http://www.nehandaradio.com
02 September 2008
By Never
Kadungure
The Movement for Democratic Change is already preparing a Plan
B should
power sharing talks brokered by South African President Thabo Mbeki
collapse
completely as expected.
Over the weekend both Zanu PF and
the MDC again failed to reach agreement in
what is turning out to be a
tragic soap opera.
Sources within the MDC say party leader Morgan
Tsvangirai is fed up with the
process and is already planning a diplomatic
offensive that will see him
visit African countries and ask the SADC,
African Union and the United
Nations to pick up from where Mbeki left
of.
There has been suggestions that the talks will resume again through
out this
week but both the Zanu PF and MDC positions seem to be widening the
more
they speak to each other.
Mbeki is now expected to fly to Harare
on Thursday in yet another attempt to
resuscitate the process.
Robert
Mugabe is insisting on remaining the Head of Government, Head of
State and
Commnader in Chief of the Army while relegating Tsvangirai to a
ceremonial
Prime Minister. Tsvangirai dismissed this as unworkable since he
won the
March 29 election ahead of Mugabe.
He even suggested a reversal of roles
under Mugabe's proposal to see if the
Zanu PF leader would accept being
Prime Minister himself if he thought the
deal was fair. Mugabe
refused.
http://www.zimbabwemetro.com
Local News
September 2, 2008 | By Gerald
Harper
MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai is expected to arrive in Zambia today
to
attend the late President Levy Mwanawasa's burial,a senior aide has
confirmed.
Mwanawasa passed away in a Paris hospital where he had
received treatment
after suffering a stroke in June,he has led Zambia since
2001 and was
re-elected in 2006. His tough stance against corruption
endeared him to
donor countries and he was credited with turning the
southern African nation
into one of Africa's economic success
stories.
The MMD has been in power since 1991 when trade unionist
Frederick Chiluba
ousted Liberation hero Kenneth Kaunda. The party remains
popular and has
majority seats in parliament.
Meanwhile eleven
African heads of state are expected to attend Mwanawasa's
burial,according
to a Zambian government spokesman.
The Presidents would arrive in the
country on Tuesday, except for South
African President Thabo Mbeki, who
would be in Lusaka on the actual burial
day Wednesday.
African Union
(AU) Commission chairperson Jean Ping and former Malawian
president Bakili
Muluzi had also confirmed that they would come to Zambia.
The heads of
state expected include Seretse Ian Khama of Botswana, Chadian
leader Idriss
Deby, Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania, Mwai Kibaki of Kenya, Robert
Mugabe of
Zimbabwe and Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Others
are Rwandese President Paul Kagame, Armando Geubuza of Mozambique,
Marc
Ravalomanana of Madagascar and Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Simplicious Chirinda
Tuesday 02 September 2008
HARARE - Zimbabwe state organs
continue to hinder distribution of
humanitarian aid despite the government
saying last week that it had lifted
a ban on relief operations, the National
Association of Non-governmental
Organisations (NANGO) said on
Monday.
The NANGO said feeding schemes for hungry children and support
programmes
for people living with HIV/AIDS were among programmes disrupted
by "state
structures on the ground" that it said had largely ignored an
instruction by
Social Welfare Minister Nicholas Goche to allow NGOs to
resume distribution
of humanitarian aid.
The group that is the
largest representative body for NGOs' operating in
Zimbabwe said in a
statement that Goche's order allowing "the continuance of
child
supplementary feeding and HIV/AIDS interventions was largely ignored
by
state structures on the ground who have continued to restrict and disrupt
NGO operations".
The NANGO called on the government to follow up the
lifting of the ban on
aid operations with measures on the ground that would
"facilitate the
development of a conducive operating environment for civil
society in
Zimbabwe".
President Robert Mugabe's government had last
June banned field operations
by NGOs, including provisions of life-saving
drugs to thousands of people
living with HIV/AIDS and feeding schemes for
millions of hungry Zimbabweans.
The government said the ban imposed weeks
before a June 27 second round
presidential run-off election was necessary to
stop NGOs using aid to bribe
Zimbabweans to vote against Mugabe as part of a
Western-backed plot to
topple the veteran ruler.
The restriction on
NGOs followed Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party's loss
to opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC party in the March 29
presidential and
parliamentary elections although Tsvangirai failed to
attain the margin
required to avoid a second round run-off vote.
Mugabe went on to be
re-elected in a June poll in which he was sole
candidate after Tsvangirai
pulled out, citing state orchestrated
intimidation and violence against his
supporters. Western governments,
African election observers and some African
governments denounced the
violence-marred June poll.
The Harare
administration lifted the ban on aid operations last Friday,
appearing to
give in at last to pressure from local human rights activists,
the
opposition MDC and the international community who had complained that
the
ban had put the lives of especially marginalised groups such as orphans,
the
elderly and HIV/AIDS patients at great risk.
But the government did not
lift the ban on NGOs involved in the promotion of
human rights, good
governance and democracy, a move NANGO has decried.
Once a regional
breadbasket, Zimbabwe is reeling under severe food shortages
that President
Robert Mugabe blames on poor weather and Western sanctions he
says have
hampered importation of fertilizers, seed, and other farming
inputs.
But critics blame Zimbabwe's troubles on repression and wrong
polices by the
veteran leader such as his haphazard fast-track land reform
exercise that
displaced established white commercial farmers and replaced
them with either
incompetent or inadequately funded black farmers resulting
in the country
facing acute food shortages.
An economic recession
marked by the world's highest inflation rate of more
than 11 million percent
has exacerbated the food crisis.
With the government out of cash to
import food, while many families that
would normally be able to buy their
own food supplies are unable to do so
because of an increasingly worthless
currency - it means NGOs would be
required to play an even greater role
helping to feed the hungry in
Zimbabwe. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Jameson Mombe
and Wayne Mafaro Tuesday 02 September 2008
JOHANNESBURG -
South Africa's biggest company by revenues, Bidvest said on
Monday that it
is targeting investment opportunities in Zimbabwe, a country
deep in
political crisis but which investors are finding increasingly
attractive
because of its potential for huge returns once its economy starts
to
recover.
Bidvest said it was looking to raise about 600 million rand for
investment
in South Africa, the United States and in Zimbabwe, where the
firm already
operates and says it is confident about future growth despite
the country
suffering the world's highest inflation of more than 11 million
percent and
an array of other problems.
