Zim Online
Tuesday 25 September 2007
By Chido
Makunike
JOHANNNESBURG - A recent UK visitor to Zimbabwe, writing in the
September 24
edition of The Herald (Scotland) had the kind of contemplative,
contextual
report about the situation there I am crusading to argue has
become all too
rare in coverage of Zimbabwe, especially in the UK
media.
British media reports are suffused with an anti-Mugabe
emotionalism whose
causes are not hard to understand, given the present
state of Zimbabwe, and
Mugabe's raw, bitter denunciations of
Britain.
But understandable as they may be, they distort the sad but
complex reality
of the implosion taking place in Zimbabwe.
As
understandable as the antipathy to Mugabe is particularly in Britain, we
are
now often served propaganda as much as we are served news, especially by
large parts of the UK media.
Things are quite bad enough in Zimbabwe,
without needing to embellish and
spin them to distort that reality into
making it seem even worse, as a lot
of the international media frenziedly
does.
Ian Whyte's letter addresses the issue of sanctions, and whether it
is
correct for new British Prime Minister Gordon Brown to have taken the
approach of wanting no dealings with Mugabe.
But the parts of it that
relate to the often feverish, cleverly dishonest
coverage of Zimbabwe are
these: The picture painted of Zimbabwe is of a
country that has already
collapsed.
To go around Harare as I did is to find a city that,
incredibly, is still
functioning. Yes, the economy is dependent on a black
market that changes
daily and there are shortages (but not emptiness) in the
shops.
But plenty of cars move around, people go about their business and
a white
visitor is greeted with warmth and courtesy in a way no different
from
before.
I do not doubt the violent suppression of dissent, but I
saw no evidence of
the police and army presence on the streets that I have
seen in other
countries where civic society has all but broken
down.
I found considerable anger from my Zimbabwean friends (every one of
whom
strongly opposes the present regime) over press reports that imply that
nothing is functioning or happening, and over some scenes shot by the media
which they identify as doctored from outside.
This does a disservice
to the amazing resilience that is such a
characteristic in Africa, where 90
percent of the population struggle for
food and necessities, and the
allocation of farms to select "comrades" has
run down
agriculture.
But when I visited Ghana in 1982 amid an economic crisis,
worse shortages
and more catastrophic breakdowns had not broken the spirit,
nor paralysed
activity. So it is in Zimbabwe.
This is what those of
us in Zimbabwe, or outside but with umbilically close
ties to it, know:
great hardship, but not the picture of 'collapse' that is
daily
depicted.
And the feeling of being picked on by certain media in some
particularly
ugly ways is one I hear more frequently from Zimbabweans at
home and abroad.
The widely, strongly held feelings against the Mugabe
regime in many
quarters should not make the trash we so regularly read about
even
non-political issues acceptable.
Just one example is the recent
story that people were now resorting to
eating dogs because more
conventional kinds of meat are unavailable or too
expensive. This was absurd
from many angles, the strong cultural taboos
against this just being one of
them.
But for a correspondent determined to submit his or her daily
anti-Mugabe
dig, these sorts of nuances are irrelevant.
It is quite
easy to file daily anti-Mugabe stories just on the strictly
factual basis of
his many failures, without needing to scrape the bottom of
the barrel in the
manner so beloved of some correspondents.
The Zimbabwean media, which it
would have been hoped would counter some of
the worst excesses, is vastly
out-gunned.
Besides, we have become so focused on issues of politics, to
almost the
total exclusion of anything else, that we don't pay much
attention to how we
are allowing who we really are to be caricatured in
often crude terms that
border on being racist.
In giving accounts of
ways in which Zimbabweans are battling to cope with
economic hardship and
political repression, the most calamitous
interpretations are used.
A
report about how economic hardship has resulted in the abandonment of many
pets, a sad enough development, suddenly results in the crafty insinuation,
"everybody in Zimbabwe is now eating their cats and dogs because they can't
find or afford beef and chicken!"
The correspondents concerned get
away with this trash partly because they
are mainly writing for a Western
audience that does not know enough about
Zimbabwe to be able to easily
distinguish straight reportage from the shrill
spin I complain
about.
Sometimes the reports merely entrench racial stereotypes that are
already
strongly held. The opportunity to use those reports to say "ah, you
see how
tough times are forcing the natives to revert to their savage
roots?"
apparently often proves irresistable!
We often do not seem to
notice that those reports are sometimes not just to
illustrate how difficult
life under Mugabe is, but to go beyond that to make
broader, more sinister
points about us as a people.
Zimbabweans, on the other hand, obviously do
have the ability to know when
what they are going through is being
stretched, by either hyper-ideological
or merely mercenary
correspondents.
Too often, the writing is not so much to inform, as it is
to score points
against the hated Mugabe, even if it means painting the rest
of us with
crude stereotypes.
It is interesting how the many
Zimbabwean websites deal with some of the
most crude distortions. Why does
the Zimbabwean media not more robustly
protest and counter the worst
distortions?
Apart from being out-gunned and pre-occupied with political
intrigue, there
is widespread fear of being accused of being a Mugabe
supporter, one of the
worst insults one can hurl against a Zimbabwean in the
current climate.
Then there is the naive, misplaced feeling that even the
distorting, racist
sections of the media pouring out reports of complete
Zimbabwean dysfunction
under Mugabe's tutelage are somehow "on our
side."
Those of our news outlets dependent on donors are also not going
to be
inclined to go into territory that may make their benefactors doubt
the
anti-Mugabe credentials that they may have peddled to get their funding
in
the first place.
So many find it safer to not express the widely
felt Zimbabwean outrage at
some of the racist takes on events that we
increasingly see peddled under
the guise of news.
The Zimbabwean
websites will, therefore, generally simply ignore the more
lurid
interpretations of events offered by some of the more shrilly
ideological
correspondents for international media.
Those reports are
enthusiastically featured as welcome "neutral" signs of
not just Mugabe's
incompetence and repression; but also with a cleverly,
thinly veiled subtext
of general African "savagery."
It is not enough for us to just ignore
these frequent and damaging
distortions. We must counter them at every
chance we get.
It is in our interest to make it clear to the world that
we may be
politically oppressed and reduced in economic status by the
mis-rule of our
country, but we remain a proud, dignified people despite the
many
deprivations we endure.
The essential fact of the firmly intact
Zimbabwean humanity is being
sacrificed in the shrill propaganda war in
which we are considered
collateral damage.
Ian Whyte very ably
captured the holistic view of Zimbabweans' unhappiness
with affairs in their
country, coupled with resentment at some of the
deliberately distorted
depictions that have other agendas than concern for a
bruised, oppressed
people.
Many of the correspondents for foreign media very carefully pick
the many
indices of hardship to write another story beneath the main
story.
They could easily feature the more nuanced reality that Whyte
does, but
that is hardly likely to impress their publications, who already
have a
standard "Zimbabwe story" position into which all submissions must
fit if
they are to be published.
More of us Zimbabweans should be
seeking to use every forum available to us
to tell our own tale as a people,
both the joys and the sorrows.
We are far too dependent on our collective
experience being related by
others, whether they are benign, neutral or
hostile to us.
Let us relate, explain and interpret Zimbabwe's sad
reality under its
present rulership without fear, favour or
equivocation.
But let us not be afraid to protest when that reality is
twisted to make
sinister distortions about our basic humanity.
*
Chido Makunike is a Zimbabwean writer
Zim Online
Tuesday 25 September 2007
By
Regerai Marwezu
MASVINGO - Zimbabwe's Vice President Joseph Msika says
there will be no new
evictions of remaining white farmers, contradicting
land minister Didymus
Mutasa as sharp divisions emerge in the ruling ZANU PF
party over how to
finalise a chaotic seven-year-old land reform
programme.
Msika announced yesterday that the Harare authorities would
not chase away
remaining white farmers whom he described as a key
stakeholder in the
country's development.
"We are not going to remove
all the remaining white farmers, especially
those operating conservancies,"
said Msika during a function to raise funds
for the Chikombedzi nursing
school in the south-eastern Masvingo province.
He said the government had
realised that it needed the support of all its
developmental partners and
would therefore not afford to alienate the
farmers.
"We have
discovered that government alone cannot develop the country without
the help
of the corporate world and the remaining white farmers are a key
stakeholder
in the development of the country," Msika said.
Msika's statement
contradicted Mutasa, who yesterday maintained his position
that farmers
issued with eviction orders must vacate their properties by 31
December
2007.
"I do not know in which context the vice president said these words
but the
government position is that those who have already received eviction
notices
should comply with the order," said Mutasa.
But Msika said
the land reform programme was not just about removing white
farmers from the
land.
