http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 21:27
Paidamoyo
Muzulu and Brian Chitemba
THE MDC-T has embarked on an “internal healing
exercise” to patch up
differences that have erupted and are threatening to
tear the party down the
middle ahead of its elective congress next
week.
The three-day congress will be held in Bulawayo from next
Thursday.
Party insiders told the Zimbabwe Independent
yesterday that the MDC-T was in
disarray and that its national executive
would meet today to map the way
forward after its provincial polls were
rocked by factionalism, amid reports
of violence, vote rigging and
intimidation.
Morgan Tsvangirai, the president of the MDC-T, and
members of the party’s
standing committee have over the past week visited
their structures in the
provinces to deal with the
factionalism.
“We have embarked on an internal healing process to
reunite our members and
bury differences,” a senior party official said. “We
have visited all our
provinces except Bulawayo, Matabeleland South and North
and Mashonaland
Central. We will go to these provinces next week before the
congress.”
Others sources said the party’s standing committee met
ahead of today’s
extraordinary national executive council meeting to iron
out a litany of
complaints from provincial congresses held over the last two
weeks.
Today’s meeting, according to the sources, would receive
provincial
nominations for the national leadership, finalise the delegate
list and deal
with other logistical issues. All posts in the national
executive are up for
grabs at the congress, but Tsvangirai has been assured
of retaining the
presidency without any challenge.
Provincial
congresses in Masvingo, Mashonaland West, Midlands North,
Bulawayo and
Chitungwiza were blighted by vote rigging, factionalism,
violence, vote
buying and participation by ineligible persons.
Results from these
provinces left the party divided prompting some members
to petition
Tsvangirai to intervene and save the movement from
disintegrating.
MDC-T
national organising secretary Elias Mudzuri confirmed yesterday’s
meeting by
the standing committee and today’s national executive committee
indaba.
“The whole congress process needs a deep analysis,” Mudzuri said,
“As an
organisation we should not fool ourselves that all is well. To that
end, the
national executive is meeting tomorrow (today) to address
complaints from
the provinces. I cannot foretell the outcome of such a
meeting.”
Mudzuri added that the party was in a fragile state and the
issue should be
handled delicately.
“The leadership has to
address so many complaints to the satisfaction of the
members,” he added,
“Failure to do so will leave the party fragmented and
weak.”
Elections in Masvingo and Midlands North were done twice,
but tensions were
reportedly still high on the
ground.
Mashonaland West province wrote a strongly worded petition
imploring
Tsvangirai to intervene and save the party from
splitting.
The party split into two formations just before the 2005
senatorial
elections.
MDC-T spokesman Nelson Chamisa yesterday
could not immediately confirm the
standing committee’s meeting, but blamed
factionalism and violence troubling
the party in Midlands North, Bulawayo
and Masvingo to infiltration by Zanu
PF, adding that they were investigating
the violence cases.
The intra-party violence in Bulawayo has sucked
in bigwigs including Deputy
Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe, Home Affairs
co-minister Theresa Makone, and
Bulawayo East MP Thabitha
Khumalo.
Tsvangirai, party insiders said, would be in Bulawayo on
Wednesday to rein
in the warring factions.
MDC-T sources blamed
the violence in Bulawayo on losing provincial
chairmanship aspirant Mattson
Hlalo who is working with Khumalo backed by
Makone, who is MDC-T women’s
assembly chairperson. Khumalo, a close Makone
ally, is reportedly interested
in the party’s vice-presidency post.
Lobengula MP Samuel Sipepa Nkomo
has also been linked to the vice-presidency
post although he has not been
visible in the province.
Hlalo, sources said, is close to Makone and
Khumalo while newly elected
Bulawayo provincial chairman Gorden Moyo, who is
also State Enterprises and
Parastatals minister, is aligned to
Khupe.
After the election of Moyo a fortnight ago, marauding youths
allegedly
belonging to the Hlalo camp, a Mzilikazi senator, have been
disrupting
provincial assembly elections. The party polls have been
abandoned twice in
two weeks following violent clashes between supporters of
Moyo and those who
rally behind Hlalo.
