U.S worried about Zimbabwe cabinet impasse

Reuters

Tue 23 Sep 2008, 1:45 GMT

By Sue Pleming

NEW YORK (Reuters) - Washington is very concerned over a deadlock in
Zimbabwe in forming a cabinet and has a new batch of sanctions ready if
President Robert Mugabe reneges on his promises, the top U.S. diplomat for
Africa said Monday.

The U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Jendayi Frazer,
said Washington was closely watching the impasse on cabinet posts since
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
led by Morgan Tsvangirai signed a power-sharing deal last week.

"Of course, we will be looking very carefully at the outcome of this
impasse," Frazer told Reuters in an interview on the sidelines of the U.N.
General Assembly in New York.

"We understand that the Ministry of Home Affairs and Finance are being
contested and the outcome of that will certainly make a difference in how we
see this agreement and its viability," she added.

Also, if all of the ministries in charge of security remained in the hands
of the ruling party, that would be problematic, particularly following the
harassment meted out to the opposition during the disputed election, she
said.

"What assurances does that provide the population that in the next election
they won't be abused and harassed and killed as they were leading up to the
June 27 runoff," she said.

The United States has already imposed several rounds of sanctions targeting
Mugabe and his senior staff, and Frazer said how the current cabinet impasse
is resolved was one of the benchmarks for whether those punitive measures
were lifted.

Another benchmark was that restrictions on humanitarian assistance should be
reversed.

NO ROLLBACK "ON A PROMISE"

"For sure, we will keep the sanctions on until we see some performance of
the government itself. We are not prepared to roll back sanctions on a
promise," she said.

Before the power-sharing deal was signed, Frazer said Washington had a new
package of sanctions in the works, targeting individuals and entities linked
to Mugabe.

"We have another set ready. We have delayed moving forward with those
sanctions because the agreement was signed but they are certainly ready at
any point in time," said Frazer.

However, the top U.S. diplomat for Africa said the State Department and
other U.S. government agencies were making plans to step up assistance
programs at the appropriate time and send in teams of experts to help
rebuild the shattered economy.

"We are planning on the basis of our optimism but our experience with this
regime that is there, is that you have to keep the pressure on," she said.

"We want Zimbabwe to do well. The population has suffered for so long. No
one wants a process that is a go-slow. We want an accelerated process but we
have to have the confidence that we have a team in place that is committed
to real reform," said Frazer.

The deal with Tsvangirai and the head of a breakaway opposition faction
followed weeks of tense negotiations to end a political crisis compounded by
the veteran leader's disputed and unopposed reelection in a widely condemned
vote in June.

Tsvangirai's party is expected to get 13 cabinet posts in the new
government, Mugabe's ZANU-PF 15 and Arthur Mutambara's breakaway MDC faction
three.

The deal was mediated by neighboring South Africa whose foreign minister
said in New York that she believed all sides would be able to reach a deal.

"We will assist when we are needed but we think that they should be able to
find common ground," said Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, with U.S. Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice at her side. (Editing by Philip Barbara)

Aid for Zimbabwe 'conditional'

http://www.businessday.co.za

 23 September 2008

Sarah Hudleston

US AMBASSADOR to Harare James McGee said in Johannesburg yesterday that the
new government in Zimbabwe would not receive financial aid until all parties
showed they were serious about implementing the spirit of the historic
power-sharing agreement.

McGee said a meeting hosted by the European Union (EU) ambassador to Harare,
Xavier Marchal, in Johannesburg on Monday had resolved that until the new
government showed that it was serious about the deal, the EU would not put a
penny into the beleaguered country.

The new government was formed after a power-sharing deal was signed by
President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai last
week.

Target ed sanctions would stay in place until "things start moving to honour
the agreement". McGee and Marchal met representatives from 15 countries.

McGee said the international community, however, had decided to move
immediately on humanitarian aid to the country, as well as what he called
technical assistance to the government.

"So far we have not seen anything from this government - in fact the
agreement has not even been finalised", he said.

"When Mugabe went to the United Nations last week, the cabinet had not been
sworn in. It had not even been concluded as to which party will have who or
what ministries," said McGee.

He applauded Tsvangirai's decision not to travel to New York for the general
assembly, which starts today. He chose instead to travel around Zimbabwe to
see what humanitarian aid was needed and to look at the food insecurity
problems .

"So we think it is a very positive step. He is busy talking with the
nongovernmental organisations and the donor community about what steps
needed to be taken in providing food for the people of Zimbabwe. He says
that this is his first priority."

The US was concerned that Zanu (PF) was demanding 19 instead of 15 of the
ministries, including local government, justice, finance and home affairs,
McGee said. "I believe the MDC (Movement for Democratic Change) really needs
the justice ministry because it still has five MDC MPs in prison. If they
stay in prison on trumped-up charges and miss more than 30 days in
parliament, they will lose their seats."

McGee said President Thabo Mbeki's decision to step down as leader of SA at
the behest of the African National Congress could be a boon for Zimbabwe.
Zuma "has such close ties to the Congress of South African Trade Unions and
the South African Communist Party, both of which say they support Morgan
Tsvangirai and the MDC".

"I hope this sends a message to Mugabe that things at last are going to
change. I really hope that the light that is shining on them from the
international community will stop this regime's excesses .. However, it is
worrying that Zanu (PF) has said is not going to change the status quo."

Zim power-sharing govt talks put on ice

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Cuthbert Nzou Tuesday 23 September 2008

HARARE - Talks to form a new power-sharing government in Zimbabwe have been
put on ice for now and can only resume after October 5 because President
Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Arthur Mutambara are out of the country.

Mugabe is in New York attending a UN General Assembly meeting that ends on
October 1, while Mutambara left Harare on Monday to attend a five-day World
Economic Forum meeting in China - leaving analysts wondering whether the
politicians understood the need to quickly appoint a new government to fix
Zimbabwe's worsening humanitarian crisis.

Government sources said Mugabe was expected to first fly to Egypt after the
UN meeting and would only be back in Harare on October 4.

"Everything regarding the negotiations is at a standstill until Mugabe
returns," said a senior government official who spoke on condition he was
not named. "The principals are likely to meet after October 5 to resume the
talks on how to share ministries."

Mugabe, Mutambara and main MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai signed an agreement
on Monday last week to form a power-sharing government to tackle Zimbabwe's
long running political and economic crisis.

But the three leaders failed last week to agree on how to share key posts in
the new government, stocking up skepticism over whether the power-sharing
deal clinched after seven weeks of tortuous negotiations could stand the
strain given deep-seated mistrust especially between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.

The leaders could not agree on a new Cabinet apparently because Mugabe and
Tsvangirai each demanded control of the five most influential posts of
finance, defence, home affairs, justice and information.

The political principals referred the dispute over Cabinet posts to their
negotiators who also failed to resolve the matter and referred it back to
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara.

Justice Minister and ZANU PF's chief negotiator Patrick Chinamasa yesterday
said the talks to resolve the issue would resume once the principals were
back in the country.

"We met and agreed that the best people to deal with the issue will be the
principals," Chinamasa said. "The principals can only meet after the return
of President Mugabe. We are optimistic that the issue will be resolved
 soon."