"We cannot talk of any land reform if it is just a matter of
removing
whites. Let's also empower the remaining whites who are capable of
producing
and if we do that we can talk about effective land
redistribution," the
Zimbabwean vice president said.
Zimbabwe has
over the past six years seized nearly all land previously owned
by the
country's about 4 000 white farmers and gave it over to landless
blacks, an
exercise blamed for derailing the mainstay farming sector and
plunging the
country into severe food shortages.
Msika, who has in recent months
spoken against farm seizures, is among a
group of top government and ZANU PF
officials worried about the rapid
decline in agriculture and pushing to stop
fresh evictions.
The government and ruling party officials believe the
country could benefit
more by exploiting the vast experience of the about
600 remaining white
farmers to help prop up the key farming
sector.
"We have to convince the remaining white farmers that they are
Zimbabweans
who deserve equal treatment as the majority blacks," Msika said
yesterday.
The Zimbabwean vice president, however, said whites operating
crucial
economic sectors should incorporate blacks as a way of empowering
the
locals.
"We as government would want to see whites - and even
blacks - operating
crucial areas of the economy taking on board blacks so
that the economy will
not remain in the hands of a few," said
Msika.
Zimbabwe's agricultural industry has collapsed over the years and
the blame
has been laid squarely on President Robert Mugabe's land policy
that saw
thousands of white commercial farmers being forced off their land
since
2000.
Zimbabwe has largely survived largely on food handouts
from international
relief agencies since land reforms began seven years ago
after black
villagers resettled on former white farms failed to maintain
production.
Poor performance in the mainstay agriculture sector has also
had far
reaching consequences as hundreds of thousands have lost jobs while
the
manufacturing sector, starved of inputs from the sector, is operating
below
30 percent of capacity.
The government has since the beginning
of the year given conflicting signals
on the fate of remaining white
farmers, with some officials saying they
would be allowed to stay and others
saying they would be evicted.
Nonetheless, evictions have continued
sporadically.
Mutasa leads a group of hawkish ZANU PF government and
military officials
who believe land reform is incomplete when there is still
some land in white
hands.
Observers say President Robert Mugabe
appears sympathetic to Mutasa's camp.
Another group led by Msika believes
it is important not to ignore the wishes
of local communities, traditional
leaders and ZANU PF grassroots leaders
benefiting from their cohabitation
with white farmers - especially with key
elections next
year.
Traditional leaders are said to have told Mugabe during a
conference in
Harare last month that most of their subjects were grateful
for the support
they were getting from white farmers and that the farmers
should be viewed
as development partners. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tuesday 25 September 2007
By Farisai
Gonye
HARARE - The African Commission on Human and People's Rights
(ACHPR) has
agreed to hear a case in which the Zimbabwe government is
accused of
committing torture, a development that could see dozens of
similar cases
brought against the Harare administration.
The ACHPR -
which is the judicial organ of the African Union - in August
wrote to
prominent human rights lawyer Gabriel Shumba that it would hear his
case
against President Robert's government in November this year.
Shumba, a
Zimbabwean citizen who lives in South Africa after fleeing home
fearing his
life, is claiming damages from the Harare government after he
was severely
tortured by alleged state security agents in January 2003.
Secretary to
the ACHPR Mary Maboreke wrote in a letter to Shumba's lawyers:
"I would like
to inform you that at its just concluded 41st session in
Accra, Ghana from
16-30 May 2007, the African Commission considered the
above communication
(Shumba's appeal) and declared it admissible.
"You are hereby informed
that the African Commission will consider the said
communication on the
merits at its 42nd session."
Zimbabwe Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa
was not immediately available
for comment on the matter. Under ACHPR rules,
Harare will be asked to
respond to the claims against it.
Shumba's
case against the government is groundbreaking and is sure to open
the
floodgates for more cases by hundreds of human rights activists and
government opponents who claim to have been tortured by state agents as
punishment for opposing Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party.
Many of
these victims say they cannot get recourse from Zimbabwe's courts
they say
are controlled by Mugabe, a claim which by agreeing to hear Shumba's
case
the ACHPR appears to have upheld.
According to ACHPR rules, victims of
political torture must first exhaust
all local remedies before submitting a
case to the commission.
Shumba, who was tortured, allegedly to punish him
for defending opposition
activists in court, had to convince the continental
human rights watchdog
that he could not get justice from Zimbabwe's courts
that Mugabe has since
2000 packed with loyalist judges.
Shumba, who
heads the Pretoria-based Zimbabwe Exiles Forum that fights for
the rights of
millions of Zimbabwean migrants, on Monday said his
organisation will work
to mobilise more victims of state torture to bring
their cases before the
ACHPR.
He said: "Zimbabwean torture victims have been presented with an
arena to
boldly present their torture cases, a crime perpetrated against the
masses
on a daily basis by the repressive regime of Robert
Mugabe."
Critics accuse Mugabe, of using repression including torture to
keep
discontent in check in the face of a deepening economic crisis that has
seen
inflation shooting beyond 6 000 percent, massive unemployment, rising
poverty amid shortages of food and every basic survival commodity.
In
March this year, main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai and several
civic
society leaders and supporters were severely assaulted and tortured by
state
security agents for attending a banned prayer rally.
Mugabe's government,
which in recent years has increasingly relied on armed
police and soldiers
to retain control as the country's economic meltdown
threatens its hold on
power, rejects charges of torture and human rights
abuses as lies spread by
its Western enemies to tarnish its image. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tuesday 25 September 2007
By Regerai Marwezu
MASVINGO
- The Zimbabwean government has extended a voter registration
exercise in
response to concerns from opposition political parties and civic
groups over
the manner the exercise had been carried out.
In a statement to the media
yesterday, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC), that is in charge of
elections, said it was extending the voter
registration exercise to ensure
that all potential voters were registered.
The electoral body did not
give dates when the exercise will be concluded
with ZEC's spokesperson
Utoile Silaigwana saying details of the extension
would be announced in due
course.
"The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission wishes to advise that after
considering
reports from its teams deployed to supervise the voter
registration exercise
and consulting with stake holders and political
parties on the effectiveness
of the exercise, it has resolved to extend the
programme," said the
statement.
The decision to extend voter
registration comes after the main opposition
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) voiced concern over the manner in which
ZEC conducted the initial
voter registration exercise that ended last
August.
The MDC accused
President Robert Mugabe's government of manipulating the
voter registration
exercise by instructing ZEC officials to turn away
thousands of opposition
supporters wishing to register for the elections.
The Zimbabwean
opposition party said the ZEC had also opened fewer
registration centres in
urban areas where it enjoys support while increasing
centres in Mugabe's
rural strongholds in what the MDC said was an attempt to
rig the elections
even before a single ballot was cast.
The MDC said the use of soldiers
and other uniformed officers in the voter
registration exercise would also
intimidate their supporters particularly in
rural areas demanding that ZEC
employ civilians in the exercise.
Silaigwana said demands by political
parties to change manpower will not be
tolerated.
"We cannot allow
people to choose officers for us," said Silaigwana. "As ZEC
we are mandated
to recruit staff and as such no one will do that on our
behalf."
MDC
Masvingo central legislator Tongai Matutu yesterday welcomed the
extension
but insisted that soldiers and police officers should be left out
of the key
exercise.
"The development is welcome but we are saying ZEC should be
well staffed and
not use the military to carry out such a crucial exercise,"
said Matutu.
ZANU PF provincial chairman for Masvingo, Retired Major
Kudzai Mbudzi also
welcomed the extension of the registration exercise
adding that all those
who had failed to register should take advantage of
the extension to
register.
Zimbabweans go to the polls next year
after the MDC and ZANU PF agreed to
constitutional changes last week that
will see the presidential and
parliamentary elections being held
simultaneously.
Political analysts say Mugabe, the only ruler Zimbabweans
have known, could
be voted out of power in the polls because of a deepening
economic crisis
that has spawned hyperinflation, massive poverty and
shortages of food, fuel
and hard cash. - ZimOnline
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
24
September 2007
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe will make
use of his opportunity to
address the United Nations General Assembly on
Wednesday to tell the
gathering that Western targeted sanctions on his
government are illegal and
should be lifted.
Zimbabwe's U.N.
ambassador, Boniface Chidyausiku, said President Mugabe will
make the case
to the assembly that the U.S. Zimbabwe Democracy Act has
prevented
international institutions and private investors from bringing
capital to
Zimbabwe.
Chidyausiku said that if the United States, Britain and other
Western
nations sincerely want to help the Zimbabwean people, they should
stop
shedding "crocodile tears" and lift the sanctions, which he said are
the
main cause of growing poverty.
