the next generation inherit a
ramshackle of a country. This generation should not abdicate its
responsibilities because it is paralyzed by fear.

Mugabe never had a vision for Zimbabwe that went beyond the consolidation
and perpetuation of his power. From the beginning the Lancaster House
constitution was amended to pave way for a one party state under an all-
powerful executive president. Institutions essential to the functioning of
democracy were systemically emasculated and degraded to mere appendages of
the executive presidency. Parliament was slowly reduced to a legislative arm
of the executive. It ceased to hold the executive accountable.

The cabinet consists of men and women whose sole purpose is to protect their
positions and privileges. Since the crisis deepened this body, which should
be at the center of executive decision-making ,has allowed its powers to be
usurped by Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono.The judiciary, which once
enjoyed a good reputation, has been subverted and stuffed with people who
have no right to be judges. Some of them, recipients of state largesse in
the form of farms, see their role as that of protecting the interests of
government. They have largely abandoned their role as fearless interpreters
of the laws and custodians of the rights of citizens. Only the coercive
apparatus of the state- the Central intelligence Organization, Defence
Forces and Police - has been strengthened to prop up a repressive regime.

Property rights are now not worth the paper they are written on. If a post-
Mugabe Zimbabwe wishes to prosper the restoration of property rights is an
absolute imperative. All properties illegally expropriated should be
returned to their rightful owners. Where this is not feasible adequate
compensation should be paid. Nothing short of this will do if Zimbabwe
wishes to attract meaningful investment. Failure to convince the business
sector that property rights will not be violated by capricious politicians
will condemn Zimbabwe to the ranks of poor African countries perennially
dependent on aid for survival.

Tendai Dumbutshena is a former journalist and current Chairman of the
Zimbabwe Crisis Coalition office in South Africa. He writes in his personal
capacity

Nightmare of Living Without Water

The Herald (Harare)

OPINION
September 20, 2006
Posted to the web September 20, 2006

Sifelani Tsiko
Harare

IT IS not a good idea to be caught without water given Harare's unending
supply woes which has seen some suburbs going for more than three weeks
without humanity's most precious commodity.

The water crisis threatening the eastern half of the city is quite
depressing for many people who now have to carry containers and bags of
laundry every time they need water.

It's a tale of two cities. To the well-heeled in the northern suburbs, the
water crisis is taking away the shine on their comfort.

Every day they have to ferry water in drums from other parts of the city
with supplies. More often their households have four or more bathrooms and
toilets in addition to the huge washing machines and other water using
electrical appliances that are not in any way designed to save water.

They are also forced to cut down on water used for swimming pools and their
gardens, reduce the watering of their lush green lawns and other
recreational activities.

Others have large ponds for ducks and other birds and animals and with the
unending water crisis, it is either they have boreholes or ferry water in
drums to sustain this "recreational luxury".

"I think around the world people are taking this problem more seriously than
we are doing here," says one Greendale resident, who only wanted to be
identified as Mrs Barry.

"There are some concerns but on average as others are getting water, nobody
cares about the 'others' who are not even getting a drop of water."

At one point, she says, there were no supplies for more than two weeks in
Greendale and she had to ferry water from her workplace along Coventry Road.

"The crisis is pretty bad, toilets get clogged, you can't do your washing or
clean your dishes," she says. "I've to use my own scarce fuel to ferry the
water because of bungling by Zinwa (Zimbabwe National Water Authority) and
the council."

It is now common for people from the northern suburbs to keep drums and
other huge containers filled with water. Some even carry containers of water
in their cars to work where they refill them. A lucky few have boreholes to
sustain their comfort.

When it comes to complaining, residents in these suburbs are the most
vociferous and often utter unprintables at Zinwa and Harare City Council
officials for failing them.

"We are paying huge water bills and what do we get in return? Shoddy service
from the council and this other organisation -- what do you call it? Zinwa,
is it," says Mr Kundai Kawenda of Highlands.