The firm's chief executive,
Brian Joffe, told the media: "We are still
looking for opportunities in the
US. We are definitely looking for
opportunities in Zimbabwe."
Several
foreign-owned companies have packed their bags in the past seven
years,
galled by President Robert Mugabe's controversial policies, including
the
seizure of white-owned farms to resettle blacks, which have called into
question Harare's commitment to uphold property rights.
Mugabe - who
often accuses foreign-owned businesses of plotting with his
Western enemies
to bring down his government and externalising foreign
currency earnings -
has in recent months stepped up pressure against the
businesses by
threatening to force them to sell controlling stake to
indigenous
blacks.
But economic analyst Eric Bloch said Bidvest's announcement that
it was
considering investment opportunities in Zimbabwe showed a growing
belief
that the country was close to finding a political settlement that
would
allow for its once brilliant economy to begin recovering.
Bloch
said: "Zimbabwe is still considered a high risk nation but I think
that
there is growing belief internationally that there will be political
settlement within the next few months and that there will be some concerted
effort to turn around the economy.
"This is why some companies
consider Zimbabwe an interesting investment
opportunity."
Mugabe's
ruling ZANU PF party and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC
party
failed once more during talks last weekend to reach agreement on how
to
share power in a government of national unity that has been touted as the
most viable way to end Zimbabwe's crisis.
While Mugabe and Tsvangirai
differ sharply over who between them should
control the unity government,
political analysts say both leaders were under
growing pressure from African
leaders and the international community at
large to hammer out a compromise
deal that could pave way for resolution of
one of Africa's worst
crises.
In addition to hyperinflation, Zimbabwe is also in the grips of
severe
shortages of foreign currency, food, fuel, water, and electricity
amid
growing record unemployment.
However economic analysts say
despite the grim economic statistics, Zimbabwe
would at some point recover
once the current political stalemate dissipates,
giving more reason for
investors to position themselves.
For example, British registered
investment firm LonZim said last week that
it was planning to invest up to
US$100 million in Zimbabwe and position for
an anticipated recovery of the
southern African country's economy.
The former British colony still has
good infrastructure, including road
networks and sits on large mineral
reserves, including the world's second
largest platinum reserves after South
Africa. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by By
Basildon Peta Tuesday 02 September 2008
JOHANNESBURG - US
ambassador to Harare James D McGee says it is very sad
that President Robert
Mugabe's government has betrayed the principles for
which the gallant
liberation struggle was fought.
In a wide ranging interview Mcgee said
the liberation struggle had been
fought to enable Zimbabweans to determine
who governed them through
legitimate one man one vote elections.
"Now
we hear them say a vote for Tsvangirai is a vote for war. Why? A vote
for
the MDC is a vote for war. Why?"
He said the right of citizens to choose
a government of their choice was
sacrosanct and statements threatening war
against citizens exercising their
rights to determine who governs them were
deeply unfortunate.
On whether the US would fund Zimbabwe's
reconstruction if opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai succumbed to pressure
and signed a proposed power-sharing
deal, which has been widely condemned as
defective as the MDC leader would
play a subordinate role to Mugabe, McGee
said his government's position
remained that of doing business with a
government of Zimbabwe that reflected
the will of the people and that met
all the tenets of good government
including upholding human rights, the rule
of law and free market policies.
"Our position is that the people of
Zimbabwe spoke on 29 March and they
explicitly said they wanted a different
government. Fifty-seven percent of
people voted against President Mugabe and
his policies. The majority of
Zimbabweans clearly said they wanted a new
government. We therefore want to
see the people of Zimbabwe allowed to have
their day and their wishes
respected," said McGee.
The June 27 run
off was a sham election and the US did not recognise it, he
said.
McGee, however, hoped that the current power-sharing talks,
mediated by
South African President Thabo Mbeki, would succeed and produce a
government
that reflected the will of the people of Zimbabwe.
He also
said that about 1,1 million Zimbabweans were starving and it would
take a
long time for aid agencies to reach them after Mugabe's government
belatedly
lifted a ban on their relief work.
McGee said the ban on aid agencies had
had "a profound effect" on the people
of Zimbabwe and it would take at least
six weeks before "we go back to the
levels which prevailed before the ban
was imposed".
The US is funding most of Zimbabwe's humanitarian
operations and assessments
by relief agencies with whom it works had shown
that at least 1,1 million
people "were going without food right
now".
While the US was pleased that a bad situation had been corrected
after he
ban was lifted, McGee said his government was saddened that it had
been
imposed in the first place.
Mugabe banned aid agencies on June 4
ahead of a controversial June 27
presidential run-off election, which he
contested against himself, accusing
them of supporting the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).
The ban left beneficiaries of humanitarian aid
stranded.
Humanitarian analysts say the amount of victims of the ban
would never be
known as Zimbabwean rural areas were not accessible to
humanitarian workers
during the ban due to violence.
The lifting of
the ban came shortly after McGee wrote a strongly worded
letter to Public
Service and Social Welfare Minister Nicholas Goche warning
him to lift the
ban immediately, failing which the US and its allies would
hold him
personally responsible for the "inhumane suffering" it had caused.
In his
letter seen by ZimOnline, McGee also demanded compensation from the
Zimbabwe
government for the value of 20 metric tonnes of food donated for
poor
children by his government but which were seized and stolen by the
Zimbabwean government, police and military officers.
Goche had
earlier written to McGee stating that his government had not
sanctioned the
theft of the food and was hence not responsible for any
financial
reimbursement.
McGee said his government would help its partners ensure
that food detained
in warehouses reached the needy as soon as possible
following the lifting of
the ban.
Aid agencies through their mother
body the National Association of
Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO) have
cautiously welcomed the lifting
of the ban saying they still needed to clear
a few issues with the
Zimbabwean government. McGee nevertheless said he took
the Zimbabwean
government at their word and hoped they had realised their
mistakes and
would not hamper the work of relief agencies anymore.
He
applauded Goche for lifting ther ban. McGee said pressure from different
sources seem to have persuaded the Zimbabwe government to lift the
ban.
The US has large stocks of food in warehouses in Zimbabwe and South
Africa
awaiting distribution to the poor in Zimbabwe. A further 48 000
metric
tonnes of food were on their way from the US, he said. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
2nd
Sep 2008 00:21 GMT
By John Fenandes
HARARE - Misheck
Muhwehwesa, the Mutare-based diamond baron who was arrested
after he was
found in possession of 262 pieces of the precious stones,
walked out of the
magistrates' court a free man after he was cleared of any
wrong
doing.