U.S. and other Western officials
have often stated that the sanctions target
President Mugabe and senior
officials of his government and the ruling
ZANU-PF party, barring them from
traveling in countries setting such
sanctions, and allowing assets in those
countries to be frozen if
identified. The sanctions also prohibit commerce
with Zimbabwean companies
controlled by individuals on the sanctions
list.
U.S., British, Australian and other officials are also at pains to
note that
their countries provide millions in food assistance and help in
fighting the
HIV/AIDS pandemic.
Mugabe's critics say misgovernance
and corruption led to economic collapse,
more specifically chaotic land
redistribution that destabilized the key
farming sector.
Chidyausiku
told reporter Carole Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe
that his
country will present its case against the sanctions alongside Cuba
when
Havana addresses the impact of the U.S. embargo on commerce with the
island
nation.
Zimbabwean analyst Chido Makunike said Mr. Mugabe and his
government need to
move beyond blaming the problems in the country on the
Western sanctions and
focus on the reasons for the sanctions and ways in
which they can work
around them.
Makunike said that urging the U.N.
to lift the sanctions "is a waste of
time" as it is not in a position to so
so, thus the appeal is a mere
"emotional sounding board."
U.N.
sources said President Mugabe arrived in New York on Sunday. He left
Harare
late Friday and had been scheduled to make a stopover in Cairo.
UN
Integrated Regional Information Networks
24 September 2007
Posted to
the web 24 September 2007
Johannesburg
It is early morning and
groups of Zimbabwean women and men wrapped in
blankets to ward off the chill
are slowly waking from a night spent sleeping
on the tarmac at a bus depot
in Johannesburg, South Africa, waiting for the
city's shops to
open.
They arrived in two buses carrying long-distance shoppers from
Zimbabwe,
brought south by the empty shelves in their country to stock up on
sugar,
cooking oil, laundry soap and other basic commodities in South
Africa's
economic heartland.
The shopping veterans in the group
exchange tips with the first-time
shoppers on where to get the best prices
for the commodities they have
travelled hundreds of kilometres to
buy.
"There is nothing to buy at home, even when you have money, these
days,"
Cecilia Chipundo, 38, from Gweru, in Midlands Province, Zimbabwe's
third
largest city, told IRIN.
"You either have to queue for most of
the day for nearly everything - milk,
bread, sugar, cooking oil and other
basics - without a guarantee of getting
any unless you are well-connected
[politically]," said Nophilo Sibanda, 26,
personal assistant to the managing
director of a steel manufacturer in the
Midlands town of Kwe
Kwe.
Some of South Africa's working class are blaming the increasing
prices of
basic commodities on shopping sprees by Zimbabweans, rather than
the local
single-digit but rising inflation rate, an accusation that
Chipundo
dismisses: "If it were not for our misfortune which compels us to
come here,
some of them would become jobless when the shops we buy from
close."
There is little doubt that Zimbabwe's misfortunes - where
inflation is above
6,000 percent and there are shortages of almost
everything, including fuel,
electricity, potable water, medicines and basic
commodities - are a boon for
South African shop owners.
"It is not of
our own making that Zimbabwe has become a large supermarket
for South
African goods," Chipundo told IRIN. The introduction of price
controls by
President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF government has exacerbated the
dire
situation in her home country by fuelling the parallel market, where
goods
are available at much higher prices but the shelves of formal shops
have
been left bare.
The bulging bag is a Zimbabwean label
Zimbabwean
shoppers are easily recognised on Johannesburg's streets: their
bulging
hold-alls packed with items not only for consumption but also for
resale at
home, have become an unwelcome identity tag.
South Africans are perplexed
that people from a country said to be on the
verge of economic collapse can
afford to buy such large quantities of items
that are beyond the reach of
many local consumers. "They push prices up
unnecessarily," Marvis Kgokgo, a
shop assistant at an Asian-owned shop in
the inner city, told
IRIN.
In a recent research paper, Norman Reynolds, a South African-based
independent development economist, claimed Zimbabwean shoppers were pumping
billions into the South African economy in these shopping jaunts, financed
by an estimated R30 billion (US$4.2 billion) remitted annually by
Zimbabweans living outside of the country.
"Zimbabweans in exile
worldwide earn R10 billion (US$1.4 billion) a month,
and seek to send home
R3 billion (US$428 million) a month. If there were
suitable banking
regulations to keep the hard currency [in Zimbabwe] this
money would do the
major part of humanitarian and reconstruction work
urgently needed," said
Reynolds, who used to live in Zimbabwe.
Sibanda, from Kwe Kwe, whose
sister works in England and remits hard
currency to her, said the equation
was simple: "As long as there is nothing
to buy [in Zimbabwe], we will
continue to come here in order to provide for
our families."
As long
as there is nothing to buy [in Zimbabwe] we will continue to come
here in
order to provide for our families
Shopping sprees by Zimbabweans are not
limited to basic goods, but also
durable items such as televisions,
household furniture and beds, which can
take working-class South Africans
months to pay for.
To stem the flight of hard currency, Zimbabwe's
finance minister, Samuel
Mumbengegwi, earlier this month imposed excise duty
on a range of items
deemed luxury goods.
The government's amended
Customs and Excise (Designation of Luxury) lists
footwear, undergarments for
both men and women, hosiery, veils, gloves and
ties, which attract duty of
60 percent, with an additional US$10 per
kilogram charge to be paid in
foreign currency. Carpeting, "refrigerators of
a household type", cookers,
bed linen, blankets (but not electric blankets),
carry 50 percent duty, plus
the US$10 per kilogram charge.
The new tariffs have done little to deter
Zimbabweans from flocking to South
Africa. The busloads of shoppers
"contribute" R10 (US$1.43) each to custom
officials, who perform a
"perfunctory inspection" of their goods at the
Zimbabwe-South African border
post at Beitbridge, and so avoid paying duty.
From wealth to
beggary
At independence from Britain in 1980 the Zimbabwe dollar was
worth US$2; the
rate today is about Z$300,000 to US$1, and foreign currency
is only
available on the thriving parallel currency market. The Zimbabwe
dollar was
worth 45 South African cents, but now trades at Z$40,000 to
R1.
Eddie Cross, an economic advisor to the opposition party, the
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), and former CEO of Zimbabwe's sole beef
exporter,
told IRIN that in 1980 Zimbabwe was the world's largest exporter
of tobacco,
after the United States.
It had the second largest
economy in southern Africa, with the third highest
GDP per capita, and was
the world's sixth largest gold producer. Gold has
risen to its highest level
in three decades and is expected to breach the
US$800 level by the end of
the 2007.
In the first two years of independence the economy grew 24
percent, followed
by 15 years of annual growth of about 5 percent, while
inflation ranged from
around 9 percent to 12 percent, although the budget
deficit, at 8 percent to
9 percent of GDP, was large. By 1995 the national
debt had reached US$5
billion, or 60 percent of GDP.
The economic
meltdown is blamed on the government's pursuit of populist
policies, the
introduction of a raft of price controls and a rigid foreign
currency
exchange regime.
[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of
the United Nations ]
Mail and Guardian
Charles Mangwiro | Maputo, Mozambique
24 September 2007 04:02
Southern African nations on Monday
lined up behind Robert Mugabe
in a row over whether the Zimbabwean President
would be invited to a
European Union-Africa summit in December, saying they
would boycott the
event if he was banned.
The meeting in
Lisbon would be the first in seven years. Plans
for an EU-Africa summit in
2003 were put on hold after Britain and other EU
states refused to attend if
Mugabe did. They accuse him of rights abuses and
rigging
elections.
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said last week
it would be
inappropriate for him to attend if Mugabe was present because
the Zimbabwean
leader would divert attention from important aspects of the
agenda.
But leaders of the African Union and the Southern
African
Development Community (SADC) have warned the summit could be
scuttled if the
Zimbabwean leader, who is barred from travelling to parts of
Western Europe
as a result of targeted sanctions, was not
invited.
In an interview, Mozambican Foreign Affairs Minister
Alcide
Abreu said her government agreed with the SADC position that Mugabe
must be
invited to take part.
"We support African
strategies," Abreu said in a telephone
interview in the Mozambican capital,
Maputo. "We support the position taken
by the leadership of these bodies
[SADC and AU]."
The 14-nation SADC grouping is trying to end
a political and
economic crisis that has prompted millions of Zimbabweans to
flee the
once-prosperous former British colony. It has asked South African
President
Thabo Mbeki to mediate between Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party and
the
opposition.
"Attempting to isolate His Excellency
President Robert Mugabe
would be contrary to the letter and spirit of that
initiative and, thus, the
SADC position is that of non-participation if one
of the region's leaders,
namely President Robert Mugabe, is not invited,"
SADC spokesperson Leefa
Martin said on Monday in a statement emailed to
Reuters.