"I don't care what they say, but we are getting *** service, he says,
letting loose an expletive not printable in a family newspaper. "I've to use
my own car to get water for my family while they are playing games in their
offices," he adds in bitter anger.

The sorry sight of residents at the Police Support Unit camp, in Mabvuku,
Tafara, Ruwa and other high-density suburbs walking long distances to get
water from unprotected sources -- streams and dug-out wells -- is equally
frustrating and depressing.

In the past, people would fetch water from unprotected sources only for
bathing, washing and for toilet use, but due to the persistent crisis,
people were now using this untreated water for drinking and cooking.

Plastic containers of whatever kind are now a prized possession for many. In
most homes in Mabvuku and Tafara, people keep a lot of plastic containers of
different types which they use for storing water. It is common to find the
small kitchens in these suburbs "decorated" with numerous two-litre plastic
containers in addition to 20 and 25-litre containers.

Unlike the residents in northern suburbs who use their cars to ferry water,
they have to walk on foot to fetch water from nearby streams and unprotected
wells which poses health risks to them.

Residents even resort to using the bush to relieve themselves as their
toilets would have clogged due to lack of water.

They are vulnerable to diseases such as diarrhoea, cholera, dysentery,
stomach problems and other water-borne diseases because of using
contaminated water. People often jostle for the water and fights over the
precious resource frequently break out whenever the situation gets
desperate.

"The situation is very bad. We cannot even get water for drinking and
cooking, not to mention washing and bathing," says Gladys Mwanza of Tafara.
"I have to keep plastic containers filled with water for me to manage the
crisis with my three children. At most schools here, it's a disaster, I tell
you."

Please, come to our rescue

Letter to the Herald

Alistair J. Black.

EDITOR - I would like to thank Harare City Council for its efforts so far
regarding the critical water situation that we are experiencing at Arun
Close, Borrowdale.

Thank you also for the meetings that we have held in order to review
progress.

But I am shocked to learn that the Highlands Reservoir is only 2,7 percent
full. I find this terribly unacceptable, especially when it is the
responsibility of the City of Harare, to whom I pay both rates and water
charges, to provide potable water.

I would ask what is being done to regularise the situation? As you know, I
am not the only resident in the area who is suffering but it seems to me
that the City Engineering Department is doing nothing to rectify the matter
and the ball is being bounced between the City of Harare and Zinwa who each
claim it is the others' responsibility.

It is public knowledge that we now have spent five months with little or no
water and the current situation is that both our geysers are empty and no
water, even at night, has been flowing thus the geysers and the toilets have
no water to flush them. Can I suggest that you send round a water bowser
with a pump so that at least the geysers can be filled and this would give
us at least 40 gallons of water to be used sparingly thus relieving the
situation a little.

Your response will be welcomed.

Alistair J. Black.

Borrowdale,

Harare.

Zimbabwe mulls new railway line

People's Daily

      The National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) intends to embark on an
ambitious railway line construction project linking Sengwa coal mine and the
Harare-Bulawayo line, local newspapers reported on Tuesday.

      Mining giant RioZim, the majority shareholder in Sengwa, recently
indicated it had secured a potential investor to boost operations at the
mine, an opportunity which the national rail transporter could want to
exploit.

      The Herald said several funding options would be looked into, chief
among them, roping in some foreign investors. It costs roughly 10 million
U.S. dollars to install a 70-km rail line.

      NRZ spokesperson Fanuel Masikati confirmed the latest development but
declined to go into the finer details, the newspaper said.

      Observers believed NRZ should concentrate on rehabilitating its
existing infrastructure before embarking on new, expensive projects, since
railway lines across the country have outlived their lifespan and need
urgent replacement.

      Source: Xinhua

Bredenkamp fights for Zim citizenship

The Herald

Court Reporter

BUSINESS tycoon Mr John Bredenkamp, who last week lost his Zimbabwean
citizenship, has appealed to the High Court seeking restoration of his
nationality and the immediate return of his withdrawn passport.

Mr Bredenkamp (66) is challenging Registrar-General (RG) Mr Tobaiwa Mudede's
decision to withdraw his passport, saying this has left him "stateless" and
that he faces deportation.