The source said the
violent scenes were meant to influence the outcome of
the election which was
aimed at blocking Moyo from winning the influential
post.
If
Hlalo had won the Bulawayo provincial leadership, sources added, the
senator
would have then nominated Khumalo for the vice-president’s post
during the
party’s third elective congress.
“The plot was to block Moyo from
winning, then Bulawayo province would not
nominate Khupe for the
vice-presidency post which would make it difficult
for her to win because of
a snub by her home province,” said a senior MDC-T
official.
The
official said youths who disrupted last weekend’s elections at the
Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions offices were hired from Makokoba by Hlalo’s
faction
to sabotage the party programme.
The abandoned elections will be held
on Tuesday where party members would
choose the provincial organising
secretary, vice organising secretary and
vice secretary for administration.
Hlalo is now targeting the provincial
organising secretary’s
post.
Khumalo could not be reached for comment on Wednesday as her
mobile phone
was not reachable while Hlalo and Makone’s phones went
unanswered.
Tsvangirai last week tried in vain to bridge differences in the
provinces
like Masvingo and Bulawayo. He travelled in the company of party
spokesman
Nelson Chamisa and Mudzuri.
“We failed to reach an
amicable solution to the feuding factions last week,”
Mudzuri said, “We hope
that tomorrow (today)’s meetings will iron out these
differences.”
Constitutional expert Lovemore Madhuku believes the
congress divisions are a
stern test to Tsvangirai’s leadership qualities in
keeping the party united
before and after the national
congress.
Madhuku said: “The party will survive. It is common for
political parties to
have differences during elective congresses but it
depends on the
leadership. Everything rests on the shoulders of
Tsvangirai.”
“Tsvangirai will have to heal the wounds of those
defeated and rectify
anomalies in certain elections that were done
unconstitutionally
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 21:25
Bernard
Mpofu
GOVERNMENT has brokered a deal with a Chinese energy company to
acquire two
new Airbuses 340-500 to save embattled national carrier Air
Zimbabwe despite
earlier reports that the deal had fallen
through.
Sources close to the developments said secretary for
transport Patson
Mbiriri told senior management at Air Zimbabwe in an
industrial relations
crisis meeting on remuneration of pilots three weeks
ago that the two
planes, estimated to cost not less than US$200 million
each, are believed to
be in Toulouse, France and are expected in the country
in June.
The Airbuses, which are expected to augment the
Boeing 767 on the long haul
routes were bought using “diamonds money” in a
deal that was structured to
bypass European Union and US imposed sanctions
on Zimbabwe .
Air Zimbabwe has also entered into a wet long lease
agreement with Air
Zambezi to hire the 737-500 which would replace the
ageing 737-200.
Air Zimbabwe acting CEO Innocent Mavhunga could not
be drawn to comment. He
referred all questions to group chairman Jonathan
Kadzura, who last week
told the Zimbabwe Independent that the proposed plan
to buy the aircraft had
been put on hold indefinitely.
“At this
point in time I cannot comment on anything on Air Zimbabwe,” said
Kadzura.
Mbiriri would also not comment on the matter referring
all questions to
Transport minister Nicholas Goche, who was said to be in a
meeting when
contacted for comment.
However, Mavhunga was quoted
this week saying the airline had embarked on a
programme to phase out ageing
aircraft although he did not reveal how the
financially beleaguered airline
would fund the project.
Air Zimbabwe pilots who appeared before a
parliamentary committee on
transport and communications told lawmakers that
time was running out for
government to replace the 737-200 ADV aircraft
which must be retired by June
this year.
It is understood that
Ministry of Transport officials entered into a deal
with Sonangol, a Chinese
controlled oil company based in Angola to acquire
the aircraft from France.
The sources said Sonangol, the “deal sponsor”
would then advance payment to
Reliance Aerospace Solutions, an aviation
consulting firm which would then
transfer the funds to Airbus.