Zimbabwe is struggling with inflation of 6 600% --
the world's
highest -- unemployment of 80% and chronic food shortages. There
are growing
fears of a famine later this year.
Britain
and other Western nations accuse Mugabe, in power since
independence in
1980, of wrecking the economy through mismanagement.
Mugabe
blames the problems on sabotage by Britain and others
upset over his seizure
of thousands of white-commercial farms for
redistribution to landless
blacks. The policy has coincided with a sharp
drop in Zimbabwe's
agricultural output. -- Reuters
Additional reporting by Moabi
Phia in Gaborone
SW Radio
Africa (London)
24 September 2007
Posted to the web 24 September
2007
Henry Makiwa
There are fears that Zanu PF could soon be
using the Green Bombers to seize
basic commodities from ordinary people's
homes, as part of the government's
discredited price control
policy.
The notorious youths are known for employing violence in their
execution of
Zanu PF directives. Last week Zanu PF secretary for youth,
Absolom Sikhosana
is, reportedly urged the green bombers to sniff out people
"hoarding basic
commodities" at their homes and "bring the goods to the
formal market".
"It is your duty to make right what is wrong,"
Sikhosana was quoted in the
independent weekly Standard, talking to the
youths at Davies Hall, the party
headquarters in the city of Bulawayo last
week.
"We have houses that have become shops; you have a duty to identify
those
and confiscate all the goods and bring them to the formal market. We
have
factories that are no longer producing. You have got a duty to identify
these and bring them to book," the paper quoted him.
The new
development is likely to strike fear into the already concerned
urban
populace, as government continues with its price control blitz and
elections
approach.
The green bombers reportedly went on a violent spree in the
impoverished
slum settlement of Epworth at the weekend, where the ruling
party was holing
a rally. According to Zimonline, an independent news
agency, the militias
went on a door-to-door campaign, marshalling civilians
to a meeting of ZANU
PF taking place in the area. The youths beat up those
who refused to attend
the meeting.
The Zimbabwe Youth Movement (ZYM)
has condemned the ruling party for
"bestowing unmerited power" into the
hands of its militia.
ZYM president Colin Chibango, said: "The whole
green bombers business is
rather unfortunate. I think Sikhosana's
pronouncements are especially sad
for someone who claims to be a
leader.
"We don't see the government sustaining this new policy if they
think they
can control prices and inflation physically by the muscle of
green bombers.
This is actually a good reminder to the politicians holding
negations in
South Africa to table such matters for discussion if they hope
to rebuild
this country," Chibango said.
SW Radio
Africa (London)
24 September 2007
Posted to the web 24 September
2007
Tichaona Sibanda
An MDC youth leader was on Monday
arrested by the police in Mutare following
reports that he used derogatory
remarks against Robert Mugabe, when he
described him as
'senile'.
Lloyd Mahute, the MDC youth secretary for Manicaland, is
alleged to have
told a party rally in Gaza, Chipinge north two weeks ago,
that Mugabe should
be relieved of his duties because he was also 'insane and
mad'.
Pishai Muchauraya, the MDC spokesman for Manicaland, told
Newsreel Mahute is
being held at Mutare central police station after he was
picked up by
officers from the Law and Order section Monday
morning.
'What we have been told is that Mahute told a youth rally that
the law in
Zimbabwe should prevent people like Mugabe from holding office
because of
their old age and mental state. Police have also told us that
during the
same rally Mahute described Mugabe as a sick man who needed
psychiatric
help,' Muchauraya said.
The Manicaland spokesman added:
'I don't know if Mahute said those words,
but if he did he was 100 percent
correct because who else on this earth can
destroy a country like what
Mugabe is doing. Only sick and mentally unstable
people can do
that.'
According to Muchauraya, police in Mutare said they will transfer
Mahute to
Chipinge where they expect to charge him under the Law and Order
Act for
using abusive language against a Head of State.
BBC
Monday, 24 September 2007
Zimbabwe's government and opposition have reportedly agreed
ground-breaking
changes for next year's elections.
Sources at the talks
mediated by South Africa say that everyone born in the
country may be
allowed to vote.
If confirmed, this would grant suffrage to the huge
Zimbabwean diaspora -
believed to be as many as four million.
The
talks are also said to have agreed that the Electoral Commission (ZEC)
in
charge of next year's planned elections should be truly
independent.
Sources within the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) have
also told the
BBC that the notorious public order act - which has been used
by President
Mugabe's government to suppress the opposition - will be
abolished.
But the BBC's Southern Africa correspondent Peter Biles says
reports of a
vote for the diaspora and an independent ZEC should be treated
with caution
given the news blackout applied by the South Africans to the
entire process.
There has also been no public comment on the reported
deal from the
Zimbabwean government.
Last week, the MDC voted with
the ruling Zanu-PF to pass an amendment to the
constitution, because of the
progress it said had been made at the talks.
Zimbabwe is in economic
crisis, with unemployment estimated at 80% and
shortages of many basic
commodities.
End of hated act?
Details of the agreement reached
last week at the Pretoria talks have been
largely confirmed by the London
based newsletter, Africa Confidential.
The newsletter says that South
African President Thabo Mbeki himself told
MDC faction leaders Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara that Zanu-PF was
prepared to amend radically
the Public Order and Security Act (POSA).
The POSA amendment would permit
all parties to hold public rallies without
prior notification to the police
and to canvass support without obstruction
from the security
forces.
However a senior MDC official has told BBC News that the public
order act
had not yet been discussed, and no agreement had been reached on
letting the
diaspora vote.
However, South Africa's Deputy Foreign
Minister Aziz Pahad could not, or
would not, confirm to journalists that
President Mbeki had such a meeting
with the MDC leaders.
The
governing party is also said to be willing to work with the MDC to draw
up a
new electoral law, which would allow parliament instead of the
president to
nominate members to the Electoral Commission.
The constitutional
amendment which was passed last week by MPs, the 18th
Amendment, is said to
increase the number of MPs in the Assembly from 150 to
210 seats, and in the
Senate from 60 to 93 seats.
Additionally, it abolishes the
president's power to appoint MPs who will all
be elected under the new
rules.
The president will retain the power to appoint provincial
governors and
influence over the appointment of chiefs to the Senate, but
the Assembly
will have the power to overrule the Senate.
According to
Africa Confidential, under the 18th Amendment, the Delimitation
Commission,
which has redrawn constituency boundaries to the advantage of
Zanu-PF, will
be abolished and its work taken over by the independent
electoral
commission.
The changes will also allow parliament to choose the next
president, should
the incumbent die or be incapacitated.
By Amy Jeffries I snapped a single frame of an empty butchery in Harare. For that I spent two
and a half days in the company of the Zimbabwean police. I'd gone to the capital, Harare, to visit friends I had made seven years ago,
while studying there as an undergraduate. My former host mother, Amai,* and I were on our way from Queensdale, a sleepy
suburb, to a tea party honoring a young woman about to be married. We'd stopped
at the shopping center near Amai's house so that she could get her hair done for
the occasion. While Amai was stuck under the dryer with her hair wrapped in bright plastic
curlers, I ducked out of the salon to buy a pack of gum. Saturday shoppers were
buzzing in and out of the supermarkets with their one-loaf rations of bread or
single package of milk. Those who could afford to supplement those
hard-to-come-by staples also carried purchases of spaghetti or canned beans. But the two butcheries were completely idle. One was shuttered, while the
door to the other was open, though nobody appeared to be inside. Its shelves had
been wiped clean. I stepped inside and pressed down the shutter of my camera. Someone must have
heard it click. "What are you doing?" said a young man in a black football jersey, who
appeared from the back. I started fumbling for excuses. "Taking a picture, just taking a picture." "Of an empty butchery? You can be arrested for that here. This is
Zimbabwe." This was not the Zimbabwe I remembered. Seven years ago, my camera provoked
curiosity and conversation, not threats. But President Robert Mugabe's regime
has persistently blamed the West for the ongoing economic crisis in the country.