In the application, the business tycoon cited the RG, the Ministry of Home
Affairs, chief immigration officer and the clerk of the criminal court as
first, second, third and fourth respondents respectively.

The hearing of the matter is set for today before Justice Bharat Patel.

In his founding affidavit, Mr Bredenkamp claimed to be a Zimbabwean citizen
by registration and argued that Mr Mudede does not have any power to strip
him of his citizenship.

"I contend that in law, the first respondent does not have the power to
deprive me of my citizenship in Zimbabwe. I also contend that as a citizen,
I am entitled to be in possession of a passport only issued to me by the
Government of Zimbabwe.

"The action of the first respondent in seeking to deprive me of my rights in
that regard has no basis in law and has been taken surely vindictive," he
said.

Mr Bredenkamp further submitted that he had since renounced his South
African citizenship and that Mr Mudede's decision was "wrongful and
unlawful".

"Consequently, I am seeking an order declaring that I am a citizen of this
country and entitled to the immediate return of my passport. The effect of
the decision is to render me stateless, which decision not only offends our
law, but international law," he said.

Mr Bredenkamp's passport was withdrawn last week after his acquittal in a
criminal case in which he was accused of illegally using a South African
passport on his international trips on 65 occasions.

Soon after the acquittal, the clerk of court refused to return his passport,
which had been surrendered as part of his bail conditions, as per a letter
from Mr Mudede, dated September 9, 2006.

The letter was addressed to Harare provincial magistrate Mr Mishrod
Guvamombe declaring that Mr Bredenkamp had ceased to be Zimbabwean and that
his passport should, therefore, be withdrawn.

Mr Mudede said that Bredenkamp had lost his citizenship by default.

Mr Bredenkamp was born on August 11 1940 in Kimberly district of South
Africa and acquired Zimbabwean citizenship in 1958 by registration.

In 1984, the business mogul lost his citizenship by default and later
restored it in 1998.

Local Rights Group Blasts Harare Over Treatment of Labor Leaders

VOA

By Carole Gombakomba
      Washington
      19 September 2006

The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, an umbrella body for human rights
groups in the country, added its voice Tuesday to protests of last week's
arrests and alleged police beatings of trade union and opposition leaders.
The group, which reports on a monthly basis on political violence, said the
violence surpassed previous levels.

The NGO Forum statement echoed critisism of the government from regional and
international labour organisations and human rights groups,as well as the
U.S. and British governments. Organizations which have condemned the alleged
beatings include the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions as
well as its African subsidiary, and the Congress of  South African Trade
Unions..

A police spokesman said authorities will investigate the alleged beatings of
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions Secretary General Wellington Chibhebhe and
14 other activists while in custody at the Matapi station in Mbare, Harare.
But the state-run Mirror newspaper quoted assistant commissioner Wayne
Bvudzijena as saying allegations made against the police "should not be
taken on face value."

Human rights lawyer Tafadzwa Muvingi of the NGO Forum told reporter Carole
Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that her group is pressing for a
high-level investigation into the alleged incident of police brutality.

Harare Seeks Negotiated Business Compliance With Price Controls

VOA

By Patience Rusere
      Washington
      19 September 2006

Days after placing business executives under arrest for violating price
controls, the Zimbabwean government has agreed to not to resort to such
tactics pending a more definitive resolution of such pricing disputes,
especially with the bakery sector.

Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries President Callisto Jokonya said charges
against managers had been dropped and that a compromise on prices in the
current hyperinflationary environment would be worked out some time this
week.

Jokonya gave reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe details
of the deal hammered out by business leaders with the Ministry of Industry,
the Attorney General's Office and police.

Annual General Assembly debate a display of arcane diplomatic ritual

International Herald Tribune

      The Associated Press

      Published: September 19, 2006

      UNITED NATIONS There was the much-discussed handshake that never
happened, the presentation of the coca leaf, and the case of the lonely
beige chair that took center stage.