The ruling by Livingstone Chipadze, a provincial magistrate based
in Mutare,
has sent several tongues wagging in the eastern border
city.
Muhwehwesa, 38, is suspected to have links with powerful ruling
party
politicians with interests in the diamond industry. Chipadze ruled
there was
no evidence to prove the diamonds belonged to Muhwehwesa since
they were not
found in his personal possession.
The magistrate said
the vehicle they were allegedly hidden had been used by
several other people
who could have put them there. The diamonds were found
in the vehicle's air
cleaner in July after police at a roadblock in Marange
stopped
Muhwehwesa.
Instead the magistrate took a swipe at the police accusing
them of doing a
shoddy job and failing to establish the real owner of the
diamonds.
"From the evidence led in this court there was nowhere at one
point when it
was stated that the police uplifted fingerprints from the air
cleaner,"
Chipadze said. "One wonders why fingerprints were not uplifted
when the
accused person denied knowledge of the presence of the
diamonds."
He was represented by Advocate Eric Matinenga and Chris
Ndhlovu, a
Mutare-based lawyer.
Ironically over 2000 illegal diamond
miners and traders have been convicted
even when the gems where not found in
their personal possession.
Court sources in Mutare said it was clear from
the onset that Muhwehwesa
could escape unscratched. Since the police began
its operation to curb the
illegal dealing and mining of diamonds only small
time players have been
arrested and successfully prosecuted.
This has
raised eyebrows as it appears the police or court officials are
having their
palms greased by the barons.
The discovery of diamonds in the vehicle
Muhwehwesa was driving is so far
the largest single haul since the discovery
of precious stones in the
Marange District of Manicaland over two years ago.
The 262 pieces of
diamonds are estimated by industry experts to be valued at
close to US$1, 3
million although the Minerals Marketing Corporation of
Zimbabwe valued them
at a mere ZW$52 trillion (US$520).
Muhwehwesa, a
Mutare resident, was nabbed at the Chiadzwa diamond fields in
Marange after
the police stopped him at the roadblock.
The diamonds, weighing 668
carats, were recovered from the air cleaner of
his vehicle, where they were
concealed. One carat can fetch as much as
US$2000, depending on the clarity
of the stone.
The connection of Muhwehwesa, a known diamond dealer, to
one of Zimbabwe's
richest and most post powerful and influential families
first came to light
after he allegedly sought the assistance of the family
to secure the
prosecution of a Zanu PF politician in
Mutare.
Sherrington Dumbura, the losing Zanu PF candidate for Mutasa
South
constituency in the March 29 parliamentary election, allegedly
swindled
Muhwehwesa of an unknown amount of diamonds which were valued at
millions of
United States Dollars.
Dumbura is allegedly also involved
in the illegal diamond trade. Muhwehwesa
is reported to have approached the
head of the wealthy family for assistance
in seeking the arrest and
prosecution of Dumbura.
Dumbura, a lightweight Zanu PF politician in the
eastern Border City, is
alleged to have surrendered five vehicles to
Muhwehwesa to secure his
immediate release.
The illegal diamonds were
found in one of the vehicles, A Hyundai Santa Fe.
While several sources
confirmed the intervention of the head of the wealthy
family in the case it
was not possible for practical reasons to obtain
comment from him. When
working on certain assignment journalists working for
online publications
such as the Zimbabwe Journalists can only reveal their
identity at great
personal risk.
The diamond dealers have formed powerful cartels, which
have become immune
to both arrest and prosecution.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
01
September 2008
Primary and secondary schools across Zimbabwe
were to re-open on Tuesday,
but there was widespread confusion among parents
and even some teachers as
to the starting date, with many convinced the
return to classrooms was not
to happen until a week later.
But the
Ministry of Education confirmed that schools would open on Tuesday,
September 2.
Sources in Harare said the Mbare Musika and Fourth
Street bus terminals were
quiet Monday with few children and teachers
boarding buses back to their
respective schools.
Some parents told
VOA they had made no back-to-school preparations because
the reports their
children brought home last term indicated schools would
open September
9.
National Education Director Thomas Machingaidze said the Education
Ministry
issued a press statement informing the public that schools would
open a week
earlier to make up for time lost during the country's extended
and turbulent
March-June election period.
Teachers, meanwhile, were
threatening to strike, demanding another increase
in salaries to offset the
effects of inflation officially measured at 11.2
million percent in
July.
The Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe was demanding a
monthly minimum
salary equivalent to US$979. Officials of the rival Zimbabwe
Teachers
Association were to meet later this week discuss and set their
organization's position on wages.
The highest paid teachers now earn
some Z$1,475 in redenominated Zimbabwe
dollars - or Z$14.75 trillion before
the central bank lopped off 10 zeros
last month.
Progressive Teachers
Union General Secretary Raymond Majongwe told reporter
Jonga Kandemiiri of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the confusion about the
date for schools to
reopen reflected communication problems in the Ministry
of Education.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Today the new Zimbabwe currency devalued to one South
African cent. Issued
just a month ago at parity with the Rand, it was a
desperate move by the
regime in Harare to try and meet the demand for cash
in an environment where
the local currency is halving in values every week
or less.
Even though we have no less than five sets of currency in
circulation - the
new notes, the bearer bonds, the agric cheques and two
different sets of
coinage, there is still a huge shortage of local currency.
Businesses with
cash are selling their surplus on the market at up to a 50
per cent premium.
Bankers and the Reserve Bank are also selling cash and
buying foreign
exchange on the parallel market.
In fact to the
uninitiated the situation here can be quite bewildering -
just take today
for example. The US dollar was trading at Z$1334 per dollar
at the so-called
"Old Mutual Rate". The "RTGS" rate was about Z$850 to 1.
The street rate was
Z$200 to 1. The interbank rate was slightly higher and
the "official rate"
was Z$0,0000003 of a local dollar to one US dollar.
Then today we tried
to buy some fabric from a local firm - 100 per cent
cotton, locally
manufactured and dyed - they quoted me Z$6060 per Metre or
US3,10 - at that
rate the exchange rate was 1955 to one US dollar. That is
10 times the
street rate.
So if I was able to get an allocation of foreign exchange
from the Reserve
Bank at the "Official" rate, US$100 000 would cost me 30
Zimbabwean cents.
If I sold the US$100 000 on the local market at the RTGS
rate I would earn
Z$85 million. If I then bought US dollars on the free
market in Zimbabwe I
would be able to buy US$425 000. This is what we call
"Gononomics".