The sources said negotiations on the
deal commenced when a Airbus official
Richard Mohler a German-born Egyptian
aviation expert, and Reliance
Aerospace Solutions president Mohamed
El-Borai, Simon Pipping of Reliance
and Captain David O’Shea who heads the
flight operations and safety unit of
Reliance Aerospace, met with former Air
Zimbabwe chief Peter Chikumba and
senior government officials last
year.
The deal suffered a setback when government reportedly failed
to raise
sufficient funds from alluvial diamond sales to bring the airbuses
to
Zimbabwe by October 2010.
“A lot of things came out during the
strike. Mbiriri indicated that the two
Airbuses are in France. China’s
Sonangol will sponsor the deal because of
trading sanctions which are in
place,” an aviation expert said.
“The two aircraft were initially
manufactured for Kingfisher (Serial Number
MSN 886 and 894), an Indian owned
airline, but Kingfisher later defaulted on
payment amid reports that
business was low for the airline.”
According to the source, Air
Zimbabwe cabin crew and engineers have already
received training for the
Rolls Royce powered aircrafts.
“Our pilots are yet to receive
training so the aircraft will come with
pilots hired from Reliance. The new
planes will have a new livery, our
national flag on the tail while the rest
of the fuselage will be white. All
these developments came after Air
Zimbabwe completed a feasibility study in
June 2010,” the source said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 21:15
Wongai
Zhangazha
PRISONERS in the country’s overcrowded jails may soon be fed
with elephant
meat if a proposal by the Justice and Legal Affairs ministry
to curb the
shortage of protein in prisons is accepted by government.
The
ministry is proposing the culling of the “over-populated” elephants and
supply the meat to prisons where inmates have had meals without meat for
years. The country’s prison dietary requirements are said to be far below
international standards and what is required by the law. Inmates alternate
sadza with cabbages or beans as their main meal.
Unconfirmed
reports were that prisoners had gone for four years without
meat.
In an interview last week, Deputy Minister of Justice Obert
Gutu said while
“things have slightly improved in the prisons and prisoners
are getting
three meals a day”, there were still limitations in terms of the
dietary
requirements.
“The meals do not meet the approved dietary
standards as stipulated by the
law. In one of our meetings it was discussed
extensively how the problem
could be solved,” said Gutu. “It was at this
meeting that the ministry and
the Prison Services Commission considered
elephant meat as an option. It was
agreed that since experts say that there
is an overpopulation of elephants
in the country why not get some of the
elephants and give them to prisoners
as meat, since we don’t have the meat
neither do we have the money to buy
it. It was agreed to say let’s get into
a deal with relevant authorities and
arrange something.”
Parks
and Wildlife Management Authority spokesperson Caroline Washaya-Moyo
told
the Zimbabwe Independent this week that they had not received any
communication from the Ministry of Justice regarding the supply of elephant
meat to prisoners.
However, the move to supply prisons with
elephant meat was not welcomed by
wildlife activists.
Johnny
Rodrigues of the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force slammed the
proposal,
arguing that the move would result in the extinction of elephants
and in the
long result in the “killing” of the tourism industry.
He said: “This
is the most dangerous thing that they will be doing if
approved. One of the
biggest foreign currency earners in the country is
tourism. How then can we
steal from our own heritage? Why are we selling our
future heritage down the
drain? We should be looking after these intelligent
animals so that they are
not killed. Government should actually be putting
in harsh laws to protect
these animals.”
Rodrigues said despite claims by authorities that
there were 100 000
elephants in the country, the number had gone down to
less than 35 000.
Apart from food problems in prisons, jails are
overcrowded and government is
failing to provide adequate prison
garb.
Gutu said they had agreed that prisoners should start wearing
their own
clothes to ease the uniform crisis.
“The uniforms are
torn and we don’t have any new uniforms. It was agreed
that they start
wearing their own clothes except for dangerous prisoners and
obviously we
expect ZPS (Zimbabwe Prison Services) to use its discretion so
that it will
not pose a security risk,” said Gutu.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 21:18
Wongai
Zhangazha
ZIMBABWEANS in the diaspora have always vociferously complained
about being
deliberately excluded from national processes by virtue of their
physical
absence.