      When leaders from dozens of U.N. member states suddenly find
themselves crammed in the same building, strange things happen. On the first
day of the annual U.N. General Assembly session, it was difficult not to
feel that one was witnessing the intricate, poorly understood social rituals
of a rare and exotic animal species.

      The practiced U.N. protocol officers prevented any major gaffes, even
when Thailand's Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra had to scrap his
appearance because of a coup back home. And the much-anticipated run-in
between U.S. President George W. Bush and Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad never materialized.

      As was customary, Bush delivered the second speech of the day and
co-hosted a lunch with Secretary-General Kofi Annan just before 1 p.m.
Ahmadinejad didn't deliver his speech until the evening, and was not even in
New York when Bush was at the U.N., according to U.S. Ambassador John
Bolton.

      "I honestly don't know where these stories come from," Bolton said.
"It doesn't require any acrobatics to avoid a meeting and certainly I'm not
aware we've been engaged in any."

      There was one meeting Bush did not avoid. He shook hands warmly with
his predecessor, President Bill Clinton, who was in town for his Clinton
Global Initiative conference, which pushes the world's rich and powerful to
act on such issues as poverty, health care and global warming.

      As usual, things were running late all day, forcing some leaders to
sit around and wait for everyone else. Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe
had an empty chair next to him at lunch (it was supposed to have been filled
by Thaksin), and was clearly not pleased to have arrived on time for Annan's
lunch. Cameras caught him looking around with an annoyed look on his face,
once raising his hands in apparent exasperation.

      "I'm sorry if we've starved some of you, but that's the way we work
here in this house every day, and sometimes we go without lunch," Annan told
the diners.

      The menu included smoked salmon and tournedos rossini, made of small
beef filets, truffles and fois gras. Desert was a banana sundae.

      Through the day, the background noise was the speeches that are the
right of each leader attending the summit, euphemistically called a
"debate." The General Assembly hall emptied out as the day turned to evening
and the speeches continued, but leaders blithely ignored the 15-minute time
limit and Day One didn't end until 9:22 p.m.

      Outside the building, the streets of Manhattan's East Side were
clogged with traffic but peaceful enough, as evinced by the pair of New York
police officers who played chess on a magnetic board set up on the hood of a
patrol car.

      The United Nations, beacon of the world's aspirations for 50 weeks of
the year, was transformed into Fortress U.N., with its mobile police command
centers, observation posts, barricades and dozens of uniform-clad officers.

      Across the street from the U.N., hundreds of protesters gathered to
espouse a variety of causes, with each group separate from the others by
lines of wooden sawhorses. Pakistanis and Iranians demanded their leaders
resign, while Thais called for Thaksin's ouster (apparently they hadn't
heard of the turmoil in Bangkok).

      Diplomats waged battles of a different sort during their speeches. The
most theatrical was President Evo Morales of Bolivia, who brandished a tiny
coca leaf before the hall to hammer home his longtime argument that coca has
many uses besides cocaine.

      "It is not possible for the coca leaf to be legal for Coca-Cola but
illegal for other consumers in our country and throughout the world," said
Morales, who presumably did not declare the leaf to customs when he arrived
in the U.S.

      Then there was that strange beige chair. There it stood, looking
almost lonely, next to the podium in the cavernous General Assembly hall, as
the presidents spoke. When they were introduced, they would sit in the chair
and wait to be formally called to the podium. Once they finished, they would
sit back in the chair for a few seconds and wait to be escorted away.

      "It's like the on-deck circle," said U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric.

      Sitting in the chair is the right only of presidents. Once prime
ministers started speaking late in the day, the chair was silently and
unceremoniously taken away.

      ___

      Associated Press reporters Paul Alexander, Anna Dolgov and Edith M.
Lederer contributed to this story.

Has Zimbabwe reached the suicide bomber age?