But if you were a worker in a clothing factory, your weekly
wage would be
about Z$200 - and a 300 mls Coke would cost you Z$1 800 - you
would have to
work for 9 weeks to buy a cold coke!
Last month the
militias were paid Z$3 trillion - that is 30 cents in the new
currency.
Worth a fortune in the hands of Grace Mugabe but not worth a dime
in the
markets in which they have to live. They are going to have to print
currency
and "create" currency through the Reserve Bank by simply issuing
cheques or
even just a credit for an account in order to pay the army - but
the army
will not be able to get hard cash and therefore cannot spend the
money they
get until it is worthless.
How you function in such a crazy environment I
simply do not know.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 1st September 2008
Zimbabwe Latest political developments 1. SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government The issue of Zimbabwe featured high on the agenda of the SADC 28th Ordinary
Summit of Heads of State and Government that took place in Sandton from 16 to 17
August. Negotiations between the two sides continued during the Summit; however,
no agreement was reached during this time. The SADC Organ on Politics, Defence
and Security held an Extraordinary Summit on the margins of the SADC Summit,
where the Facilitator briefed the Organ on progress made. The Summit expressed
the firm opinion that the documents contained in the Facilitator's Report to the
Organ reflect the framework, spirit and purpose of the SADC and AU Resolutions.
In view of that, they are a good basis for a global agreement between the
Parties. 2. Opening of the Parliament of Zimbabwe The swearing-in of the Members of Parliament-elect and the subsequent
election, by secret ballot, of the leaders of the two chambers of Parliament
took place on 25 August. The Senate (Upper House) has 93 seats, 60 of which are
directly elected. The remaining 13 are appointed by the President. The House of
Assembly (Lower House) has 210 seats. MDC-T has 100 MPs in the House of
Assembly, ZANU-PF has 99, MDC-M has 10 MPs and one Independent. Zimbabwe does
not have a hung Parliament - neither MDC-T nor ZANU-PF enjoys an outright
majority and would have to rely on the smaller MDC faction for support. Mr Lovemore Moyo of MDC-T won the contest for the position of Speaker of the
House of Assembly with 110 votes. Mr Paul Themba Nyathi of MDC-M received 98
votes. ZANU-PF did not field a candidate but threw its weight behind the
Mutambara faction's candidate. Ms Nomalanga Khumalo of the MDC-M took the Deputy
Speaker post uncontested. On 24 August, President Mugabe announced the appointment of eight provincial
Governors and three Senators. ZANU-PF holds 30 seats in the Senate, MDC-T has 24
and MDC-M has six seats. The 18 Chiefs, who also now sit in the Senate, have
traditionally supported ZANU-PF. This gives ZANU-PF a majority in the upper
house of Parliament. Ms Edna Madzongwe of ZANU-PF beat the MDC-M candidate to
become President of the Senate. Mr Naison Ndlovu, also of ZANU-PF, beat Ms Sekai
Holland of the MDC-T to become Deputy President of the Senate. In terms of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, if the President is absent or
incapacitated, the Vice-President becomes the Acting President of the country.
In the absence of the President or the two Vice-Presidents, the President of the
Senate then assumes that role. Provincial Governors: Reappointments: New appointments: Governors for Masvingo and Midlands Provinces have yet to be appointed.
President Mugabe also appointed Joseph Msika, Patrick Chinamasa and John Nkomo
to the Senate. 3. Socio-economic trends The official annual inflation rate reached 11,2 million percent in August
2008. However, independent analysts have estimated that actual inflation is
closer to 50 million percent, based on prices of a basket of basic foodstuffs.
The Zimbabwe dollar is devaluing at a rate of 100% a week. At the end of July, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) removed 10 zeros [from
the currency] in an effort to bring down inflation. From 1 August, Z$10 billion
has become Z$1. However, economists predict the zeros will return very soon as
the latest measures do not address the causes of the hyperinflation and are not
being followed by meaningful reforms, such as addressing the unavailability of
foreign currency and low investment in Zimbabwe. 4. Humanitarian situation The Zimbabwean government suspended the work of all humanitarian
organisations on 28 May, after accusing them of engaging in political
activities. There was an expectation that this ban would be lifted after the
memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the rival political parties was signed
on 21 July. However, to date this has not happened. Some non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) appear to have resumed unofficial operations, but are
'negotiating at field level' for access. On 18 June, the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and World Food
Programme (WFP) published its crop assessment, which forecasts that more than
five million Zimbabweans would suffer food insecurity in the next nine months, a
million people more than the previous year. The FAO/WFP Crop and Food Supply
Assessment Mission (CFSAM) estimates that 2,04 million people in rural and urban
areas will be food insecure between July and September 2008, rising to 3,8
million people between October and December, and peaking to about 5,1 million at
the height of the hungry season between January and March 2009. 5. South Africa's role South Africa will continue to facilitate dialogue between the ZANU-PF and MDC
factions, within the framework of the SADC mandate and AU Summit Resolution in
an effort to reach an inclusive political settlement. In addition, there is a
need to deal with the humanitarian situation and to start work on the economic
rescue package for Zimbabwe. Reports that talks will resume today The Head of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security, reported to
have said that all parties had agreed at the SADC Summit "that all Zimbabwe
stakeholders should go and sit and finalise all outstanding issues, which will
pave the way for establishing a stable and peaceful government. All parties
concerned must abide by all the agreements". Legislative elections in Angola, 5 to 6 September 2008 A contingent of ten South Africans, including members of Parliament and
representatives of civil society, will form part of a SADC Observer Mission in
respect of the legislative elections to be held in Angola from 5-6 September
2008. They will form part of the bigger group of election observers, which
include the AU and European Union (EU), invited by the Angolan Government. The
Executive Secretary of SADC, Tomas Salomao, participated in the launch of the
SADC Observer Mission on 23 August 2008, in Luanda, which will be headed by Mr
John Kunene of Swaziland. In his remarks at this occasion, the Executive Secretary of SADC mentioned
that SADC is in Angola with an open spirit, not only to observe the elections
but also to assist in post-election process, which includes reconstruction and
socio-economic development of Angola. In his official launch remarks, Mr Kunene
stated that the invitation by the Angolan Government to observe the legality and
transparency of the electoral process, attests that Angola is committed to
democracy and political transparency. The Observer Mission leader further clarified that his mission would be
guided by the Principles and Guidelines of SADC on Elections. He indicated that
their involvement would be based only on observation and not participation. By
the time of the launch observers from three countries, Swaziland, Tanzania and
Zambia were already in Angola. The South African contingent is scheduled to
arrive on Thursday 28 August 2008. The fourteen political parties participating in the forthcoming legislative
elections have commenced with their respective political campaigns throughout
the country since the beginning of August 2008. It could be expected that the
MPLA and UNITA would remain the strongest contestants of the elections. At this
stage, no major obstacles regarding the preparations for the elections have been
reported. The impression is further that Angola, through the National Electoral
Commission, would ensure that logistical arrangements are ready on the day of