They have held night vigils in prominent world capitals
demonstrating
against human rights abuses in Zimbabwe by the government and
Zanu PF
supporters.
They have also tried to get the backing of
Sadc and even turned to the
courts to force President Robert Mugabe’s
government to allow postal voting.
While they seemed to campaign a lot for
inclusion in the constitution-making
process, they have somehow snubbed the
ongoing representations for a new
constitution.
Only a handful of
them bothered to add their views through submissions via a
website set up as
a platform for diaspora contributions by the
Constitutional Parliamentary
Committee (Copac).
Figures released by Copac last week showed that
only a paltry 2 397
contributions were made by Zimbabweans in the diaspora
via the website.
This is despite a United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) 2010 report
titled “The Potential Contribution of the
Zimbabwe Diaspora to Economic
Recovery” showing that at least three million
Zimbabweans migrated to other
countries from 2000, when political tensions
boiled over following the first
real challenge to Mugabe’s uninterrupted
rule.
This basically means that a quarter of the Zimbabwean
population is resident
in other countries.
Of these, an estimated
2,1 million are believed to be in South Africa while
the rest are spread
over other countries that include the UK with 400 000,
and Botswana and
elsewhere in Africa with 200 000 people.
About 50 000 are estimated
to be in the US and Canada while Australia and
New Zealand have 20 000 and
50 000 are believed to be scattered in other
countries around the
globe.
While economists and development experts agonise over how best
to tap into
this huge human capital for the country’s economic recovery,
politicians
have been making calculated moves to either include or exclude
the
Zimbabwean diaspora from participating in electoral
processes.
The MDC says that a majority of these Zimbabweans fled the
country at the
height of political brutality and economic collapse on
Mugabe’s watch and it
therefore assumes that if given a chance to vote,
these millions would vote
against Mugabe.
On the other hand Zanu
PF attacks them as sellouts and has vowed to deny
them the vote saying only
those physically in the country can vote.
But Copac’s statistics
might force a political rethink on whether their
demand to be allowed to
vote is genuine or just a political gimmick.
Zimbabweans in the UK
and SA demanded that the new constitution should give
them a right to vote
in future elections and grant them dual citizenship.
Diaspora groups
such as the London-based Council of Zimbabwe Christian
Leaders and Gabriel
Shumba-led Zimbabwe Exiles Forum, among others,
requested Copac to include
them in future processes and structures such as
the thematic committees, the
second national stakeholders’ conference, the
drafting stage and the
constitutional referendum.
Copac co-chairperson Douglas Mwonzora told
the Zimbabwe Independent that
there was general apathy by the diaspora in
contributing to the
constitutional outreach process.
He said: “It
is important to appreciate that the diaspora was contributing
in three
different forms which is through the website or collectively as an
organisation via the website and physically individual organisations through
institutional submissions. The number of contributions or entry on the
website does not necessarily reflect the number of people represented.
Sometimes they would contribute only to their area of
interest.”
He said the lack of participation by the diaspora was a
tragedy as it added
to the general scepticism about the Global Political
Agreement.
“Unfortunately I think that was apathy on the part of the
diaspora,”
Mwonzora said. “It reflects the general characteristics of
Zimbabweans of
not doing something about their fate leaving it to other
people to transform
the country of which they will only be total
transformation if everyone
participates.
“I am sure a lot of
Zimbabweans in the diaspora are waiting for a better
Zimbabwe. But they are
leaving it to Zimbabweans within the country to
transform it alone. It’s a
tragedy. I just hope they will continue
contributing adding their numbers
because we really want their contribution
to come before the
referendum.
“The other problem is that most Zimbabweans home and
abroad do not trust
Zimbabwe prophecies under the GPA. We can only transform
this country
through active participation,” he said.