Comment from New Zimbabwe.com, 19 September

By Conrad Nyamutata

The recent drama at the house of Paul Mangwana, the minister of some
awkwardly named ministry and acting Minister of Information, passes for some
poorly scripted comedy. The gun raid initially reported at his house turned
out to be, after all, a show of some West Bank or Gaza-style bravado by some
people, in the face of rattling rifles. Stones versus guns. But a few
questions arise from this incident. Firstly - as Mangwana himself pondered
too - just what drives people armed with mere stones to confront officers
brandishing firearms? Not only that. But for them to mount such resistance
for two hours (according to the Herald) knowing quite well they risked
having their brains blown out? Secondly, how can a guard entrusted with
protecting a minister and his property be such a poor marksman? Here is a
trained police officer, firing well over 20 rounds without hitting a single
target and then rushes to call for reinforcements? Then it all turns
comical. "The intruders hurled a very big stone, sending shivers down the
spine of the sergeant who had come to assist us. When I asked him to fire,
he, in a panicking state, gave his gun to a junior officer and asked me to
escort him out of the premises, saying he feared for his life," Mangwana's
guard is quoted as saying.

So we have within the ranks of the police, senior officers - armed for that
matter - who wet their pants at the sight of a hail of stones? Quite a
radical departure from the kill-joy approach employed to quash peaceful
demonstrations though! It gets worse: we then get the stone-age spin that
Mangwana may have been targeted for his crusade against corruption. My foot!
"It's my personal sacrifice to clean society of corruption to realise the
country's economic turnaround," he proclaims. "If you are a criminal, big or
small, you will be arrested. These are the instructions I got from my
principals." Oh, God forbid. Mangwana wants to sound as if he has been sent
to deliver us from evil. He has an onerous task if he is committed to it.
Corruption is in inherent within dictatorships. Therefore, the challenge for
Mangwana - if he is to be taken seriously - is to start with his so-called
'principals'. He must strike the heart of dictatorship of which he is part!
Only then can we talk about his "personal sacrifice". He probably knows the
consequences. He will not be pelted with rocks this time. Mangwana will be
"reshuffled" or worse still, sent packing.

But let's go back to this drama. How and why would people opposed to his
so-called anti-corruption campaign choose to express themselves by throwing
stones at the minister's house? If this was the motive, then why would they
have chosen stones as a weapon when they could have so easily sought better
equipment to make their point? If this is the level of spin in government,
then Zanu PF might as well hire Jonathan Moyo as a PR consultant. Mangwana
needs not ponder the motives of the attack. If this was a criminal act, he
should not be too surprised. Poor governance has led to a deadly chain
reaction in the economy. Unemployment induces criminal intent. But the
overall truth is that Zimbabwe is a nation of angry people. It is the reason
for the recent mass protests. The MDC has threatened the same. This
groundswell of fury manifests itself in many ways. 'Stoneygate' might have
been just a mere expression or ventilation of anger at the general state of
affairs and the system. If the determination exhibited by these people,
interchangeably described as "thugs", "unknown assailants" or "intruders",
is anything to go by, then we might have the first suicide bomber soon.

Nyamutata is a former chief reporter for The Daily News

JAG Classifieds dated 19 September 2006

As a JAG member or JAG Associate member, please send any classified adverts
for publication in this newsletter to:

JAG Classifieds: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.  For Sale Items
2.  Wanted Items
3.  Accommodation
4.  Recreation
5.  Specialist Services
6.  Pets Corner

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1. OFFERED FOR SALE

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.1 Pet Mince for Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

Please be advised that there will be no more deliveries until further
notice.  Sorry for the inconvenience.

Pet Mince for sale 500g for $80 000. Pet mince made from pork offal
including liver and veg only, it is minced and well cooked.
Cat Heart Mince with cooked liver for sale 250g for
$80 000
Delivered on Friday's, collected at Benbar Msasa at 10:30, JAG (17 Philips
Ave, Belgravia) at 11:30, Peace Haven (75 Oxford St off Aberdeen) at 12:30
and Olivine Head Office in car park at 3:00.
Please order by email.   Phone 011221088 or email claassen@zol.co.zw

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.2 For Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