As a white American, I was now an object of suspicion everywhere I went. Since 2002 new laws have been used to suppress newspapers and journalists
critical of the Mugabe regime and even to detain some tourists for photographing
seemingly innocuous subjects like fruit carts and churches. Up to that point I had played it safe, mostly taking pictures within the
10-foot walls around Amai's house. I'd taken a few shots of the dry stalks of
maize that the neighbors had planted along sidewalks and in previously grassy
medians as insurance against food shortages. For that, I had gotten some funny
looks, but that was all. My heart was already in my throat when the guy in the black jersey told me he
was going to turn me in. When he disappeared into the back, saying he was going to call the
authorities, I snuck away to the salon. Amai was waiting for me, her hair all curled and fluffed. "Let me just go to the loo," she said. When she stepped out of the bathroom, the guy from the butchery was waiting
with an entourage. An angry woman with drawn-on eyebrows stopped us as we headed
for the door. Next thing, we were in the back of a car bound for the nearest
police station. The woman flashed her ID at us from the front seat: She was Captain Mary
Muriza, a member of Zimbabwe's national army. As we drove, Muriza continued her tirade. She accused me of trying to tarnish
Zimbabwe's image abroad by photographing empty butcheries. She accused Amai of
accepting bribes from me in exchange for allowing me to take pictures. While we waited inside the Braeside police station, I watched Amai's hands
tremble, as she quietly punched out a message on her cell phone to her friend.
We would be late for tea, but no worries, she wrote. Nearly an hour passed
before Chief Inspector Mthoko called us into his office. He looked over the
report gathered from Muriza's statement. "Did you have permission to take the photo?" "No. There was no one in the butchery," I said. "There was no one to
ask." "I can charge you under the Information and Privacy Act," he said, referring
to one of the laws passed in 2002 that has largely been used to suppress
reporting critical of President Mugabe. I was sure at that moment we'd be
escorted immediately to jail. Instead, Mthoko sent us back out into the charge office, where we took a
place on the bench in front of the counter and waited. Amai sent another text message to her friend. This time, she wrote that we
would not make it to the party. I asked if I should call someone for help. "It's not a very big problem," she said, trying to reassure me, though her
tone suggested otherwise. Hours passed. From our seats on the charge office bench, we watched the sun
set. "They can't decide what to do with us," Amai told me, translating the banter
between the officers. As night fell, the officers ducked in and out, apparently coming and going
from raids in which they enforced the price reductions set by Mugabe's regime in
July. Many business owners were still refusing to slash prices or restock empty
shelves, contributing to widespread shortages. As the officers started drinking
the looted beer, they became increasingly confrontational. "Do you want to be locked up, or do you want to go home?" asked one
constable. Of course I wanted to go home. But he wasn't really offering me a choice; he
was attempting to solicit a bribe. "Come here, so I can hear you better," he said. I did as I was told. "What are you prepared to do for Africa?" he asked. "You see my wife has a
problem. There's no mealie meal. There's no meat...." We'd been in the police station for more than six hours without being
charged. It's now common in Zimbabwe for the police to detain people like this
in order to harvest a payday. But when it became clear we were not about to pay
a bribe, the cops at Braeside handed back my camera without the roll of film and
let us go with a promise to return on Monday, when the Central Investigation
Department, or CID, would review our case. Later, when we arrived at the CID, we were promptly turned away and sent back
to Braeside for more paperwork. The next day, we returned and were handed over to Detective Inspector
Rangwani in CID. An automatic handgun hung on the wall next to Rangwani's desk.
The windowsill behind him was decorated with a collection of grenades and
rockets. Without saying a word, the inspector examined the case report, then
flipped through the pages of a book of penal code. "Taking a picture of a butchery, it's not a serious offense," he said
finally. "I'll charge you under miscellaneous offenses. Are you prepared to pay
the fine, or do you want to go to court?" I told him I'd pay the fine. He decided not to charge Amai. Rangwani sent me down to a junior sergeant, who after an attempt to extract
money from me, read me my rights, took my guilty plea and fingerprinted me in
quadruplicate. In the end, I paid Z$40,000, about 20 cents at black market exchange rates,
to settle the charge of "disorderly conduct in a public place." I left Zimbabwe
on a Greyhound bus the next day, leaving a country where it's forbidden to
photograph an empty store shelf. "Amai" means "mother" in the Shona language. To protect her identity, I have
used this instead of her real name. Amy Jeffries has reported from South Africa and Zimbabwe and has written
about Nigerian and Ethiopian immigrants in California. She is currently pursuing
concurrent master's degrees in journalism and African studies at the University
of California, Berkeley.
SW Radio Africa
(London)
24 September 2007
Posted to the web 24 September
2007
Lance Guma
Retail giant Edgars joined the list of
companies being targeted for takeover
by Mugabe's increasingly embattled
government.
Reports indicate the company wants to close down 19 of its 55
stores owing
to the effects of the controversial price-cut policy imposed by
government
in June. More than 200 workers risk losing their jobs. Instead of
acknowledging that the economic environment created by the price cuts is not
sustainable for businesses, government has simply threatened to take over
the companies that are struggling and is accusing them of pursuing a regime
change agenda.
Industry and Trade Minister Obert Mpofu made the
threats at a Zanu PF
meeting and was quoted by the state media saying, 'It
is unfortunate that
when we say these things, people brush them off and say
it is only a joke.
We are now going to take over the companies (and) buy
them out. If they
think we are not serious, let them wait until we knock at
their doorsteps.'
He said they had already started identifying companies
they want to take
over. The state run Chronicle reported that Mpofu was
expected to meet
leading companies on Monday and that Edgars was one of
them.
The UK Sunday Telegraph reports that Mugabe told a politburo
meeting that BP
Zimbabwe, which runs over 37 service stations countrywide,
would be seized
without notice. According to the paper the seizure would be
retaliation for
British pressure over human rights abuses in the country.
Also lined up for
takeover are Australian owned companies, mainly because
party officials are
baying for blood over the deportation of several of
their children from that
country.
South African based businessman
Mutumwa Mawere says Mugabe's regime views
producers in the country as
operating at the mercy of the state. He says the
logic that drives
government is that any assets in the country belong to the
state and can be
appropriated at will. He dismissed talk of takeovers
benefiting an
empowerment drive, arguing there was no benefit in taking over
empty shelves
and lack of stocks. Many businesses are now struggling,
cutting down
production or closing shop.
The regime claimed they were trying to arrest
inflation but a view is
emerging that the move was aimed at crippling
companies that would then be
targeted for takeover. Even Mpofu himself
indirectly said as much when he
said it was difficult to enforce the price
controls if they did not control
the companies. Independent analysts
calculate inflation to be hovering above
25 000 percent and say the country
faces problems which require political
solutions. Bad policies have driven
the country into the ground and Mugabe's
government is accused of doing
nothing more than prioritizing its control
over everything.
The Zimbabwean
JOHANNESBURG:
ZIMBABWE'S newly formed political party;
Multi-People's Democratic Party
(MPDP) says it is contesting in all the 210
seats of the House of Assembly
amid calls for arch-rivals Movement for
Democratic Change to quit politics
citing the recent position by the
country's main opposition to back Mugabe's
controversial 18th Amendment Bill
in parliament.
In an exclusive interview with CAJ News in Johannesburg
on Sunday, MPDP
President, Emmanuel Moyana Muzondi, said his party would
work closely with
focused and committed civil societies such as the National
Constitutional
Assembly (NCA), whose interests are for the people of
Zimbabwe.
"At this point in time, Zimbabweans are not concerned about
constitutional
amendment, but they want a complete overhaul of the
constitution if we are
to enjoy the true fruits of democracy, political and
socio-economic
dispensation. Amending parts and pieces of the constitution
will not stop
corruption, or, election rigging. This is an
insult.
"As MPDP we have been seriously disturbed with the news that the
two
warring MDC factions have only united in this shameless move to aid
Mugabe's
cause. MDC will go down memory books of history for betraying the
nation at
the last hour," said Muzondi.
He appealed to the people of
Zimbabwe back home and those in the Diaspora
to fully rally behind the MPDP
so that a long lasting solution to the
Zimbabwe crisis would be solved once
and for all.
Formed on May 20, 2007 in South Africa, the MPDP has
already received some
threats from the government's intelligence operatives,
who visited the
Methodist House to intimidate majority refugees who are in
support of the
party.
Muzondi said his party would soon launch its
2008 presidential and the
general election campaigns at the Zimbabwe Grounds
in High field, Harare on
14th October 2007.
"We are taking no
chances. Our message to the electorate is very simply and
straight forward,
we would Zimbabwe quickly return to the rule of law,
implement proper land
reform programmes, formulate new people driven
constitution as well as
removing of all the retrogressive laws.
"On the land issue, we are not
against the Mugabe government, but we are
against the Zanu PF government
policies that have brought hunger, economic
chaos and intolerant to
different political views," said the much confident
Muzondi.
When
asked about how he rated his chances of unseating Mugabe, Muzondi said
politics is not about big names, arguing that politics was about addressing
socio-economic and political challenges the country is experiencing at the
moment.
He said MDC had its share from 2000, 2002 and 2005 but
dismally failed to
unseat Mugabe due to its complacency yet victory smelled
on their nose.