the elections which would be conducive to a peaceful election atmosphere. Questions and answers Question: Minister what is your response to the announcement by Robert
Mugabe that he is going to form a cabinet and that borne out by the Herald
newspaper and by Bright Mutonga the ZANU PF spokesman. Do you believe this would
seriously jeopardise the mediation efforts of President Mbeki? Aziz Pahad: The biggest challenge we have is to finalise the
outstanding issues. I think the talks that will start today; you've already seen
it reported that the chief negotiator for the MDC Tsvangirai has already sent in
a letter of protest to President Mbeki on this issue. You also would have seen
the report that the Executive Secretary of SADC, Dr Salomao, is reported to have
said that the regional body gave Mugabe the powers only to convene parliament,
as reflected in the SADC Communiqué issued after the Summit. It is clear that the Secretary General's interpretation seems to be that we
should really concentrate on finalising the outstanding issues and he seems to
think that the SADC Communiqué only allowed for a parliament to be held. By
implication he seems to be hinting, according to the newspaper reports, that
there is no mandate to form a new government without consensus of all three
players. Question: There has been speculation, particularly in the media, that
these outstanding issues that you refer to refer directly to the question of the
executive power. Could you share some light on some possible structure that
could address this issue in order to provide for an effective dealing with this
matter? Aziz Pahad: As I've said previously the facilitation is being carried
out by Minister Mufamadi. We are not fully privy to what the outstanding issues
are. But if you've been reading the media carefully, it's clear that, at least
some of the media claim to have access to those leaked documents which have
hinted at two or three issues: what are the actual powers of the president? What
are the actual powers of the prime minister? Who chairs cabinet? On what basis
are cabinet ministers chosen? Does parliament choose the prime minister or does
the president choose the prime minister? These are some of the issues that the papers have referred to as they
obtained from leaked documents. We at Foreign Affairs are not privy to the
documents that they are referring to. But it is clear from the press reports
that these are the issues they say outstanding. I can only stress that SADC as a whole were of the opinion that the documents
that were given to them on the basis of all previous discussions gave an
excellent opportunity and foundation for finalising these negotiations and that
it is in the interests of the Zimbabweans now to really move forward, to really
do what SADC has called for which is the finalisation of outstanding issues.
Question: You indicated a dire situation developing in Zimbabwe. It is
my understanding that today's talks are crucial. Will they continue into the
weekend? Are you convinced as government and as SADC that President Mugabe is
actually threatening to go ahead with unilateral action at this stage? Aziz Pahad: I cannot comment on whether he is going to go ahead. I can
only say that we've been told that all negotiators are here and that the talks
will now carry on what we ended with at the Extraordinary Organ. All reports are indicating that it is vital for Zimbabwe specifically, but
the region generally to find a political solution. It is quite clear that there
are contingency economic recovery packages and that you can assist somewhat with
the humanitarian crisis, but unless there is a political solution you don't have
the necessary framework in order to initiate or implement the economic recovery
programme, nor effectively deal with the humanitarian crisis as the
International Red Cross has reported. So the talks are crucial, all talks are crucial in order to find a way
forward. Question: On the possibility of President Mugabe forming a government
on his own, you were sighting the Secretary General, what is the position from
the South African Government's point of view? Does the South African government
feel that such a move would derail the mediation efforts? Aziz Pahad: Not being privy to the discussions that took place at the
extraordinary summit, I'm unable to comment on that. It is Minister Mufamadi who
must comment on that issue. It is clear from what the Secretary General has said
that the Executive Secretary seems to be different. Question: Could you explain to me how SADC reached the decision that
it's ok to go ahead with the reconvening of parliament when the Memorandum of
Understanding that was signed clearly states that parliament should be
reconvened by consensus. Aziz Pahad: SADC came to the decision, and I can only interpret from
the communiqué. They had three days of discussions, all the members of the
executive as well as all the role players in Zimbabwe. At the end they came to
that conclusion based on their reading of the documents that were provided to
them. We do hope that sooner than later Facilitation will make the documents
available to all of us to be privy to them. It is clear that the Heads of State
and the Foreign Ministers who went through the documents were quite convinced
that it was a basis for a solution in the interest of all Zimbabweans in the
transitional phase. What the actual details were, I'm not aware. Question: Is it only the MDC group that is here or is ZANU PF also
here? The state media is reporting that Minister Chinamasa is saying that there
is a deal on the table and that they don't need to negotiate any further. Can
you confirm whether it is only the MDC that is here or whether ZANU PF will also
participate? Are the talks just for today or will they take place through the
weekend? Aziz Pahad: From what I was told all the relevant role-players are in
South Africa at the moment. I think the length of the discussions will be
determined by what progress they make. I don't think there is any limit or
deadline for them. I don't think the SADC Summit set any deadline. They just
said they think the documentation provided an excellent framework for a
solution. Today's talks must try to see what else can be done to get a consensus
from all three parties on the way forward. If it takes them longer, I hope they
will stay longer to resolve these outstanding issues. Question: For the sake of clarity, is the mediation that is taking
place only scheduled for one day, that is only this Friday or are you saying
that it is going to continue over the weekend? Aziz Pahad: We have not been given a time limit or deadline. I am
assuming it will continue until all parties feel they have covered sufficient
ground. Question: Is President Mbeki facilitating today's talks? Aziz Pahad: Firstly we do not know. The Department of Foreign Affairs
is not aware whether President Mbeki will participate. I assume that if it
necessary for him to be brought in then he is willing to take part, but we are
not aware whether he is starting with the talks or not - I think it would be
good if you spoke to his spokesperson. Question: What role did Foreign Affairs play in the release of the two
South Africans that have arrived from Uganda this morning? Aziz Pahad: From the day we were informed that the two South Africans
had been arrested in Uganda we carried out extensive activities both in Pretoria
and through our High Commission in Uganda. Thus Foreign Affairs as well as the
Intelligence Services immediately sought access and immediately sought
information on what basis the two South Africans were detained. We are happy
that we continued interacting with the authorities at every level to seek some
access, which we got quite quickly. Our Mission was able to meet with them to
get their side of the story and to confirm if they were in good conditions. In
fact we continued then to interact with the Ugandans and we are happy that they
have been released now. This again highlights one of the problems that we have been saying that in
the fight against terrorism, many people's names are coming onto lists that are
not UN lists but some of the big powers are creating their own lists and you get
South African after South African on these lists now. Previously it was only in
the United States or the United Kingdom but now we find that in the United Arab
Emirates and now it is Uganda and other countries South Africans' names appear.