PEE WEE MOTORBIKE YAMAHA $ON ENQUIRY
STOVE (1 PLATE NOT WORKING) $25MILLION
OCCASIONAL HALD MOON TABLES $8MILLION EA
TABLE ROUND $10MILLION
2X PARKERNOLL CHAIRS $10MILLION EA
2X ARM CHAIRS & FOOT STOOL $20MILLION EA
OFFICE SWING CHAIR $15 MILLION
CARPET $12MILLION
DININGROOM SUITE ROUND TABLE ETC $35MILLION
SINGLE BED $15MILLION
CANE LOUNGE SUITE WITH TABLES  (NEED RECOVERING) $20 MILLION
CECIL RHODES ANTIQUE 2 SEATER $20MILLION
LIQUER CABINET $10MILLION
VARIOUS ORNAMENTS
VARIOUS PICTURES
VARIOUS CURTAINS/LINEN ETC
VARIOUS CROCKERY
WINDOW FRAMES
ARCHWAY MOLDS
GARDEN SPRAY
CEILING FANS
LAZY SUSAN
BUDGIES MIXED COLOURS $4MILLION EACH

TELEPHONE 251377 091321640 091909244

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.3 For Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

CARAVAN (MOBILE HOME)  (2 BEDROOMS)
FULLY EQUIPPED WITH COMPLETE ROOF COVER FRONT AND BACK. STOVES, FRIDGES,
DEEP FREEZE, PRESSURE GEYSER, SHOWER, BEDS, TOASTER, IRON, KETTLE, GAS
BRAAI, ROTISERRIE - THE ABSOLUTE WORKS WITHIN NATIONAL ANGLERS UNION SITE.
PHONE JACQUIE 339144, 091 311 503.  OWNER LEAVING.  OFFERS.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.4 Business for Sale (Ad inserted 22/08/06)

SMALL RETAIL BUSINESS CENTRALLY SITUATED IN AVONDALE SELLING HANDLES, KNOBS,
LOCKS, AND BATHROOM FITTINGS.  FABULOUS BUSINESS.  OWNER LEAVING.  OFFERS
PHONE JACQUIE 339144, 091 311 503

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.5 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

TOYOTA PRADO 1998 model, white, 3 litre, turbo-intercooled, automatic
gearbox, diesel, electric windows, central locking, air-conditioning, fabric
seats, radio/tape deck, 172 000km (Arriving 6th September available to view
after that date).  Looking for US$20,000 equivalent.
Contact 091-225413 or PM 860909 bowen@zol.co.zw

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.6 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

EXCAVATOR
Case Poclain 888, 18 tonner without engine in excellent condition.  Good for
spares or to have engine replaced for usage.  Highest offer secures.  Photos
available if interested.

TRACTORS
1 x Ford 6610 - 1 x Ford 5610 - 2 x Mushandi 640 F.W.A. - 1 x John Deere
1850 60hp

MUSHANDI 500 - NEWER MODEL - EXCELLENT CONDITION
Ideal for small farm / plot or as a haulage unit.  ZW$2,2 million re-valued
currency neg.

NEW & USED TRACTOR SPARES
Too many to list to include: - Deutz D60/D68 - 8 speed gearbox in good
condition ZW$150 thousand re-valued currency

Contact Doug Edwards Ph 068-22463 / 011212454 - tracspray@zol.co.zw

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1.7 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

Coarse Salt.   50 kgs, Z$5,500 collected Ruwa or Z$ 6,000 delivered Harare.
Molasses, Z$ 120 per litre.   Container required for large quantities.
Children's coloured chairs Z$ 3,000.  Apply mnmilbank@zol.co.zw

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1.8 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

Various 3m wooden garden shed / workshop / storeroom panels for sale, some
plain, some with windows, some with doors.
Please contact 023 418 781 for further details.

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1.9 For Sale (Ad inserted 29/08/06)

RECIPE BOOKS @ $5 000 (new currency)
The Millennium Collection Of Great Recipes - Produced by Lilfordia School

A collection of tried and tested favourites from parents, grandparents and
friends.  First produced in 2001 this book has proved very popular as it
suits Zimbabwe's ingredients!