Copac
co-chairperson Paul Mangwana said Zimbabweans abroad had not shown
interest
in the process and were only “concerned about their economic
survival”.
“It would have been a waste of resources for us
(Copac) going there and
consulting them on what they want included in the
new constitution. Zimbabwe
is now part of their history, not current
affairs,” said Mangwana.
However, UK-based Zimbabwean journalist and
community organiser, Chofamba
Sithole said with respect to the UK diaspora,
Copac did not run any outreach
exercise including publicising the use of its
website to harness submissions
from Zimbabweans outside the
country.
“It isn’t a question of whether or not Copac did enough;
rather, Copac didn’t
do anything remotely resembling a diaspora outreach
exercise. Those who knew
about the Copac website and the Copac outreach
programme itself are those
who are actively engaged with the situation back
home and make every effort
to stay informed and
involved.
“Diaspora groups themselves, such as (Zimbabwe Diaspora
Development
Interface) ZDDI in the UK and the Zimbabwe Exiles Forum in South
Africa,
were largely responsible for initiating outreach programmes in their
communities and mobilising their own members’ funds to convene consultative
meetings from which views were gathered and submitted to Copac. Even these
self-initiatives were not without major barriers as it wasn’t clear which
team within Copac was responsible for liaising with the diaspora,” said
Chofamba.
He said Copac’s failed outreach to the diaspora was not
in any way
indicative of the political interest of Zimbabweans abroad to
participate in
national political processes.
“It has to be said
that Copac’s stop-go outreach exercise was thoroughly
confusing and
frustrating even to those in Zimbabwe. The interest of
Zimbabweans abroad to
participate in national processes, especially voting,
is
phenomenal.”
Shumba of the Zimbabwe Exiles Forum said consultations
were as broad as
could be from his side as well as other organisations in
the UK. However,
because of shortages of resources “it was well nigh
impossible to consult
all representatives of the diaspora”.
“From
our standpoint, we are disappointed that not enough resources were
given to
Copac to make a meaningful engagement with the diaspora.
However, on the
issue of the website, we think that not many were informed
as the Copac
website was often difficult to access. It is also important to
dispel the
notion that many in the diaspora are economically empowered
enough to have
access to the internet on a regular basis. In fact, the
opposite is true,”
Shumba said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 20:36
Chris
Muronzi
THE Zimbabwe Stock Exchange’s mining index has fallen 11% from
last month,
unnerved by the latest indigenisation and economic empowerment
regulations
compelling foreign owned mining companies to dispose of 51%
shareholding to
designated entities that include the Zimbabwe Mining
Development
Corporation (ZMDC), companies owned by ZMDC and the National
Indigenisation
and Economic Empowerment Board.
According to the latest
regulations, mining companies are compelled to
dispose of controlling stakes
in mines with a net asset value of US$1 to
government-linked entities, a
move analysts said amounted to wholesale
nationalisation.
The mining
index closed at 205,26 points yesterday, down 11% from March 25,
when the
regulations were announced.
The mainstream industrial index, however, fell
marginally, weighed down by
talk of indigenisation and the contagion effects
of the latest regulations.
The ZSE’s mainstream index was 164,12 points when
government gazetted the
regulations and closed yesterday at 159,31 points,
down 2,6%.
Mining shares such as RioZim and Falgold have been worst
affected.
Falgold on Tuesday was US1,5 cents softer at US5 cents, down
23,1%, while
RioZim’s bids were US$1,20 from a peak of close to US$2 last
month.
Falgold is now owned by Ian Saunders’ New Dawn, a Toronto Stock
Exchange-listed company.
The bloodbath continued Wednesday with Bindura
closing at US8,01 cents down
or 11%.
RioZim closed at US$1,40 down by
US29,99 cents from the last day of trade, a
drop of 17,6%.
The mainstream
industrial index closed at 160,06 points yesterday, while the
mining index
closed at 205,26 points.