Analysts criticised political leaders for moving slowly to implement the
power-sharing deal signed last week and in the process prolonging Zimbabwe's
economic and humanitarian crisis seen in the world's highest inflation of
more than 11 million percent, deepening poverty amid shortages of food and
every basic survival commodity.

University of Zimbabwe (UZ) political scientist John Makumbe said: "Mugabe
should not have travelled to New York at the expense of the negotiations."

Makumbe - a longtime critic of the 84-year-old leader - added: "There is no
time for procrastination. The UN will only become very important to us once
we are admitted among the community of nations. That can only happen if we
fully-implement the fragile deal signed last week."

Another UZ political scientist Eldred Masunungure said the talks should move
with haste. "The issue at hand needs to be resolved quickly and a new
government put in place to spearhead the country's economic revival. Both
Mugabe and Mutambara should have put their trips on hold and first resolve
the issue at hand," he said.

According to sources, the ZANU PF and MDC negotiators agreed during the
weekend meeting to recommend to their principals that they refer the dispute
over Cabinet posts to mediator, outgoing South African President Thabo Mbeki
so that he could facilitate an immediate solution to the impasse.

Mbeki tendered his resignation as president on Sunday after his ruling ANC
party ordered him to step down. The ouster of Mbeki could weaken his
mediating role in Zimbabwe but could also spur Mugabe to quickly agree to a
power-sharing Cabinet with the opposition before a new and likely hostile
leadership settles in Pretoria.

An acting president will be appointed this week to replace Mbeki but the man
expected to takeover South Africa's top job after elections next year is
Jacob Zuma who has openly criticised Mugabe's rule.

Zuma's main backers in South Africa's powerful COSATU labour movement have
long called for a tougher approach towards the Zimbabwean leader.

The international community, particularly major Western donor nations whose
financial support is vital to any effort to resuscitate Zimbabwe's comatose
economy, has said they will wait to see how the power-sharing deal is
implemented on the ground before they can give substantial aid to the
southern African country. - ZimOnline

Zimbabwe deal in peril: MDC

Reuters

Mon 22 Sep 2008, 21:15 GMT

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition party warned on Monday a
deadlock over the allocation of cabinet posts threatened a fragile
power-sharing agreement it reached with President Robert Mugabe earlier this
month.

A meeting over the weekend between negotiators from Mugabe's ZANU-PF, Morgan
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and a breakaway MDC
faction to sort out who gets which posts failed to break the impasse.

Tendai Biti, secretary general of the MDC, said disagreements remained over
the allocation of ministries and posts for 10 provincial governors and said
this might require renewed mediation. "Fundamentally, we have a deadlock
threatening the whole process, not only over the ministers but the governors
as well," Biti told Reuters.

ZANU-PF officials were not available for comment.

The MDC said that while it did not oppose Mugabe taking charge of the army,
he insisted on keeping control of all key ministries, including home
affairs -- in charge of the police -- finance, foreign affairs, justice,
information and local government which oversees local councils.

Tsvangirai's party is expected to get 13 cabinet posts in the new
government, Mugabe's ZANU-PF 15 and Arthur Mutambara's breakaway MDC faction
three.

The landmark political deal was mediated by the ousted South African
President Thabo Mbeki and millions of Zimbabweans hope it will be the first
step towards rescuing a nation shattered by economic collapse.

Under the deal, Mugabe retains the presidency and chairs the cabinet while
Tsvangirai becomes prime minister, chairing a council of ministers
supervising the cabinet.

Biti said the MDC did not expect Mbeki's resignation as South African
president to affect the unity agreement.

Governor refuses to vacate official residence

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4652

September 22, 2008

By Owen Chikari

MASVINGO - Willard Chiwewe, the former provincial governor and resident
minister for Masvingo, has refused to vacate his official residence after he
was relieved of his duties by President Robert Mugabe.

Chiwewe, one of the shortest-serving governors and one of the most
controversial to date, grabbed a farm from a former white commercial farmer
and businessman Norman Richards soon after he was appointed resident
minister. He immediately moved into the farm house.

Chiwewe insisted he could not live in the former official governor's house,
then occupied by his predecessor Josaya Hungwe, who had served as governor
of Masvingo for a record 15 years.

Soon after his appointment, Chiwewe ordered that the farm house on the land
he seized be renovated by the Ministry of Local Government Public Works and
Urban Development, to be converted into the official residence of the
resident minister of Masvingo.

In sudden turn of events, the government has ordered Chiwewe to vacate the
house, insisting that the new resident minister Titus Maluleke should move
into the official residence of the governor of Masvingo.

However, Chiwewe has vowed to resist any attempt to evict him from the
house, arguing that he grabbed the farm the same way war veterans and other
members of the Zanu-PF top brass took over farms from white commercial
farmers countrywide back in 2000.

An official from the Ministry of Local Government Public Works and Urban
Development yesterday confirmed to The Zimbabwe Times that the former
resident minister had refused point blank to vacate the house.

"We wrote a letter to him advising him that he should prepare to leave the
house since the new governor wants to move in," said the official who spoke
on condition of anonymity. "He told us that the house belongs to him.

"We advised him that the house has been reserved for the Masvingo resident
minister and that since he was no longer governor he should leave but it
appears he is not prepared to move out.

"As per government policy, he was supposed to remain in the house for only
30 days after he was relieved of his duties as governor."

Chiwewe, who is now into farming, yesterday confirmed that he would not move
an inch, adding that those who were pushing for his eviction were his
political enemies.

"I took that house from a former white commercial farmer in the same way war
veterans were taking farm houses from the owners countrywide," said Chiwewe.

Chiwewe a graduate from the then University of Rhodesia in the 1970s was a
school teacher at Gokomere Mission in Masvingo until then Vice President
Simon Muzenda brought him into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Harare. He
later became a permanent secretary in the Ministry of Information. Chiwewe's
term as governor of Masvingo has been steeped in controversy, mostly to do
with his unorthodox acquisition of commercial farmland. He was reported to
have acquired a total of three farms. He said one farm was for his wife,
while another was allocated to his daughter.

Chiwewe was implicated in a fertilizer scam just a few days after he assumed
office as governor.

"If they continue to push for my eviction then all war veterans occupying
farm houses should also be removed," he said defiantly Monday.

"After all those who want me to leave the farm house are my political
enemies. But they do not know that I am going to be posted outside the
country as an ambassador."

SA's new men in-charge will not be soft on Mugabe

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Own Correspondent Tuesday 23 September 2008

JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's ruling African National Congress (ANC) will
name party deputy leader Kgalema Motlanthe as the country's interim
president until the poll, expected around April, after the ousting of
President Thabo Mbeki, ANC members of parliament told the media on Monday.

ANC president Jacob Zuma said that the party would ensure a smooth
transition and economic policy continuity while he also strongly hinted his
deputy could stand in as president pending new elections in a speech aimed
at calming the nerves of foreign investors rattled by the forced departure
of pro-business Mbeki.

"We have in cabinet many experienced ministers, including the deputy
president of the ANC, Kgalema Motlanthe," said Zuma.

"I'm convinced that if given that responsibility, he would be equal to the
task."

Born in 1949 and elected ANC deputy president at the party's 52nd national
conference in December 2007, Motlanthe is a left-leaning intellectual,
widely respected by both the radical leftists and business tycoons within
the ANC. He is seen as a figure who could help heal the deepest divisions in
the party's history.