Muzondi, a holder of a degree in B.Com Marketing as well
as a Diploma in
Theology, says when his party wins the 2008 general
election, the MPDP would
create the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(TRC) in order to heal the
bleeding wounds that have been inflicted among
the people of Zimbabwe by
Mugabe and his Zanu PF cronies.
"Well,
this does not necessarily mean that we would call for the execution
of
Mugabe, but we would want the truth to come to the open. As a Christian,
I
can always forgive, but the truth has to be known on who did what and
killed
who?
"We have no grudges whatsoever, but our manifesto speaks for
itself," said
Muzondi.
He said Zimbabwe needed fresh ideas that would
shape the country's destiny
with people being consulted in the
constitutional reforms.
"Greedy people have paralyzed the Zimbabwean
economy, precipitating turmoil
and virtual economic archly, the main symptom
of which is the fact that the
country today has the world's highest
inflation rate.
"The MPDP comes onto the scene to offer a real solution
to the dilemma. Its
leadership comprises persons untainted by all squabbles,
mudslinging and
chicanery that have rendered the country's opposition
impotent and the
ruling party brutal to a point of being virtually
cannibalistic," said
Masonic- CAJ News.
SW Radio Africa (London)
24 September 2007
Posted
to the web 24 September 2007
Tichaona Sibanda
On Monday
afternoon MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai met with the leaders of
civil
society in Harare, and briefed them on his party's decision to go
along with
the constitutional amendment number 18.
Party spokesman Nelson Chamisa
said he believed it was evident from the
meeting that relations between the
MDC and civil society were still intact,
despite reports of a major fallout
between the political allies over recent
events in Parliament. But the
meeting was boycotted by the National
Constitutional Assembley, led by
Lovemore Madhuku.
Both factions of the MDC were accused of going to
bed with Zanu (PF) after
its legislators said they would not oppose the
amended Bill which eventually
sailed through Parliament without any
opposition.
Chamisa said the angry reaction from its allies and activists
understandably
arose out of the people's mistrust of the Zanu-PF
dictatorship. The MDC
spokesman agreed that part of the problem was caused
by the lack of progress
reports from the South African mediation
talks.
'The President (Tsvangirai) was able to allay their fears about
any deal or
coalition with Zanu-PF, and from the briefing civil society
fully understood
our position and strategy. It's unfortunate that we cannot
at this point
openly talk about our election strategies and the way we will
approach
them,' Chamisa said.
Chamisa added that Tsvangirai told the
meeting that the MDC was still
committed to a people-driven constitution
which will allow for a free and
fair election. The MDC was also committed to
a legitimate, and not a
pre-determined electoral outcome, according to
Chamisa.
SW Radio Africa (London)
24 September
2007
Posted to the web 24 September 2007
Henry Makiwa
The
civil society coalition decided to hold an all stakeholders meeting on
the
contentious constitutional amendment 18 in Bulawayo at the
weekend.
Representatives of civil groups met in Harare Monday morning to
map out the
next course of action following the agreement between their
ally, the MDC
and the ruling Zanu PF to amend a section of the
constitution.
Many have criticised the MDC decision, with the
National Constitution
Assembly officially cutting ties with the opposition
party, accusing it of
"selling out" and " abandoning the principle of a
people-driven
constitution" .
The amendment, once turned into law by
Robert Mugabe's signature, will give
Mugabe powers to appoint a successor
and boost parliamentary seats.
According to the NCA's advocacy officer
Ernest Mudzengi, discussions on
Saturday will shape out the next course of
the civil society grouping in
their quest for a new
constitution.
Mudzengi said: "From our consultations so far, most within
the civil society
are convinced the MDC discarded the principle and spirit
of 17 September
2005 when we all agreed that no longer shall we accept
piecemeal amendments
short of a new, people-driven constitution.
"We
believe that the MDC 's endorsement of the 18th Amendment to the
Constitution of Zimbabwe was an act of treachery and an unfortunate one,"
Mudzengi said.
He added that the "apparent seams" within the MDC
would give the civil
society some "room to function without the opposition
party's continued
compromise."
The NCA, which is led by Lovemore
Madhuku, played a pivotal role in the
formation of the MDC in 1999. It also
partnered the MDC is mobilising
Zimbabweans to vote against a government
draft constitution in a referendum
in February 2000. The MDC is also a
member of the NCA.
Some of the organizations expected to attend the
weekend meeting include the
Zimbabwe Election Support Network, Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights, Crisis
in Zimbabwe Coalition, Zimbabwe Law society
and the Zimbabwe National
Students Union.
zimbabwejournalists.com
24th Sep 2007 15:08 GMT
By a Correspondent
BARELY two weeks
after student leaders in Masvingo were arrested, police
again pounced and
arrested two student leaders. The two, Whitlow Mugwiji,
President of Great
Zimbabwe University, who spent three nights in police
cells last week, and
Courage Ngwarai, a Student Representive Council (SRC)
member, were arrested
after skirmishes with the campus security.
Mugwiji, who is currently on
suspension, is being charged with trespassing
while Ngwarai is being charged
with causing malicious injury to property.
They are being detained at
Masvingo Central Police Station.
The skirmishes started when security
guards threatened the student leaders
with violence, apparently because they
were coming from a ZINASU meeting,
which was discussing their cadetship
program.
The two leaders were in the company of other general council
members from
the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) when the chaos
ensued.
The other student leaders, who include, Mehluli Dube and
Zwelithini Viki
escaped, but were briefly detained on Sunday after they had
taken food for
the incarcerated colleagues. They were later
released.
Other student leaders from GZU are on the run, and these
include George
Makamure and Mukudzei Shoko
Meanwhile, the
Vice-Chancellor of the University of Zimbabwe, Levy Nyagura,
has suspended
UZ Students Executive (SEC) President, Lovemore Chinoputsa and
Secretary for
Legal Affairs, Fortune Chamba over the peaceful demonstration
the two led
last week at the campus.
They were subsequently arrested and beaten by
campus security and sustained
injuries in the process. The two have been
suspended for unbecoming
behavior and damage to property, and in terms of
Section 23 of the
University Act, Chapter 25:16, pending a disciplinary
committee hearing, on
a date to be advised.
The Zimbabwean
(24-09-07)
BY ITAI
DZAMARA
HARARE
A fair and balanced analysis of the serious clash between
civic groups and
the two factions of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) compels one to
understand and appreciate their positions.
Acrimony
in the circles of pro-democracy forces has been sparked by the
recent
developments on the front of negotiations for a political settlement
involving the two MDC sides and Zanu (PF). The outcry has been loud and
clear from the civic groups, and it is that the MDC has sold out! It is so
serious that the two sides might be heading for a divorce.
Civic groups
are crying out loud and blasting the MDCs for settling for a
very small
piece of cake by accepting the 18th amendment, viewed by some
critics as a
Zanu (PF) project. "Here we have a regime that is sinking and
close to
collapse and then you have the MDCs rescuing it and giving it
another
lifeline," a civic leader said. The MDCs has gone into a unity
accord with
Zanu (PF) similar to the swallowisation of Joshua Nkomo's Zapu
in 1987, they
say.
In countering, MDC officials among other things allege that the major
cause
for all this panic within civic groups is the prospect of losing out
massively on donor funds. "They are benefiting from this crisis and they put
their selfish interests ahead of anything else hence their anger over any
progress towards solving it. They would have wanted to be included in the
thick of things in order to cash in," an MDC official believes. In other
words, basing on this allegation, it is civic groups which are selling out
big time?
But that might be a bit over the top. I seriously doubt if
those in civic
groups would be immoral to the extent of wanting 14 million
Zimbabweans to
continue dying whilst they enjoy the Greenbacks, Sterling
Pounds and other
major currencies from donors. Surely, it must be
understandable how the
National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) feels
aggrieved by what could be a
very simple compromise by the opposition
leaders regarding the issue of
constitutional reforms when they settle for a
very small crumb that the 18th
amendment is.
Lovemore Madhuku and his
colleagues at NCA have endured repeated battering
and torture for several
years and kept fighting for the constitutional
matter to be included high on
the agenda until today. In that case one
understands where they are coming
from, and why they believe someone has 30
pieces of silver in their pocket,
or almost finishing selling them on the
black market!
The Zimbabwe
Election Support Network and the Media Institute of Southern
Africa have
also treaded on dangerous waters and faced the Zanu (PF) regime's
wrath
whilst fighting for a more democratic electoral framework and media
freedom
respectively. Again, one understands why they would not settle for
30 pieces
of silver, as it were. The same applies to many other members of
the civil
society such as WOZA, ZimRights, MMPZ, and ZCTU. For that reason,
they have
genuine concerns and misgivings about recent developments.