They are immediately seen as a threat; they get arrested and then it takes a
long time to get through to the relevant government structures to the
intelligence structures; or to the security structures to try to convince them
that our own reports don't indicate that the people they have arrested or put on
lists are of what they call within the terrorist framework. It is clear that this time something has happened that their names appeared
on some list and they were detained. But as soon as we were able to give them
sufficient information about our own understanding, both at Foreign Affairs and
Intelligence level, then the only way forward had been to release them. We hope
that we are able to try to tackle these lists now more effectively. We have had
this with Professor Habib and others and many have been kicked out of the UAE
and not allowed to even transit because they had been on some list. The problem is that our enquiries about these lists are not getting any
success because governments are telling us that this is a matter of national
security and they cannot tell us what basis they put people on the list - we
cannot verify any of these issues. This is why, if you will recall, we
challenged them in the UN Security Council when they put South Africans on the
United Nations Security Council (UNSC) list, and we have managed to keep those
off the UNSC list until we get further information; giving us accurate
information about the allegations. I think that like any government we are very wary of taking information that
is not verified because now we have learnt the hard way that there is a lot of
misinformation as we continue to get more and more involved in the
anti-terrorist world. We are totally committed to fighting terrorism. In every meeting, including
the SADC meeting; the AU meeting; the IBSA meeting; our bilateral meetings with
India, and our meetings with the EU, terrorism is always on the agenda and we
have totally committed ourselves to fight terrorism both at home and anywhere in
cooperation - but I want to stress that we want some of our other partners to be
more upfront and transparent with us. We do not expect them to go to the media all the time, but if they have
information, to share this information with us so that we can either verify or
challenge the information they give us. I think the Ugandan experience is a good
lesson in us trying to convince other countries in Africa not just to move on
lists without seeking some clarification from countries whose citizens are being
detained in their countries. So we have worked very well on this matter; we have had good cooperation from
the Ugandans and we are now happy that the two have been released. Question: Does the Department of Foreign Affairs have any comment
regarding the nomination of Barack Obama as the candidate for the Democrats?
Aziz Pahad: We have noted that the Democratic Convention has endorsed
Barack Obama as the Presidential candidate; we look forward to a very robust
Presidential campaign and we wish it all the success and all the best. It is up
to the American people. They will deserve the President they choose. Question: Deputy Minister you mentioned that we need a political
solution to the Zimbabwe crisis to address the economic and social problems, and
the problem with humanitarian aid. Is it not possible somehow for the region to
put pressure on the Zimbabwean government to allow humanitarian aid meanwhile?
Should it have to depend on any political solution when people are starving
while negotiations drag on? Aziz Pahad: We have always expressed our concern about the
humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe. There was a Secretary General's Envoy who
had gone there and there have been subsequent delegations from SADC and the AU,
and we will continue to raise the issue of the humanitarian situation. You know
the government's reasons for cutting off the humanitarian organisations were
based on that they were getting involved politically. I think in the end we will
continue to urge that everything possible to, while dealing with the political
manipulation or not, that we start effectively dealing with the humanitarian
situation. The World Food Organisation and the World Health Organisation are giving
quite sn increased number of people who are going to be in need of aid in the
next coming period. So clearly the situation demands action by all the parties
concerned. Question: What reasons were given by the Ugandan authorities as to why
these two guys were put on the list? Aziz Pahad: We are now waiting through the Diplomatic channel both
through the intelligence services and Foreign Affairs for us to be given reasons
- they won't give them to us over the telephone until there is a Note Verbal to
us and we are awaiting that to really assess that, because it will help us then
to get a better handle on why is it that so many South Africans are finding
themselves on these lists and most of them, if not all, are proven to be quite
innocent. We are waiting for the Note Verbal on that matter. This is an extract from the transcript of the media briefing by Deputy
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Aziz Pahad, Union Buildings, Pretoria, August 29
2008. Issued by: the Department of Foreign
Affairs
Angeline Masuku: Matabeleland South
Thokozile Mathuthu:
Matabeleland North
Cain Mathema: Bulawayo Province
David Karimanzira:
Harare Province
Martin Dinha: Mashonaland Central
Aeneas Chigwedere:
Mashonaland East
Christopher Mushowe: Manicaland
Faber Chidarikire:
Mashonaland West
http://newpaper.asia1.com.sg/news/story/0,4136,175233,00.html
Zimbabwe's
poor billionaires
By Zeng
Ming
September 02, 2008
IN economics, hyperinflation is inflation
that has run amok.
It's a condition in which prices go up at an extremely
high rate of at least
50 per cent a month, causing a country's money to
quickly become practically
worthless - sometimes overnight.
That's what's
happening right now in the southern African nation of
Zimbabwe, whose
economy is fast collapsing with each passing day, and where
the country's
84-year-old President (some say, dictator), Mr Robert Mugabe,
has still
refused to step down from power despite more than 20 years of
misrule.
Those who're old enough will probably remember the so-called
'banana money'
issued by Imperial Japan during the Japanese occupation of
Singapore,
Malaya, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei. (It was named as such
because of
the motifs of banana trees on 10-dollar bank notes.)
Back
then, the Japanese occupiers simply printed more notes whenever they
required more money.
This resulted in high inflation and a severe
depreciation in value of the
banana note. After the surrender of Japan, the
currency became worthless -
except as a collector's item.
And that's
precisely what's also happening in Zimbabwe today. The country's
money-printing presses are running full time and the country has even had
difficulty obtaining sufficient supplies of special paper with which to
print enough currency.
President Mugabe first wrecked his country's
agricultural industry when he
broke up large white-owned working farms to
distribute in small parcels to
poor Zimbabweans without training them how to
farm.