However, Motlanthe's strong links with South Africa's powerful labour
movement - he is a former secretary general of the National Union of
Mineworkers (NUM) - could mean he favours a more robust policy towards
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe.

NUM's mother body, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), has
led calls for tougher action against Mugabe who it says has no legitimate
claim to power after his re-election in a June presidential run-off election
boycotted by the opposition because of political violence.

Zuma, who will no doubt work closely with Motlanthe as they manage the
transition from the Mbeki era, has openly criticised Mugabe in the past.

Zimbabwean analysts said on Monday that the coming in of Montlathe as
interim president and Zuma's expected ascendancy to the throne next year
represents a shift in South Africa to a leadership that - if not openly
hostile to Mugabe - will at the very least not be accommodating to the
veteran leader.

John Makumbe, a University of Zimbabwe senior political science lecturer,
said: "Robert Mugabe will be wise to reach a settlement with the MDC because
the longer he takes the more he is likely to come under pressure from the
new South African leadership."

South African observers described Motlanthe as level-headed and the best
qualified to help the country navigate through its worst political crisis
since the end of apartheid in 1994.

"He's a very solid person and if you've read his statements he always avoids
wild rhetoric. He seems to also avoid making enemies and in the present
political climate that's a good thing," said Keith Gottschalk, a political
analyst at the University of the Western Cape.

"Certainly, most would regard him as presidential material."

Motlanthe is former student activist and a former soldier in the ANC's
military wing UmKhonto we Sizwe who was jailed on Robben Island with Nelson
Mandela and Zuma under the racist apartheid regime.

Under pressure from the new ANC leadership dominated by supporters of Zuma,
Mbeki this year appointed Motlanthe as a Member of Parliament and as
Minister without Portfolio. This was seen as a step towards a smooth
transition to a future Zuma government.

Militant members of the ANC led the charge to force out Mbeki after a judge
threw out corruption charges against his rival Zuma and suggested there was
high-level political meddling in the case.

The opposition Democratic Alliance said parliament would elect Mbeki's
successor on Thursday and Motlanthe's appointment is almost certain to be
officially approved by the ANC-dominated assembly.

But Archbishop Desmond Tutu said he was "deeply disturbed" by the ANC's
ouster of Mbeki.

"It is good old-fashioned tit-for-tat. Our country deserves better. The way
of retribution leads to a banana republic," the Nobel Peace Prize laureate
told the media. - ZimOnline

MDC accuses state media of peddling hate speech

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Cuthbert Nzou Tuesday 23 September 2008

HARARE - The Morgan Tsvangirai-led opposition MDC party yesterday accused
state-controlled media of publishing hate speech and propaganda that flies
in the face of the "spirit of national engagement and the political
settlement" signed last week.

ZANU PF and the two formations of the MDC last Monday signed a pact to form
an all-inclusive government aimed at ending the country's decade-long
political and economic crisis.

In a hard-hitting statement yesterday, MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa
called on the state media to play a "positive role in moving our country
forward through assisting national healing and creating" hope.

"We note with dismay that the state-controlled media continues with its use
of hate speech and propaganda which flies in the face of the spirit of
national engagement and the political settlement in Harare last week,"
Chamisa said.

The MDC official accused the government's flagship Herald newspaper of
employing a columnist who used hostile language against the opposition which
was out of tune with the political developments and mood on the ground.

Chamisa said a Herald columnist publishing under the name Nathaniel Manheru
but who is widely thought to be President Robert Mugabe's spokesman, George
Charamba, used his column at the weekend to denigrate the opposition and to
peddle the "usual falsehood that the MDC is full of imaginary puppets of the
whites".

Mugabe himself has often accused the MDC of working with Britain and America
to unseat his government.

Even as Mugabe appended his signature to the power-sharing deal last week,
he repeatedly asked why the hand of Britain and America was interfering in
Zimbabwe's affairs - in a thinly veiled attempt to remind his audience that
the MDC served Western interests.

The MDC forged out of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions by Morgan
Tsvangirai nine years ago, has repeatedly denied charges it is a puppet of
the West and the opposition party's frustration at continued charges that
its serves Western interests even after agreeing to a power-sharing
government with ZANU PF was clear from Chamisa's statement.

"He (Manheru) has not toned down his hate speech, confirming that he is a
front for a minority and parasitic elite which is benefiting from the
current crisis; a clique that is deriving profit from the suffering of the
people of Zimbabwe," Chamisa alleged.

He added: "The ZBC (Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation) and the The Herald
continue to give acres of space to analysts who want to poison the spirit of
dialogue.

"They continue to grant acres of space to people who shout at others instead
of giving coverage to critical national issues such as HIV and Aids,
national development and economic transformation."

The power-sharing deal has been lauded as the first real opportunity in
nearly 10 years for Zimbabwe to begin work to end an economic crisis
characterised by the world's highest inflation of more than 11 million
percent, skyrocketing unemployment and shortages of food and every basic
survival commodity.

But the deal, which was signed on September 15 amid hope by millions of
struggling Zimbabweans, could yet unravel as Mugabe, Tsvangirai and another
opposition leader Arthur Mutambara have failed to agree on the allocation of
cabinet ministries in the new government of national unity. - ZimOnline

Opposition: Media has crucial role in healing Zimbabwe

http://www.apanews.net/



APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) party on Monday said that journalists should be
agents of change in the process of national healing following the signing of
a power-sharing agreement by the country's political leaders last week.

The MDC called on all Zimbabwean journalists, especially those in the
state media, to play a positive role in moving our country forward through
assisting national healing and creating hope among the citizenry.

It castigated the continued use of hate language on state-run
television and in the official, a week after President Robert Mugabe and MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai signed a Southern African Development
Community-brokered peace deal that ended eight years of hostilities between
the government and the opposition.

The party was particularly incensed by an article by a columnist in
the Saturday edition of The Herald newspaper which referred to MDC leaders
as being puppets of the West, a familiar statement that has been used by
Mugabe to refer to Tsvangirai and his colleagues in the opposition.

"Such behaviour is unwelcome and jeopardises the spirit of
togetherness which was guaranteed and endorsed by SADC and the African Union
in Harare last week," an MDC spokesman said.

The columnist is believed to be Mugabe's spokesman George Charamba who
the MDC accused of being a front for a group of ruling ZANU PF officials
opposed to the power-sharing deal.

"No amount of propaganda will dampen the people's aspirations for a
new beginning. The public media will dismally fail in its attempt to
sabotage the current spirit of dialogue and national engagement which has
been endorsed by our African brothers and sisters through the African
 Union," the spokesman said.

JN/nm/APA
2008-09-22

Shopping -- a mathematics test for Zimbabweans

http://www.mg.co.za

HARARE, ZIMBABWE Sep 23 2008 07:44

Business executive Charlene Domwe shakes her head in disbelief on receiving
the bill after hosting three friends for dinner at a local hotel.

The price on the invoice was the local equivalent of US$500, a fortune to
spend on dinner, even in an upmarket hotel, and she does not have that
amount with cash in short supply and banks imposing stringent withdrawal
limits.

Alternatively, she could settle the bill with her debit card but it would
mean paying six times the amount on the bill, or in foreign currency.