However, in
acknowledging that but before reaching a conclusion, it is
important to
seriously analyse and consider the circumstances that have led
to the
current scenario, as well as empathise (yes I mean that word) with
the
opposition. I have always been on the side of those critics believing
the
opposition is not doing enough to confront the regime and push for
change,
but lets face it, forcing Zanu (PF) onto the negotiating table, and
have it
accede to some demands by the opposition is a major goal. Not that I
am
saying the MDC or the democratic forces should not aim higher, but I am
coming from the position of being fully aware of the ruthlessness, arrogance
and contemptous nature of Zanu (PF) and Mugabe. The nature of negotiations
at this level must be emphasised. It is a give and take game, and if you go
there insisting on taking only you risk coming back empty handed and in more
trouble. The regime was certainly hoping for the slightest of opportunities
to chicken out of the negotiations and blame it on the MDC, and it would be
game on-more inflation, hunger, violence, subversion of rule of law and
rigging. People are suffering, people are dying and the regime has
demonstrated its thirst for blood, as well as how it awaits provocation. We
all know how Mugabe has been, showing SADC and other international bodies
ultra-stubborness merely for staying in power. It has happened before, and
it is a major trait of Zanu (PF), that of contemptously pulling out of
processes aimed at solving this country's problems. The nation has been the
biggest victim.
Madhuku and others will obviously say we will then
continue with the
struggle, but it is pertinent to admit the lack of
capacity and sufficient
commitment by the democratic forces to mount
protests or confrontation
capable of dislodging the regime or causing
change.
For the opposition it became a symbol of its own power that the
regime
accepts to talk and what more, give in to demands for significant
changes to
the electoral system, amending of security and media laws as well
as having
to do away with Mugabe's appointed bootlickers in the House of
Assembly.
In all fairness, it is major-and quite far reaching-to do away with
a
bootlicker called Tobaiwa Mudede who has rigged elections all along and
have
a Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) with representation from Zanu
(PF) and
MDC. The same applies to abolishing Mugabe's Delimitation
Commission and
have ZEC do constituency boundaries. It is also an
achievement to have all
the 210 members of the House of Assembly directly
elected, and not a single
one appointed! Those crying out loud for having
been sold out ask whether
these will guarantee the coming of change, and the
answer is no, as is also
the case with whatever else we can embark on
including a new constitution.
But these breakthroughs are steps towards
levelling the playing field and
that is what all genuine Zimbabweans have
been crying for.
Quite a good number of us have been very dismissive about
the whole talks
thing even doubting if there would be agreement on the
agenda because of
what we know the Mugabe system to be. But for a couple of
reasons, including
that the dictator is drowning in the morass of his
economic madness and
there is sustained international pressure, he has to
give in. That is a
window of opportunity for all Zimbabweans. I am
convinced that it is
retrogressive to outrightly allege that the MDCs have
sold out, and mobilise
for their condemnation.
Admittedly, the MDCs could
forever regret this commitment especially if the
widely feared possibility
occurs, that of Zanu (PF) continuing to indicate
right but turning left, by
in essence accepting these things only on paper
but go on to unleash its
evil machinery of militia, use violence and subvert
the rule of law to steal
another election victory. If the MDC cries out,
Zanu will easily tell them
off and say but they agreed to these reforms and
were satisfied. Thabo Mbeki
has made himself the guarantuor on this deal,
and despite his own
questionable intentions and desires, he cannot afford to
be messed up by
Mugabe again given what South Africa and SADC stand to
continue losing
merely for harbouring an old dictator in Harare.
In the same manner, chances
are realistic that whatever Zanu (PF) has at the
back of its mind as the way
out or the plan B might flop thereby forcing it
to face reality in an
election with some acceptable conditions for being
free and fair. Then,
indeed the reality will strike!
In conclusion, civic groups must be urged to
accept that this is a done
deal, and despite their genuine fears that
someone got drugged to
compromise, put the interests of the nation ahead and
hope for the best out
of this process. Lets have them continue shouting
vociferously parallel to
the dealing between Zanu (PF) and MDC about a new
constitution, media
freedom, respect for human rights etc. That way they
keep the momentum and
continue piling pressure on what others have already
dismissed as a
government of national unity involving Zanu (PF) and
MDC.
On the other hand the MDC must remain awake to the real dangers of
dealing
with a character like Zanu (PF) in such processes to avoid really
selling
out eventually. The opposition must make it a point to always count
its
fingers every time it shakes its partner in this deal, or its teeth if
the
rapport gets to levels of kissing. Because we all know Zanu (PF) is a
big
crook.
Above all, Zimbabwe invariably needs at this point in its
history a positive
approach and optimism, which are the strengths of the
majority yearning for
emancipation from the bondage of the Mugabe
dictatorship and have helped
them endure this abuse for so long without
presenting Mugabe an excuse to
slaughter them.
The Zimbabwean
(24-09-07)
Few
decisions by the MDC have caused such an outcry - we are betrayed,
one group
said, others said that the opposition has been dealt a fatal
blow, still
others said that it is now clear that Zanu PF will win the next
election and
receive a clean bill of health from regional leaders.
The reality could
not be further from the truth. Firstly, in making the
decision to co-operate
with the SADC initiative, the MDC very clearly
understood the risks it was
and is taking. Secondly, we know the nature
of the beast better than anyone.
Thirdly, we are now satisfied that the
SADC States have changed their views
on both the MDC and its potential role
in any future government and also the
nature and true intentions of Zanu
PF and its beleaguered
President.
Lets start with the last point, the changes in the SADC region
since
2005/06. Up to now the SADC States have argued in private that an
MDC
victory in an election in Zimbabwe would not be in the wider
interests
of the region or their individual countries. They have used
their
diplomatic capacity to lobby this point of view in Africa and beyond
and
have even
supported actions to reinforce Zanu PF's position inside
Zimbabwe and
its hold on power. The reasons are many and I will not bother
you with them
at this juncture, but this perspective and assumption has
exerted
considerable influence on the ability of the MDC both to press its
point of
view
home and to make itself heard.
Inside Zimbabwe,
observers now know that the SADC States and South
Africa in particular, have
been pursuing, not a regime change agenda in
Zimbabwe,
but a reform
agenda with the present regime remaining substantively in
power.
The
truth of the matter, is that had Mr. Mugabe cooperated with his
colleagues as
they sought change, Zanu PF might have actually survived
this storm and been
able to maintain its grip and ride into the sunrise
with
at least some
dignity.
But he has not done so and stubbornly hangs on to power at any
cost.
Jesus said once "He that will lose his life for my sake, shall find
it!"
Mr.
Mugabe is about to discover that "he who hangs onto power too
long will
lose it." For many reasons - again too many to be described here,
the SADC
has now decided that regime change through democratic means might
be the
only way to restore some sort of dignity to Zimbabwe and to stop
the
hemorrhaging that the entire region is experiencing. In doing so they
have
lost
patience with Mr. Mugabe and are demanding fundamental changes
to the way
in
which elections are managed and relations with the
opposition structured.
Those who have been engaged in this process from
the beginning have
observed this first hand and have no criticism of how
South Africa has
managed
its role as the facilitator in this process.
Even a superficial
understanding of the process shows that the region is
bringing major
pressure to bear on
the Zimbabwe regime to change its
ways or else!
When I explain to people the process that is underway in
South Africa,
they look at me in disbelief and astonishment. They simply
cannot believe
that Zanu PF is engaged in serious dialogue with the MDC and
is granting
concessions - major concessions in the process. I agree, it
is
astonishing, but it is happening and the reason is that at last, regional
leaders,
not least of all, Mr. Mbeki, have been using their leverage and
power to
secure new conditions for the next elections.
The second
major point I think needs to be made is that this process is
the only game
in town. There is simply no other way we can solve the crisis
in Zimbabwe
except by this route. The recent ZCTU stay away just
illustrates that point,
it was a near total failure. Despite all the recent
publicity about the
situation in Zimbabwe and the pressure being brought to
bear
on the UK
government by the clerics - Mr. Brown simply has no solution
that he can
offer. All he can do is what he has already done, say that the
situation
here is intolerable and that the friends of Zimbabwe must keep
that
candle burning in the window and be prepared to help us out of the
hole we
are
in once we have made the required changes to the way our
country is
governed.
Mr. Brown's decision not to attend the EU/ACP
summit is not very
helpful. In my own personal view, he should go to the
summit and allow Mr.
Mugabe
to attend, but only on one condition - that
the Zimbabwe crisis and its
urgent resolution be placed on the agenda and
debated in open forum by the
leaders present. As it is, all that will happen
is that Mr. Mugabe will
attend
and strut onto the world stage -
completely undermining the main reasons
for the summit itself and further
eroding the credibility of African
leadership. Mr. Brown's empty chair will
simply say to the less informed in
Africa and
perhaps elsewhere that
Mugabe continues to be a slayer of colonial
ghosts!