Destructive
WORTHLESS: A man (above) carries bundles of cash
while shopping for
groceries in Harare, Zimbabwe.
Then, faced with
economic sanctions and the difficulty raising money to
finance his
government, he took what seemed to be the easy way out by
printing more
money.
In a way, his hands were tied as he could not tax Zimbabweans whose
average
income is barely at the subsistence level. All in the name of
keeping
himself in power at all costs.
Zimbabwe is not alone in
abandoning financial integrity. To date, some 15
countries - including China
(just before the communist takeover) and Japan
(just after World War II) -
have experienced post-war hyperinflation.
But the hyperinflation in Zimbabwe
is perhaps the fastest-ever in living
memory. Last month, the country's
inflation was officially running at 2.2
million per cent but independent
economists said it's closer to 12.5 million
per cent.
Back in July, a
loaf of bread cost 200 billion old Zim dollars in Harare,
the country's
capital. As of Monday, the same loaf cost 1,600 billion old
Zim dollars. One
Zimbabwean observes: 'We are billionaires and we can't buy
anything.'
Sadly enough, dropping 10 zeros from its hyper-inflated
currency - a move
which officially took effect on 1 Aug - hasn't improved
the situation at
all. Bread in Harare still cost 160 new Zim dollars at the
start of this
week, compared to only 20 new Zim dollars less than a month
ago.
'Hyperinflation is greatly destructive to a nation's economy because it
basically terminates the usefulness of money,' said Dr Ron Ross, an
economist based in California.
'Money's primary roles in an economy are
to serve as a medium of exchange
and as a store of value. Hyperinflation
destroys both these roles.'
In the case of Zimbabwe, the hyperinflation is
further exacerbated by a
'crisis of confidence' in an economy wrecked by
civil war (or its
aftermath), gross economic mismanagement, and political or
social upheaval.
And don't expect this hyperinflation to go away overnight,
without Mr Mugabe
first relinquishing his power.
Then and only then,
might there be hope yet for this country that was once
one of the most
prosperous and productive in Africa.
The writer, a Harvard-trained economist
based in Singapore, is a freelance
contributor.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Mutumwa Mawere Tuesday 02
September 2008
OPINION: The just ended democratic convention
is pregnant with lessons not
only for the United States but for Zimbabwe, a
country whose promise has
been frozen in a state that even elections cannot
change.
The economy of Zimbabwe is in turmoil and the promise has been
under threat
since independence from the least expected quarters - the
founding fathers.
When Barak Obama stood four years ago before the
Democratic Party convention
he made a compelling case of why a country of
300 million with a 228-year
history then was destined to lead because in its
foundation there was a
shared belief that the future belonged to those who
dared and it was founded
on a promise that set it apart from other
countries. It was a nation of laws
and of sovereign citizens and it offered
a promise to its citizens that
through hard work and sacrifice, they could
pursue their individual dreams,
including seeking to occupy the highest
office in the land while at the same
time being able to carve out a
homogenous national identity and collective
spirit.
When he announced
his candidature some 19 months ago and began a journey
that has tested the
country's ability to live up to its promise to all its
citizens, many of us
believed that his journey would be short-lived and just
one of many that
America had witnessed before.
The democratic primaries were as eventful
as they were competitive but when
the hour arrived for contestants to put
their differences and move forward,
even Hillary Clinton came to the
party.
It was not surprising that the party rallied behind Obama and I
could not
help but ask why at the defining hour in Zimbabwe's history,
opposition
leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara have not been able
to find
each other.
What is it about America that would allow for
bitter rivals in the same
party to put aside their seemingly personal
differences and put the
interests of change at the centre of their political
engagement?
Obama and Clinton managed to put the country first on their
agenda and both
understood that the challenges facing America required a
change of direction
and were partly a result of failed policies and broken
politics.
They both represented a departure and turning point in US
politics in that
for the first time, one of the principal parties in the
country faced in the
primaries a choice between the first woman and the
first African-American to
head it.
They both broke the glass ceiling
that has been in existence since the
foundation of the republic some 232
years ago. However, they both understood
the weight of history and their
role in shaping the future.
The Zimbabwean crisis endures not because the
people of Zimbabwe did not
pronounce their opinion on what kind of future
they wanted. On March 29,
they voted for change and yet the change they
sought has been more elusive
after the election than before principally
because the framers of the
post-election negotiations agenda were acutely
aware of the challenges of
getting Tsvangirai and Mutambara to embrace a
common vision.
So when the SADC-mediated talks broke down with no
resolution, what was
reported and confirmed by the outcome of the elections
of the Speaker
suggests that Zimbabwe is a long way towards creating a
climate in which
national interest can rise above personal
interests.
Attempts were made to unite the MDC formations that on paper
subscribe to
the same change agenda, prior to the March elections and the
rest is
history.
What divides them is less than what should unite
them to present a united
face to the challenge of reclaiming the future from
a party and leader that
are determined to condemn in perpetuity the country
to more poverty and
hopelessness.
Notwithstanding, it is evident that
at this defining hour in the face of a
failed state, there appears to be no
possibility for Mutambara and
Tsvangirai to raise the level of conversation
beyond power games.
What kind of Zimbabwe does MDC-M and MDC-T want to
see? Would the kind of
Zimbabwe they want to see be closer to reality with a
power-sharing
arrangement premised on the confused interpretation of the
March 29 results?
Is it not strange that the two formations would sponsor
two competitors for
the Speaker's position with ZANU PF opportunistically
taking the higher
moral ground by deciding to support the Mutambara
faction.
Questions have been raised whether it was wise for the MDC-M
leadership to
sponsor a candidate for the Speaker in the framework of the
inter-party
dialogue.
One view says that it was not unreasonable for
the MDC-M formation to seek
to have one of its own as the Speaker given
that, in principle, Tsvangirai
has accepted the broad framework of the
inter-party dialogue that seeks to
place Mugabe in the statehouse and
Tsvangirai in the government house as
Prime Minister.
Accepting this
construction means it would be unreasonable for the MDC-T to
seek to control
both the parliament and the executive branch of government
leaving ZANU PF
and MDC-M in the cold and with no power at all.
Another view, says that
MDC-M was entitled to pursue its own actions since
there was no agreement
and, therefore, it risked becoming irrelevant if the
candidate of the MDC-M
formation was elected.
Already through political manipulation ZANU PF
controlled the senate,
Presidency and through the active support of the
MDC-M formation would have
ended up controlling parliament.