After juggling her options, she pays in US dollars in cash and the amount is
just below US$80.

Zimbabwe's economy has been on a downturn for a nearly decade with high
unemployment, food shortages and at least 80 % of the population living
below the poverty line.

This has been accompanied by dizzying inflation -- now officially at
11,2-million percent.

With prices rising rapidly, even more than once in one day, shopping is a
mathematical proficiency test for Zimbabweans.

To ensure their survival in an unpredictable environment, shops and service
providers quote three different prices for the same item for shoppers buying
in cash in the local currency, cash in foreign currency and those using
credit cards.

A two-piece chicken dinner at a fast-food outlet in the capital costs Z$4
000 in cash, but when using a credit card the same chicken costs Z$310 000.

Businessman Tendai Makombe, who runs an engineering firm, justifies the
different pricing system, saying that was the reason he has managed to keep
his business afloat at a time many were throwing in the towel.

"There is no cash, so we have to charge a 30% or 35% premium for payments
done with credit cards," Makombe said.

"The other alternative is you pay in foreign currency for all the purchases
or you do an interbank transfer at a 15% premium. How else would we
survive?"

Serious crisis
Calisto Jokonya, president of the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries,
blamed the different pricing structures on widespread cash shortages that
have led to long meandering queues becoming a common sight outside banking
halls.

"The issue of the different pricing is a serious crisis for us," Jokonya
said.

"Unless the cash situation is solved, this problem will continue."

Two weeks ago, the central bank allowed selected shops and wholesalers to
quote prices in foreign currency, in a bid to curb the burgeoning
black-market trade in basic commodities.

"We hope that by charging goods in forex this will stabilise the prices,
unlike the other way round where prices are different because of the paying
structure," Jokonya said.

In the lastest bid to ease the cash shortages, central bank chief Gideon
Gono introduced a Z$1 000 note on Wednesday, which could only buy a loaf of
bread.

The daily cash withdrawal limit for both individuals and organisations is
Z$1 000.

Goodwills Masimirembwa, chairperson of the government-run price and income
watchdog, the National Incomes Pricing Commission, said a foreign-exchange
crunch fuelling the black market was to blame for the pricing discrepancies.

"These pricing distortions are a result of forex being traded outside the
banking system, where you have a cash rate and transfer rate," he said.

"This problem is right across the board, supermarket or hotels, its
everywhere. This is also a banking problem because of cash shortages which
the central bank has to address." -- AFP

Zimbabwe AIDS Activists Say Food Now More Critical Than Drugs

http://voanews.com

By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
22 September 2008

Zimbabwe's National Network of People Living With HIV/AIDS has asked the
central bank and government to provide its 120,000 members with food under
the government's so-called Basic Commodity Supply Side Intervention program,
known as Bacossi.

The Ministry of Health, meanwhile, said it is trying to increase
distribution of life-prolonging antiretroviral drugs.

Data compiled by the International Treatment Preparedness Coalition showed
some 104,000 people on the ARV regimen in May, an increase of 58,000 from
2007 levels. The figure represents about 40% of those believed to be in need
of the drugs.

Many in the HIV/AIDS community in Zimbabwe hope the recently-signed
agreement for power-sharing will result in increased funding for the fight
against the pandemic.

Movement for Democratic Change founder Morgan Tsvangirai said in signing the
deal on Sept. 15 that "we need medication and doctors back in our
 hospitals."

Benjamin Mazhindu, chairman of the National Network of People Living with
HIV/AIDS, told reporter Carole Gombakomba that while drugs are important,
his group's first priority now is food to sustain those living with the
disease.

The Zimbabwe deal in difficulty

http://www.politicsweb.co.za

Eddie Cross
22 September 2008

Eddie Cross on how internal dissension within Zanu-PF is delaying agreement

It seems like a year since the SADC brokered deal was eventually signed. The
ceremony itself was an opportunity to see into the future. It was not
encouraging, in fact daunting in every way. Coming after the opening of
Parliament where it was clear to any observer that the gap between the MDC
benches and Zanu PF was enormous. The MDC team generally young, poor and
angry, the Zanu benches arrogant, fat, aging and apprehensive.

I said last week that the new transitional government would place a huge
burden of responsibility for leadership on the part of Morgan Tsvangirai.
Nothing made that more clear than the signing ceremony itself. When Ian
Khama arrived the crowd outside (90 per cent MDC and numbering several
thousand) gave him a rousing welcome. In the hall he was greeted with a
chant of 'Khama, Khama, Khama!' When Robert Mugabe arrived he was greeted
with derision and the singing of songs from the struggle of the past 10
years. Inside the hall he was booed and heckled.

The speeches were instructive - Mr. Mugabe leaning on the podium for
support, ranted against the British and Americans and spoke for maybe 40
minutes in a rambling, confused historical diatribe. Mr. Mutambara
demonstrated, yet again, that he is totally out of his depth in this
political game - even the BBC, covering the event secretly in the hall,
switched him off. Mr. Tsvangirai spoke for about 15 minutes, a clear outline
of the way forward and a call to work together for the sake of the country.
There could have been no doubt in the minds of any of those present as to
who the real leader was on that stage.

It was a moment of triumph for Mr. Mbeki - one that came many years later
than it should have, mainly because of his own reluctance to deal with the
issues surrounding the resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe, but eventually,
it was here. He then flew home to run into the media storm that followed the
Zuma Judgment the week before. At the subsequent gathering of the ANC
leadership he was forced into a humiliating resignation. After a lifetime of
struggle against apartheid and leadership responsibility from 1994 to 2008 -
14 years, it was a shame that he should go like this - but he had created
the conditions for his political demise. Despite that, it must be
acknowledged that the new South Africa - a remarkable creation knowing the
background; is largely his work and he will always be remembered for that
achievement.

When Mr. Mbeki left Harare he must have thought that his job was done and he
could now concentrate on his own back yard. He had put many days into the
negotiation and had left his home turf neglected at a crucial time for him.
No sooner had he departed however, than Zanu started to play their old game.
Always adept at seeming to accept the situation that confronted them and
then turning back on their word and doing the opposite. That happened in
2000 when they lost the referendum - Mr. Mugabe came on national television
and radio and stated that he 'accepted' the will of the people. He then
unleashed a campaign of terror and intimidation that has lasted 8 years and
claimed hundreds of lives and brought the economy to its knees.

This time he signed the deal after 18 months of tortuous negotiations and
many set backs. He did so in front of the whole world and in the presence of
his colleagues in the SADC region. We expected talks the following day to
form a government, a swearing in ceremony on Thursday and to start work on
Monday. Remember we have not had a proper government for 6 months so we
thought the question of speed would be paramount.

It was not to be - the MDC leadership had cleared the deal that had been
negotiated with their national leadership on Sunday and then signed, Mr.
Mugabe took the deal to his leadership the day after he had signed. The
Politburo was furious and what was meant to be a short meeting turned into a
daylong marathon - all else forgotten. The Service Chiefs (the much feared
and despised JOC) did not attend the signing ceremony on Monday and we heard
rumors of troop movements and the mobilisation of recently disbanded militia
camps. The atmosphere in Harare tensed significantly.