But back to the
present situation; against the backdrop of the changes
that have taken place
in the region, the MDC has been negotiating since mid
June, a detailed and
comprehensive review of the conditions under which
elections are managed and
held in Zimbabwe. These negotiations still have
some
way to go and have
not been easy or without pain - on both sides. We are
not
getting all we
wanted but in our view (and I hope of all those who are
being briefed into
the process) we are on the right side of change and what
is being forged on
this anvil, is a workable solution to the crisis in
Zimbabwe.
On
Tuesday we permitted an interim piece of legislation to go through
Parliament
unopposed because it contained the required clauses that
will allow the new
Independent Electoral Commission to start work on voter
registration, the
voters roll and the subsequent delimitation of
electoral districts. This
will take time and we felt that by allowing these
elements of the agreements
being thrashed out in the talks to go through
the
required Parliamentary
steps, we might save time - after all if we stick to
March 2008, we only
have 6 months to go - not a lot of time to get everyone
on the voters roll,
including all those who are at present,
disenfranchised.
When the
talks are finally concluded - perhaps in 6 to 8 weeks time, a
comprehensive
agreement will emerge that will deal with all aspects of
the electoral
process and will bring Zimbabwe into line with the SADC
principles for
democratic activity. Our main concern at present is that
Zanu PF
is
behaving as if it is business as usual. The onslaught on the MDC
and
its structures continue unabated. A simple application to hold our
8th
anniversary celebrations in Masvingo have been denied by the Police
and
the mass exodus of MDC supporters and activists continues driven by
fear,
the siege of the urban areas where there is now little work, food and
water
and every day is a struggle to survive.
These were the
strategies evolved by the Zanu PF regime after March
2007 when they were
forced by regional pressure to bring the election back
to March 2008 and to
accept electoral reforms. Clearly if we are to have
free and fair elections
and slow down the exodus of people to neighboring
countries, this has to
stop. At our Friday Executive meeting we
resolved to request that the
regional leadership take this matter up with
the
regime here and demand
that they start behaving as if they were real
democrats, as they have
claimed all this time.
Eddie Cross
The Herald (Harare)
Published by the government of Zimbabwe
24 September 2007
Posted to
the web 24 September 2007
Harare
ZINWA will start channelling
available treated water for Harare more fairly
to ease the serious shortages
in the north-east and northern suburbs, the
areas at the end of its pumping
chain.
"Under the programme, the authority commits itself to ensure that
residents
in the north and north-eastern suburbs will not go for a period
exceeding
seven continuous days without water supply while those in the
high-density
suburbs will not exceed a period of 48 hours without
water.
"Water to the industrial and commercial areas will be
available at all
times," said Zinwa in its update statement.
"Drastic
measures are being undertaken to improve production and
distribution and
there will be gradual improvement to water supplies.
"Zinwa appeals to
residents to use the available water sparingly not in
Harare alone, but
nationwide."
The eastern and north-eastern suburbs have been always
hardest hit when
there is a shortage of treated water.
Supplies for
these areas have to be pumped from Morton Jaffray Water
Treatment Plant to
Warren Control, then from Warren to the giant Letombo
Reservoir and then
pumped again to the local reservoirs.
For the northern suburbs, the route
is Morton Jaffray to Warren, Warren to
Alexandra Park, the reservoir complex
on top of Hartman Hill in the Botanic
Gardens, and then to the local
reservoir.
The suburbs in the west, south-west, centre and south of the
city draw
supplies first from Warren Control and when the demand for treated
water
exceeds supply there is nothing left to pump to Letombo and Alexandra
Park.
Management requires cuts to those suburbs fed directly from Warren
Control
so there is adequate water to pump east and north.
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
24 September
2007
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change
remained at odds Monday
with many of its traditional civil society allies
over its controversial
deal with the ruling ZANU-PF party to amend the
constitution, but was moving
to patch up the rift.
MDC founding
president Morgan Tsvangirai met on Monday with leaders of
groups including
the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, the Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition and
the Zimbabwe National Students Union in an effort to
defuse the
crisis.
But key allies including the National Constitutional Assembly,
the National
Association of Non-Governmental Organizations, the Progressive
Teachers
Union of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights refused
his
conciliatory invitation.
Some civic leaders have taken to calling
the MDC's endorsement of the
constitutional amendment "the great betrayal."
Ironically, Tsvangirai's MDC
faction and its rival led by Arthur Mutambara
find themselves united under
attack by civic activists.
The activists
complain that the MDC agreed to sweeping changes to the
constitution as to
the composition of both houses of parliament and
presidential succession
with minimal consultation, adding that the MDC
should have insisted on a
full rewrite.
Acting Executive Director Irene Petras of the Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human
Rights said giving parliament the power to elect a
president when an
incumbent dies, is incapacitated or resigns runs against
accepted
international norms.
However, she said most of the
constitutional changes are cosmetic.
Meanwhile, the London-based Africa
Confidential newsletter said MDC leaders
were assured by South African
President Thabo Mbeki, who is mediating crisis
talks with a mandate from the
Southern African Development Community, that
ZANU-PF would agree to repeal
the Public Order and Security Act and write
new election
laws.
Spokesman Nelson Chamisa of Tsvangirai's faction declined to
comment on that
report, but said opposition leaders believe history will
vindicate their
decision.
NCA National Director Ernest Mudzengi said
the dissenting civic groups want
to meet as "stakeholders" to clarify their
position and relationship with
the opposition.
Elsewhere, sources
said negotiators for the MDC and ZANU-PF met Monday in
Harare to discuss
outstanding issues including the Public Order and Security
Act - which the
opposition wants to see repealed - and existing electoral
laws.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
24
September 2007
Striking members of the Progressive
Teachers Union of Zimbabwe will no
longer show up at schools for a sitdown
but will stay home, the union
announced on Monday.
The statement
issued by the union also said it was "urging all teachers to
unite in the
strike," indicating that it is calling upon members of the
rival Zimbabwe
Teachers Association to get on board the strike over wages.
Zimbabwe
Teachers Association president Tendai Chikowore said her members
are getting
impatient but that the association's officers are asking them to
stay on the
job until Thursday as representatives are still in discussions
with the
government.
Teachers have rejected the government's latest offer of a
100% basic salary
increase plus significantly increased housing and
transportation allowances.
The Progressive Teachers Union says it will
settle for no less than a basic
salary of Z$18 million (US$ 50) plus another
Z$14 million in housing and
transport costs.
In a related
development, Progressive Teachers Union officials said their
headquarters
office in Milton Park, Harare, was ransacked over the weekend.
PTUZ
General Secretary Raymond Majongwe told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of
VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the break-in will not change the union's
course
or intimidate its members.
New Zimbabwe
By Lebo Nkatazo
Last
updated: 09/25/2007 07:51:18
ZIMBABWE'S national airline has fired its top
pilot and one time acting
chief executive Oscar Madombe after 18 years of
loyal service amid
revelations of wide-scale worker discontent, Transport
and Communications
Parliamentary Committee chairperson Leo Mugabe revealed
Monday.
The MP suggested that an outside hand was responsible for the
pilot's axing
saying the Air Zimbabwe board was not
responsible.
Mugabe, who is the MP for Makonde (Zanu PF) made the
revelation during a
committee hearing with officials from the Ministry of
Transport that was led
by the permanent secretary in the transport
minbistry, George Mlilo.
Mlilo expressed surprise on the development
saying he had not been briefed.
However, Mugabe said Madombwe approached
the committee, which tasked two
members to enquire into the
matter.
Mugabe said the two members had stumbled on sensitive information
that may
result in "so many people being fired" at Air Zimbabwe.
He
did not give reasons for the Madombwe's sacking.
He added that the
committee wanted Mlilo to resolve the issue, and if he
fails, the committee
would take the unprecedented decision to table a report
in Parliament on
Madombwe's treatment.
Mugabe said Madombwe had been loyal to Air Zimbabwe
when many other pilots
were leaving it for greener pastures.
Mugabe
said, the top pilot who was made acting CEO following the sacking of
Tendai
Mahachi, had been promised a post as the airline's managing director
in
charge of one of its subsidiaries, National Handling Services.
"He was
not given the job and even now they have said they don't want him as
a
pilot. He is at home," said Mugabe.
"I am pleading with you to resolve
the matter. You cannot abuse people like
that."
He added that Air
Zimbabwe had foreign pilots who could abandon it anytime
whereas Madombwe
had "proved to be patriotic" by sticking with the airline.