All proceeds will go towards re-vamping the Lilfordia School Staff Room as a
farewell gift from the outgoing Grade 7 class.

Contact:  Judy Bruce Tel:  494367 (evenings), 011 217 027, alidy@mweb.co.zw

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1.10 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Fuel - Marineland Harbour, Kariba

Dear Customers,

Please be advised that Kingdom Calls Pvt. Ltd t/a Marineland Harbour will be
taking over supply and control of their fuel depot with immediate effect.

Our Management Agreement to supply fuel to the Harbour has expired, and we
have decided against renewing it.

Please revert to contacting Marineland directly for your fuel requirements
on the following numbers:

Main Switchboard: 061 2845 / 3115 / 2331

PLEASE NOTE THAT MOBILE NUMBERS 091 275 714 & 091 269 330 ARE NOW PERSONAL
NUMBERS.

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1.11 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

HONEY JEWELLERY:  Imported from South Africa - a selection of gold-plated,
rhodium plated, antique bronze plated necklaces, bracelets, rings and
earrings, exclusively made up with Swarovski crystals, cubic zirconia,
pearls and a new range of bayong wood beads, coconut heish, brown lip shell
necklaces and bracelets.  Please contact Annette on 011 600 769 or
dapayne@zol.co.zw
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1.12 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)
22 kva Generator run by 4 cylinder Diesel motor.
In very good condition

Offers welcome. For more information & viewing arrangements
Please contact Craig on 091 418 625

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1.13 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

2x 350l DEFY Fridge /white/

1x DEFY Sove /black/

1x TV SONY PLAZMA 42` LCD /silver/

Just imported. Call: 882384, 091 775544, 011 607045

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1.14 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

NEW & USED TRACTOR SPARES

Too many to list to include:-
Deutz D60/D68 - 8 speed gearbox in good condition ZW$150 thousand re-valued
currency

IRRIGATION PUMP - Power driven by 100hp Perkins Diesel engine, mounted on a
well built trailer. Please contact us for any further enquiries.

Contact Doug Edwards Ph 068-22463 / 011212454 - tracspray@zol.co.zw

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1.15 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

Mein Kampf or My Struggle by Adolf Hitler. Unexpurgated edition.1939.Two
volumes in one. First volume: A Retrospect. Second volume: The National
Socialist Movement. Hurst and Blackett LTD London 1939. In good condition. I
am selling this book as a collector's item of historical interest as I in no
way condone the views contained in the book. Please email zermatt@mweb.co.zw

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1.16 For Sale (Ad inserted 05/09/06)

AUDI A4 - Second owner since new with service record.  Excellent condition.
Leather seats. 160000km Offers.  Phone 339144, 091 311 503

HONDA PRELUDE V TEC - 1994.  Beautiful metallic silver. Immaculate. 155000
km.  Offers.  Phone 339144, 091 311 503

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1.17 For Sale (Ad inserted 12/09/06)

OFFERED FOR SALE

Milk Seperator.

Alfa Lavel hand operated milk separator with all attachments. Also has
fittings to operate by electric motor.

Contact: 04 - 745463  / 011211924.

Wall Mirrors.

1 x 60 cms x 162 cms x 3 mm.
1 x 60 cms x 120 cms x 4 mm.
1 x 100 cms x 100 cms x 3mm.

Contact 04 - 745463 / 011211924.

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1.18 For Sale (Ad inserted 12/09/06)

Piano for sale: C Burlman & Co.  Phone 775691.

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1.19 For Sale (Ad inserted 12/09/06)

2002 Toyota Landcruiser 100series GX Standard
55000km,white,mp3 player plus many more extras. Equivalent 38000US. 4.2
diesel. Contact 091 261085 Alex
011609709 Mike.  Available for sale 20 September

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1.20 For Sale (Ad inserted 12/09/06)

MP3 Player:  FM/MP3/WMA/DVR/Line-In, 265MB, USB2.0, R480.00
Contact 091314285 Debbie, 091394803 Alisha

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