When Wednesday came and went with the Zanu PF Central Committee in session
all day and no attempt to hold discussions on the formation of a new
government with their new partners in Government, Mr. Mbeki was forced to
step into the ring again. As a result, the talks on forming a new government
started at about 11.00 hrs on Thursday. By mid afternoon it was clear no
deal with possible at the level of the three leaders.

Mr. Mugabe, threatened by the harsh reaction of his own Party to the deal,
tried to recover some political ground by demanding that Zanu PF take the
key Ministries. That was never a possibility and eventually Mr. Tsvangirai
told the other two that he was referring the matter to the regional
mediators.

The South African leadership was briefed and it is hoped that the three
negotiating teams will meet shortly to pick up from where the Monday
ceremony had left them. There is the immediate problem of mediation with the
SA government in chaos and the likely resignation of both Mbeki and the
Minister of Labour who has been so instrumental in the negotiations so far.

Oblivious to the suffering of the people of Zimbabwe and the escalating
economic and social crisis, Mugabe then simply packed his bags and departed
for the UN General Assembly in New York with an entourage of 40 plus his
wife and taking with them a pile of US dollars to spend on 10 days of luxury
and completely unproductive personal extravagance.

A last chance to feed his ego and we dread what he will have to say in New
York, probably just more of the same old diatribe. That will do nothing to
help us get the situation here under control and the country back on track.

So now we wait for the allocation of Ministries to be agreed and then - we
hope at the end of this coming week, we will have the swearing in of the new
Council of Ministers and Cabinet and on the following Monday we can start
work.

We are confronted with a crisis in every sphere of national life. Cities
without water, roads falling apart, railways not functioning, empty grain
silos and no preparations for the new cropping season, a restive and badly
paid army with guns and ammunition, collapsed and bankrupt firms in the
private sector, a malfunctioning finance system with teetering banking
institutions and a bruised and battered population that is bitter and angry.

And it all hangs on a small team of 34 individuals - many of whom have never
been in government before and who have been at each other throats for much
of the past 20 years. Even more it depends on the skills and leadership of
one man - Morgan Tsvangirai.

I think it is quite clear that the other two leaders, Robert Mugabe and
Arthur Mutambara have nothing to offer in this situation, they are really
part of the problem, not the solution. It is an awesome responsibility. Pray
for him and his team as they start out on this difficult and hazardous
journey.

Eddie Cross is MP for Bulawayo South and MDC Policy Coordinator. This
article first appeared on his website September 21 2008

Bill Watch 37 of 22nd September 2008 [Lack of Time Frames in Power Sharing Agreement]

BILL WATCH 37/2008

[22nd September 2008]

Power Sharing Agreement and Time Frames

A startling omission in the Power Sharing Agreement, considering the numerous delays and the hiatus in government after the March harmonised elections, is that there are no time frames or deadlines for implementation of the various provisions of the Agreement - with the exception of the time frame for a new Constitution - and even then the clock only starts running on "the inception of a new government".

Delay in Formation of New Government

The Power Sharing Agreement provides for a Prime Minister [Mr. Tsvangirai] and two Deputy Prime Ministers [one from MDC-T and one from MDC-M] and specifies the numerical division between the three parties of 31 Ministerial posts [15 to ZANU-PF, 13 to MDC-T, 3 to MDC-M]  and 15 Deputy Ministerial posts [8 to ZANU-PF, 6 to MDC-T, 1 to MDC-M].

Article 20.1.3(j) of the Agreement states that the President will appoint the Prime Minister "pending the enactment of the Constitution Amendment No. 19".  But this has not been done.

The Agreement does not state which specific Ministries go to each of the parties.  Last week the three Party principals failed to reach agreement on this issue and referred it back to the negotiating teams.  On Friday Mr Mugabe left the country to attend the UN General Assembly session in New York, making it unlikely that any agreement will be reached this week on the distribution of Ministries.  Even after agreement is reached there may be further delays while the parties finalise their lists of nominees for the posts eventually allocated to them. 

The Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, has said that the new Government will not be formed until the Constitution Amendment No. 19 Bill has been enacted into law, which would mean the new Government may not be formed until some time in November. There is in fact no reason why other Ministerial and Deputy Ministerial appointments could not be made sooner in terms of the Constitution as it presently stands [it permit the President to appoint any number he considers appropriate].   And, Article 20.1.3(k) of the Agreement states that the President "formally appoints Deputy Prime Ministers, Ministers and Deputy Ministers in accordance with this agreement".

President Mbeki's resignation

It is not clear yet exactly when President Mbeki's impending resignation will take effect or how it will impact on the implementation of the Power Sharing Agreement and in particular whether it will cause further delays.

Constitution Amendment No. 19 Bill: (1) Procedure

Some of the provisions of the Power Sharing Agreement can be carried through without a Constitutional amendment but some do require amendment of the Constitution.  The Agreement refers to a Constitution Amendment No. 19 Bill which would make these constitutional amendments, and pledges the unconditional support of the parties for its enactment [Article 24].  It is not clear if the Bill has already been drafted and approved by the three parties.  Mr. Chinamasa has been reported as saying the Bill will be tabled when Parliament meets next month.  There are, however, certain procedural requirements for a Constitutional Bill:-

(1) A Constitutional Amendment must be gazetted 30 days before its introduction into Parliament [Constitution, section 52(2)].  This requirement cannot be waived by agreement between the parties or by resolution of Parliament.  The Bill has not yet been gazetted, and even if it is gazetted this week, it cannot be introduced into Parliament until late October. 

(2) The Bill also has to be considered by the relevant Parliamentary Portfolio Committee.  Under Parliamentary Standing Orders, as soon as a Bill has been gazetted, it stands referred to the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee [PPC] for consideration and report to the House concerned within 14 business days.  The PPC has the power to call for and receive evidence from the public, and a Bill to amend the Constitution would normally be the subject of public hearings around the country - a time-consuming process.  This requirement can, however, be waived by resolution of the House in which the Bill is introduced - and in the light of the Power Sharing Agreement this may well happen.  [Note: no PPCs have yet been constituted, but that will presumably be done soon after the Houses resume sitting in October.]

(3) Passage through Both Houses of Parliament:  The normal procedure would require at least a week in each House, even if there was little debate.  But if the Houses vote to suspend Standing Orders, the Bill could be "fast-tracked" through both Houses in four days.  The Bill would then have to be printed in its final form and sent to the President for assent - and those steps could be completed within two or three days.  The last step would be publication in the Gazette as an Act.

The shortest possible time frame in which the Bill could become law is early November - Bill gazetted: Friday 26th September; Introduced: Tuesday 28th October; Passed by House of Assembly: Wednesday 29th October;  Passed by Senate: Friday 31st October;  Assented to by President: Monday 3rd November;  Act gazetted and into force: Tuesday 4th November.

Constitution Amendment No. 19 Bill: (2) Content

The Power Sharing Agreement states in Article 24 that the Bill must:

(1) provide for constitutional formalisation of the Prime Minister's powers and functions specified in the Agreement [in the meantime the PM could be appointed under the present Constitution and allocated his duties by the President]; the new Council of Ministers; changes in the composition of the Senate and the House of Assembly; and, any other constitutional changes necessitated by the Agreement.