Contrary
to the spirit of the inter-party talks, ZANU PF sought to assert
rights that
were not conferred on it by the electorate.
What is clear is that it is
time for Tsvangirai, like Obama, to reach out to
all the progressive
formations including MDC-M to forge a new unity
operating on the principle
that Zimbabwe must come first with a leader who
believes in bringing people
together.
The two formations represent that they stand for a new Zimbabwe
founded on a
new set of values and yet strangely enough arguments are now
being advanced
that the correct interpretation of the March election results
and the
subsequent run-off Presidential election is that executive power
must be
shared.
Surely, on March 29, Zimbabweans could have decided
to give Tsvangirai and
Mugabe the same vote but history will record that
Mugabe, an incumbent, was
number two but even SADC has accepted the
proposition that Zimbabweans want
the next five years to be the same as the
last 28 years.
Zimbabwe is a broken state requiring a change of
direction. In the words of
Obama at the convention, enough is enough. I can
do no better than
reproducing his own words as follows:
"Tonight, I
say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and
Independents
across this great land - enough! This moment - this election -
is our chance
to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive.
Because next week,
in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms
of George Bush and
Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are
here because we
love this country too much to let the next four years look
like the last
eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: 'Eight is
enough'."
It is now time for Zimbabweans to say to ZANU PF, MDC-M,
and MDC-T that it
is enough and the fact that ZANU PF does not enjoy a
parliamentary majority
as confirmed by the election of the Speaker in a
democratic process from
Tsvangirai's faction provides yet another
opportunity for the two factions
to think hard and fast about what Zimbabwe
needs at this defining moment.
Both Mutambara and Tsvangirai love
Zimbabwe just as much as Obama and
Clinton love America to allow themselves
to be on the wrong side of history
and must stand up and jointly say: "28 is
enough".
Charamba in his weekly column entitled: "Mutambara/Ncube: A wet
swab, kind
balm, for salty eyes" makes the case that the failure by their
candidate to
win the election for the post of Speaker confirms that the
widely held view
that there is a serious disconnect between the party and
the leadership
representing it in the talks.
An allegation of
conspiracy between the leadership of MDC-M and ZANU PF has
been made but
denied by Mutambara as is the allegation that a bilateral deal
has been
concluded between the two. However, if there is no deal then surely
it must
be strange that ZANU PF legislators ended up voting for a candidate
sponsored by the leadership of the MDC-M formation. One would have expected
at the very least that Mutambara and Tsvangirai should have consulted and
agreed on a strategy.
The mere fact that in the face of an uncertain
future caused by squandered
opportunities to lift the country up, ZANU PF
found itself in the same
corner with the MDC-M formation should provide an
opportunity for the
leadership of the formation to think seriously about
what time it is and
what the people want to see.
The election was not
about Tsvangirai or Mugabe but about the Zimbabwean
people's desire to move
forward and the first step ought to be a break from
the past and it must be
obvious from the tone of Charamba that ZANU PF has
no interest in change
rather the primary interest is to keep power in the
hands of President
Robert Mugabe with or without the help of the Mutambara
faction.
It
is not surprising that Charamba and not Tsvangirai had no kind words to
say
about the Mutambara formation and yet the stalemate has little with the
personal ambition of Mutambara.
In the Obama/Clinton scenario when
the dust settled, it behoved on Obama to
take the leadership by not only
reaching out to Clinton personally but to
her supporters. Mutambara had
voluntarily excluded himself from the race and
like Clinton he has never
been a competitor with Tsvangirai for the position
of State
President.
The unity that was evident at the democratic convention was to
the credit of
Obama and yet it has not been possible in the Zimbabwean
scenario to get a
leader who can unite all the democratic forces to deliver
the change that
people can believe in.
It must be accepted that Obama
has never sought to belittle Clinton but
instead has used a unifying model
to advance not only his personal interests
but his party. Now the united
democratic party can confront the opposition
in November as one and not as
is the case in Zimbabwe where Tsvangirai,
Makoni, Mutambara, and Jonathan
Moyo have failed to lead the charge against
Mugabe to the extent that
instead of the focus being on Mugabe's reluctance
to give way or pass on the
baton it is now on Tsvangirai.
The obligation to make the future brighter
lies in the hands of those who
have accepted to lead. Zimbabwe is at the
crossroads and a choice has to be
made but equally it is important that a
lesson be drawn from how Obama has
managed to unite and rise above the
politics of division.
Is it the kind of Zimbabwe that Tsvangirai and
Mutambara have been fighting
for that would expose the division in the
progressive forces at this
defining and historic hour of change? Where is
Zimbabwe's Obama? - ZimOnline
http://www.nehandaradio.com
02 September
2008
Bristol Respect a community pressure group in the UK took part in
the August
30th demo organised by the Bristol Zimbabwe Association (BZA) - a
community
organisation representing Zimbabweans in Bristol.
Called in
combination with the Bristol branch of Action for Southern Africa
(ACTSA),
Movement for Democratic Party Bristol branch, Bristol Defend Asylum
Campaign
and Zimbabwe Vigil Bristol Group, the protest called on the
government to
allow many Zimbabweans who have waited in limbo for so long,
the right to
work and release those in detention centres.
"The clandestine removals
carried out under the disguise of voluntary return
policy to Zimbabwe
reflects a changing political climate in Britain rather
than any lessening
in the merits of Zimbabwean asylum claims," said Forward
Maisokwadzo, BZA
Chairperson.
The government says that there has been no change 'in our
opposition to
human rights abuses in Zimbabwe' and that it will work to
'restore democracy
so that All Zimbabweans can in time return safely to help
build a prosperous
and stable Zimbabwe.'
In the meantime, there are
efforts to send many Zimbabweans back to an
unstable Zimbabwe in a state of
economic collapse and with continuing human
rights abuses.
"What has
changed since 2002 is not Zimbabwe but the British political
climate. In
2002, Zimbabwe was much in the news because of the take-over of
white-owned
land.
"Even the Conservative Party supported the suspension of removals.
Now
Zimbabwe has dropped out of the news headlines. Few British politicians
seem
to care any longer about what happens to Black Zimbabweans," he
said.
He said: "But those of us and our friends who do care wish to
register a
strong protest against such double standards and call for the
government to
act swiftly in order to save lives of many
Zimbabweans."
A petition was signed on the day and will be sent to the
Prime Minister.
There are over 1000 Zimbabweans living in Bristol.