(2) include the provisions contained in Chapters 4 (Citizenship) and 13 (Independent Commissions) and section 121 (Parliamentary Committee on Standing Rules and Orders) of the Kariba Draft Constitution agreed to by the three Parties on 30 September 2007.

Composition of Parliament under the Power Sharing Agreement

The changes to the composition of both Houses of Parliament, to be included in the Constitution Amendment No. 19 Bill, are:

Senate: Article 20.1.7 provides for the present 93-member Senate to be expanded to 102 members, by the addition of 9 seats [3 per party] for Senators nominated by the parties and formally appointed by the President [these are in addition to the existing 5 appointed seats in the Senate, which are filled by the President].

[Note: there are still 2 vacant appointed seats and 3 vacant elected seats, caused by the election of the Senate President and the appointment of 2 Provincial  Governors, but Article 21 of the Agreement states that there will be no by-elections for 12 months and existing vacancies in elected seats will be filled by the parties that gained the seats concerned in the 29th March election.]

This leaves the voting power as follows:

ZANU-PF  New total 38 [ Present total 35, including 2 vacancies].

+ Provincial Governors 10  [presently all ZANU PF]

CHIEFS     18

MDC-T 27 [presently 24]

MDC-M9 [presently 6]

Effect:  ZANU-PF outnumbers the combined MDC by 48 to 36 which makes the chiefs' vote a critical factor.  [Traditionally the chiefs have voted ZANU PF but this may change.]

Note:  the Agreement is curiously silent on the issue of the apportionment of Provincial Governorships.  MDC has protested the appointment of 10 ZANU-PF Provincial Governors as a breach of the MoU.  If some of these appointments are reversed in the spirit of power sharing, it would boost the MDC numbers in the Senate.

House of Assembly:  Article 20.1.5 of the Agreement provides that three Ministers, one from each Party, may be appointed from outside the members of Parliament.  They will be non-voting members of the House, so their presence will not affect the balance of power, which remains as follows [existing vacancies to be filled by nomination by the parties that gained the seats concerned in the 29th March election - Power Sharing Agreement, Article 21]:

MDC-T 100

MDC-M10

ZANU-PF  99

Indep   1

Effect:  the combined MDCs, voting together, have a majority over the rest [110 to 100]  But if the MDCs are divided on a particular issue and MDC-M vote with ZANU-PF, MDC-T could be defeated.

Neither ZANU PF nor MDC have the two-thirds majority in each  House necessary for a Constitutional amendment without agreement.

Balance of Power in Joint Sitting of both Houses: If Mr Mugabe were to resign, his successor would be elected by an electoral college consisting of members of the Senate and the House of Assembly sitting together [Constitution, section 28(3)(b)].  In a joint sitting ZANU-PF [assuming the support of the Provincial Governors and the Senator Chiefs] would have a majority over all the rest [165 to 147] - sufficient to elect Mr Mugabe's successor.  [Note: voting in the electoral college would not be by secret ballot - Electoral Act, Fifth Schedule, paragraph 7.]

Parliament : Resumption of Sittings

The Senate stands adjourned until 7th October, the House of Assembly until 14th October

As neither House will be able to commence consideration of the Constitution Amendment No. 19 Bill until late in October [see above], it is likely that the sittings will be devoted to:

·                                       Setting up Parliamentary committees

·                                       the debate on Mr Mugabe's address at the ceremonial opening of Parliament on 26th August.

In theory other Bills could be dealt with, but no Bills have been gazetted and there has been no indication that any are ready for gazetting [Standing Orders require a Bill to be gazetted before introduction into Parliament].

Statutory Instrument Gazetted

There was a Gazette Extraordinary last week to publish a statutory instrument authorising the issue of the new $1 000 banknote by the Reserve Bank.  The regular Friday Government Gazette was not released because of paper supply problems at the Government Printer.

No Bills were gazetted.  All Acts previously passed have been gazetted

Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.

UN Sec. Gen. pays tribute to Zimbabwe GNU deal

Tuesday, 23 September 2008 05:57

 

Following is the text of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's remarks at the high-level meeting on Africa's development needs, today in New York:

I am grateful to so many Heads of State and Government and other high-level representatives for attending this very historic meeting. The event is important in itself, but also critical in our preparations for the high-level meeting on the Millennium Development Goals on Thursday; and the Doha Review Conference on Financing for Development, starting in late November in Qatar.

No one is more alarmed than you at the current trends, which indicate that no African country will achieve all the Goals by 2015.

But I am convinced that, through concerted action by African Governments and their development partners, the Millennium Development Goals remain achievable in Africa.

This is one of my highest priorities as Secretary-General. I convened the MDG Africa Steering Group in 2007 to galvanize international support, bringing together eight of the main multilateral institutions working on development with Africa.

Through the work of the Steering Group and other efforts, we now have a good idea of what is needed. It will cost about $72 billion per year in external financing to achieve the Goals by 2015.

This price tag may look daunting. But it is affordable and falls within existing aid commitments.

Just consider the fact that Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries spent an estimated $267 billion last year on agricultural subsidies alone.

In this context, the cost of solving the food crisis, addressing global warming and pulling millions out of extreme poverty in Africa looks like good value.

I appeal to all donors to implement the 2005 Gleneagles Summit pledge to more than double aid to Africa. We need to provide insecticide-treated bed nets. We must improve maternal health, the slowest-moving Millennium Development Goal. We must make sure every child has access to free primary education.

I also urge all Member States to agree on clear steps to follow up on the outcome of this high-level event.

Increasingly volatile weather conditions are taking their toll on African agriculture. Ethiopia is a case in point. The country is currently facing a severe drought in its south-eastern regions and severe flooding in its south-western regions.

This implies that the effects of climate change are already with us. It is sadly ironic that the poor -- who contribute the least to global warming -- suffer most from its ill effects.

Climate change is also leading to competition and conflict over natural resources. Many of these conflicts are local, but if unchecked, could spin out of control.

Tackling these challenges is not just a moral imperative. The recent spate of conflicts over food and natural resources show that our security depends on building prosperity in the developing world. Peace, development and respect for basic human rights go hand in hand. As we seek to build roads, bridges and schools, we also work to prevent war and build peace.

We are exploring new ways to stabilize fragile peace processes in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan. The Peacebuilding Commission has provided support for Sierra Leone, Burundi, Guinea-Bissau and the Central African Republic. Development can now progress in these countries, where prospects were dim until only recently.

Achieving peace and building trust requires patience and perseverance. Let me pay tribute to the people of Zimbabwe for negotiating a Government of national unity. Similar perseverance is needed to resolve other crises, such as those in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia.

Crucially, the United Nations is strengthening and deepening cooperation with the African Union in peace and security, mediation and conflict prevention. The joint African Union–United Nations panel started exploring how the international community can support peace operations in Africa. We welcome the ongoing efforts to establish an African standby force.

But at the same time multiple challenges continue to take a terrible toll: the impact of HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis; the millions of school-age children deprived of basic education; the widespread violence against women; and the suffering of innocent people in Darfur and Somalia. Extreme poverty is still causing needless deaths and stopping millions of promising young Africans from fulfilling their potentials.

We have before us several reports indicating that Africa's progress is not on track. We also have several reports telling us what needs to be done for Africa to change course. Let this be the day when we begin implementing these recommendations in earnest. Let us leave this Hall with a strengthened commitment to change the course of history and bring hope and development to Africa and the entire world.

Risks for Zimbabwe Deal in Mbeki's Resignation

http://www.nytimes.com/

By CELIA W. DUGGER
Published: September 22, 2008
HARARE, Zimbabwe - Thabo Mbeki's resignation as president of South Africa
could hardly have come at a worse time for Zimbabwe, where he had just
brokered a power-sharing deal that has now reached a pivotal - and
perilous - moment, analysts say.

Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of Zimbabwe's opposition and the prime
minister-designate, said Monday that the fall of Mr. Mbeki, the region's
most influential politician, was a blow to Zimbabwe.

But he also said it was now incumbent on the African leaders who named Mr.
Mbeki the mediator for Zimbabwe to ensure that the promise of the deal was
fulfilled, despite the uncertainty about whether Mr. Mbeki would continue in
the role.

"I think they're aware of their responsibility to complete the
 negotiations," said Mr. Tsvangirai, who spoke with serious understatement
during an interview in the private study of his home here in the capital.
The interview was Mr. Tsvangirai's first since Mr. Mbeki was effectively
fired by his own party just days after triumphantly concluding the Zimbabwe
agreement.

Mr. Tsvangirai, 56, and Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe, 84, are at an
impasse in the first crucial test of Mr. Mugabe's willingness to relinquish
some of the complete control he has exercised during 28 years in power. Mr.
Mugabe did not enter negotiations until July, after African election
monitors concluded that a June runoff was not free or fair and African
leaders insisted on talks. He said at the signing ceremony for the agreement
that he was committed to it.

When Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai met on Thursday, Mr. Tsvangirai said, he
proposed that their parties, the governing ZANU-PF and the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, equally divide the most critical ministries,
with, for example, Mr. Mugabe's party retaining the army and the opposition
taking the police. Given the broken economy, Mr. Tsvangirai said he believed
that the opposition should pick the head of the Finance Ministry, but Mr.
Mugabe did not agree.

"They wanted everything, all the key ministries," Mr. Tsvangirai said.

There are signs that Mr. Mugabe, known as a canny, ruthless survivor of
challenges to his authority, may be resisting genuine power-sharing. The
question is whether he is still guided by the slogan he used during this
year's disputed election, still visible on posters: "This is the final
battle for total control."

Mr. Mugabe left Harare on Friday to attend the United Nations General
Assembly in New York with an entourage that included his wife and son, but
not Mr. Tsvangirai, who is supposed to become his partner in governing. Mr.
Tsvangirai acknowledged that the authorities had yet to provide him with a
passport some three months after he ran out of pages for new visa stamps,
though he hopes they will soon.

When informed that the American ambassador, James D. McGee, had said the
United States had issued visas for 54 people in Mr. Mugabe's entourage, Mr.
Tsvangirai let out a long whistle of amazement.

In a country where about a third of the people will be hungry and in need of
food aid by next month, Eddie Cross, an official in the opposition party,
was less circumspect. In a letter posted on a Zimbabwe blog, Mr. Cross wrote
that Mr. Mugabe, oblivious to his people's suffering, had simply packed his
bags and departed with his entourage, "taking with them a pile of U.S.
dollars to spend on 10 days of luxury and completely unproductive personal
extravagance."

More worrisome to analysts here was a vituperative column on Saturday in the
state-owned newspaper, The Herald. Journalists and politicians here widely
assume that the author, who used the pen name Nathaniel Manheru, was George
Charamba, Mr. Mugabe's spokesman.

The column said the power-sharing agreement had no legal force and might
"collapse any day." It said the deal gave the president the power to appoint
ministers after consulting the prime minister and others. "He does not have
to adopt their views," the columnist wrote.

But Mr. Tsvangirai said that what most disturbed him was language in the
column that he said promoted hatred. It described his celebratory supporters
gathering as their leaders "were further swelling their already distended
stomachs." The writer mocked the opposition for its euphoria over the
prospect that Mr. Tsvangirai might become prime minister as the agreement
itself specified.

After an election season in which thousands of opposition supporters were
beaten in state-sponsored attacks and more than 100 killed, opposition
officials said they found another comment chilling. The columnist wrote that
the deal's provision for an independent audit of farms given out in an often
violent land reform program "is sure to draw blood redder than the setting
sun."

Mr. Tsvangirai was careful to say that he did not believe that the author
spoke for Mr. Mugabe.

Nonetheless, he added: "If what he has printed in the paper is the attitude
of ZANU-PF, we might as well review our position. If that is the spirit in
which we go into this marriage, it has finished before it has started."

Mr. Tsvangirai said he regretted that ministries were not divided between
the parties before he and Mr. Mugabe signed their deal, but he said he had
Mr. Mbeki's assurances that the matter would be quickly resolved.

Mr. Mbeki, however, may not be around to finish the job. Tomaz A. Salomao,
executive secretary of the Southern African Development Community, which
named Mr. Mbeki mediator, said Monday that the organization would not know
if he would continue in that role until it was formally informed by South
Africa.

The opposition has long mistrusted Mr. Mbeki, believing he was an ally of
Mr. Mugabe's and hoping his likely successor, Jacob Zuma, backed by trade
unions that have rallied behind Mr. Tsvangirai, might be more effective in
pushing its cause.

But in the end it was Mr. Mbeki who fashioned the deal that Mr. Tsvangirai
signed. And it was Mr. Mbeki, attacked at home for a flawed legacy, who had
much to gain by bringing Zimbabwe's crisis to a peaceful end. But now with
the political turmoil in South Africa, the question is whether it will be
too distracted to attend to Zimbabwe's problems.

"There is no one within S.A.D.C. of Mbeki's stature to engage the issues and
knock heads together," said Iden Wetherell, senior editor at The
Independent, a newspaper in Harare. "I can't see Zuma, with his complete
absence of diplomatic experience and lack of familiarity with Zimbabwe's
crisis, playing the same role."

Mr. Tsvangirai said he believed that Mr. Mugabe would ultimately agree to a
fair division of ministries and that regional leaders would help make that
happen. "I'm very hopeful that the deal will come through and that we can
start the process of rebuilding the country," he said.

A large card displayed in Mr. Tsvangirai's study said, "I wish a long life
to my enemies so they may see all my successes." Mr. Mugabe has certainly
had a long life, but whether he will live to see Mr. Tsvangirai wield real
power has yet to be settled.

JAG open letter forum - No. 566 - Dated 22 September 2008

Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
jag@mango.zw with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. Cathy Buckle - Hope

Dear JAG,

On the evening of the 15th September 2008 I sat outside as dusk fell over
Zimbabwe and I could almost hear a sigh of relief rising up from our broken
country. It had been a day of such high expectation and with so much emotion
that sitting quietly as the sun fell and the stars rose was necessary for
the soul, to take it all in and to look back, and forwards.

The "Zimbabwe Situation," as our collapse is called, started at different
times for different people. For me it began on Saturday the 4th March 2000.

"Hide yourself. They are coming, "one of my farm workers had screamed,
giving me a few precious minutes of warning. And then, alone and helpless,
locked in my study with my hands over my head, I sat paralyzed as men
whistled, threw bricks and shouted HONDO, HONDO, HONDO (War) at our farm
gate. What happened after that, to hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans from
all walks of life is now history.

The rabble at my farm gate were the foot soldiers and had been used to start
a political, social, economic and humanitarian crisis of unimaginable
proportions. After 8 years and 7 months of living through this Zimbabwe
Situation it has often felt like a country at war but now, at last, we have
hope.

In his speech after signing an agreement to share power, Prime Minister
designate, Morgan Tsvangirai, spoke of painful compromises that had been
made in getting to the Agreement.  We don't know yet what those compromises
were but we do know that they had to happen because we, the ordinary people,
simply couldn't go on living like this.

Power sharing isn't what we wanted and the events that have led to it do not
set a good precedent for countries whose leaders won't leave power, but for
Zimbabwe it must work. For Zimbabwe this Agreement is the first step towards
real democracy and it has come at a time when we are hanging over the cliff
by a fingernail.

Just a few days into the deal the arguments have already begun and on the
surface there is no tangible difference to the trauma and exasperation of
every day struggles for bank notes, food, fuel, water, electricity, medicine
and much more. Under the surface however, there is a huge sense of
anticipation and an urgency to get things going again as soon as possible.

Yes there is scepticism, doubt and negativity but as our new Prime Minister
said, the door has been unlocked. Each one of us has the chance to push it
open a little more.

As I close this week I would like to pay tribute to ZWNews whose editor
compiled and sent out at no charge over 3200 issues over almost nine years
and kept Zimbabwe in the world's eye. He does not wish to be named but we
thank him for his sacrifices and his patriotism. Until next week, thanks for
reading, love cathy Copyright cathy buckle 20 September 2008.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. Joan Dodman

Dear JAG,

Do I understand correctly from this report that title is not going to be
respected: i.e. white farmers are not going to be given their land back if
they want it.  How can anyone ever expect to resuscitate agriculture without
title to the land!!!!!!  Some serious action needs to be taken here; talk
about feeding the nation, one has to feed the dying dairy cows as well;
which, if they were not dying, would be helping to feed the nation!!
RESPECT OF TITLE SHOULD HAVE BEEN THE BASIS FOR ANY AGREEMENT.

Joan Dodman,
Anglesea Farm
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
3. Another Brick in the Wall - Humpty Dumpty

Dear JAG,

Humpty Dumpty sat on the wall,
Humpty Dumpty had a great fall.

Humpty Dumpty represents commercial agriculture in Zimbabwe.
Humpty Dumpty's Wall was security of tenure.

Now we see the very people who destroyed and stole poor Humpty Dumpty's
wall, are starting to blame the British and the Americans for Dumpty's fall.
They now say that the bricks they stole belong to them.

The new political dispensation needs to look carefully at the relationship
between Humpty Dumpty and the wall he once sat upon.
The wall needs to be secure and safe before they attempt to put Humpty
Dumpty (Mark 2) together again.

Those with the stolen bricks are now singing*..
"We don't need no education! (Just the money from the West!)"
"Join the queue says Patrick Anthony!"
Does Patrick know that there are queues for everything in Zimbabwe?
I think not.

Another Brick in the Wall.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
4. Al

Dear JAG,

I just read "The Agreement" to "Run" the country.

Now nobody is in charge and "Uncle Bob" is suddenly going to abide by the
constitution. I guess that the last eight and twenty years didn't count or
teach anybody anything. Interesting! It is not an "African" solution but
rather a watered down non-solution that will solve nothing.

It must be time to go fishing.

Stay well - and vigilant.

Al
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions of
the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice for
Agriculture.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------

Austrian Company Retains Zimbabwe Contract

http://www.numismaster.com/ta/numis/Article.jsp?ad=article&ArticleId=5333


     By Richard Giedroyc, World Coin News
      September 22, 2008



Zimbabwe appears in this column month after month for all the wrong reasons.
The beleaguered central African country continues to have the worst
inflation in the world, while its President, Robert Mugabe, continues to
fight to hold power despite being accused by most of the rest of the world
with having rigged the recent runoff election.

Last month this column covered Zimbabwe's latest currency crisis, that being
when paper supply company Giesecke & Devrient discontinued supplying paper
to Fidelity Printers (Pvt) Ltd., through which bank notes for Zimbabwe have
been printed. Giesecke & Devrient had been pressured by the German
government to discontinue supplying paper as part of an international
boycott of the Mugabe government.

Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Dr. Gideon Gono almost appeared to take
the crisis in stride when he announced July 2 that his government would take
what The Herald newspaper in Harare described as "proactive and appropriate
measures and strategies."

Gono said, "Following the widely publicized termination of bank note paper
supplies to Fidelity Printers (Pvt) Ltd. by Giesecke & Devrient of Germany,
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe wishes to advise and assure the nation that
this development will not disrupt the smooth flow of business."

At the time it looked like Gono was just putting a smiley face on an
otherwise disastrous situation, but according to the July 24 issue of the
South African publication Africa News Gono still had some resources at his
disposal.

According to Africa News, "Despite pressure on European companies to halt
dealing with the government of controversial President Robert Mugabe,
Vienna-based [Austria] Jura JSP is supplying the Reserve Bank [of Zimbabwe]
with licenses and software used in printing bank notes."

However, elsewhere in the Africa News report it reads, "The bank's [Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe] remaining [supplies] of paper are already running out,
causing the bank to limit daily withdrawals to 100 billion Zimbabwe dollars
per person, according to The Star [newspaper]. In Zimbabwe's current
hyperinflationary environment, 100 billion dollars won't even buy a loaf of
bread."

Thanks to inflation, coins had no purchasing power until the recent
revaluation appearing in an article elsewhere in this publication. According
to the current issue of MRI Bankers' Guide to Foreign Coins, the lowest
denomination bank note found in circulation was likely the 200,000-Zimbabwe
dollar note, although MRI comments, "Some smaller notes are not listed
because of minimal value."

Gono and Mugabe are far from being out of the woods regarding their currency
supply crisis. According to the July 24 Africa News report, "The EU
[European Union] does not automatically ban companies from dealing with
Mugabe's government but European companies are under growing pressure not to
be in the pocket of the 84-year-old leader's regime. On Tuesday the EU
tightened its sanctions on Zimbabwe, slapping 36 more ruling party officials
and military members with a ban and blacklisting four companies that work
with the government."

Zimbabwe has been continually issuing ever-increasing bank note
denominations due to what the Zimbabwe government officially reports as 2.2
million percent inflation, but should Jura JSP withdraw its license and
design software Zimbabwe would be unable to issue new denominations in the
future.

Zimbabwe's latest denomination, a 100-billion Zimbabwe dollar bank note, was
issued July 19. This is the highest denomination coin or currency instrument
ever issued by Zimbabwe.

On July 19 Cable News Network (CNN) quoted economist John Robertson in
Harare as saying, "The RBZ is fighting a losing battle. As long as the
inflation remains high, cash shortages will persist. There is need to
address the inflation by increasing production so that too goods do not
[cost] a lot of money."

In a recent report in this column citizens of the Solomon Islands began
bartering in odd and curious money due to a coinage shortage. Perhaps we'll
see cowry shells or ring money back in use in Zimbabwe if this currency
shortage continues.