Shares of parent companies of Zimplats, Mimosa and
Unkimines; Implats,
Aquarius, and Angloplats respectively the shares have
also suffered in
recent weeks, spooked by news that government intended to
take over mining
companies by September, amid fears the designated entities
might not pay a
fair value. Implats owns Zimplats, the largest mining
venture in the
country, and co-owns Mimosa Platinum with Aquarius.
The
new regulations supersede earlier regulations gazetted by Indigenisation
and
Economic Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere last year compelling
all
foreign owned companies valued at US$500 000 to dispose of controlling
stakes to indigenous Zimbabweans.
A clause in the latest regulations
provides that the valuation would take
into consideration the state’s
“sovereign” rights in mineral resources.
This, analysts say, is an attempt to
lower the price state entities would
have to pay for controlling stakes.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 20:34
Paul
Nyakazeya
ZIMBABWE will need about US$270 million to import one million
tonnes of
maize this year, given a projected shortfall in local output of
the staple
crop, the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) said this week.
CFU
president Deon Theron told businessdigest that a total 800 000 tonnes of
maize was now expected to be harvested locally, from an initial estimate of
1,2 million tonnes.
“The initial projection was revised to about 800 000
due to the mid farming
season drought experienced in some parts of the
season,” he said.
Theron said the national maize consumption requirement
stood at 1,8 million
tonnes per annum. Last year Zimbabwe produced 1,3
million tonnes of maize.
“If Zimbabwe is to import (maize) from Malawi it
will cost about US$280 per
tonne,” Theron said.
Agriculture minister
Joseph Made, however, said figures of how much maize
was expected this year
were not readily available from government.
He said the country’s national
requirement was 2,2 million tonnes and not
1,8 million tonnes as the CFU
stated.
Made said: “There have been projections of maize production in the
country,
mostly by organisations that are not based in Zimbabwe. Most of
them do not
portray the correct situation on the ground. They will be
wrong.”
Made accused organisations such as USAid-funded Famine Early Warning
System
(Fewsnet) as not being transparent and sincere when dealing with
Zimbabwe,
saying government had now resorted to ignoring their
projections.
Some agriculture experts, however, said Fewsnet’s projections
were “almost
close to the ground and accurate, ” as they deployed experts in
all
provinces to record the correct situation on the ground.
Zimbabwe
Farmers Union director Paul Zakanya said the national yield is
expected to
double.
“We have received really good rains and this season should see us
getting a
good national yield. The bumper harvest will also be driven by the
increase
in the hectarage planted around the country. We are likely to
double our
crop yields this year,” he said.
He however said the cost of
inputs could hinder the projected yields.
Theron also forecast a deficit in
the production of wheat, Zimbabwe’s second
staple grain. He said farmers had
failed to meet annual wheat consumption
requirements of around 450 000
tonnes. Zimbabwe needed to import wheat worth
over US$150 million to meet an
expected shortfall of 440 000 tonnes.
At least 60 000 hectares was supposed
to be put under wheat this year but
farmers had planted only 10 000
hectares. Once regarded as the breadbasket
of Southern Africa during the
first two decades after Independence in 1980,
Zimbabwe has for the past
decade become a perennial importer of food,
relying more on handouts from
aid agencies after farm invasions which
started in February 2000.
The
agriculture sector, however appears to be emerging from the intensive
care
unit after a decade characterised by political unrest, drought,
shortage of
inputs and fuel, a declining economy, unreliable electricity for
winter
farming and absence of collateral for farmers to access loans.
Some analysts,
however, say the sector’s full recovery remains fragile and
will depend on
political and economic stability, reliable electricity,
availability of
inputs, cheap loans for farmers and favourable rains.
Zimbabwe Farmers’ Union
president Silas Hungwe told businessdigest that
agriculture production had
improved a lot in Zimbabwe.
He said: “It was important for farmers to build
on last year’s encouraging
output as all major sectors of the economy’s
revival largely depend on
agriculture. Compared to previous years the amount
of hectarage planted is
encouraging. However, there is no support for the
small grains, but
government is making subsidised fertiliser available to
farmers.”
Hungwe said agriculture was the centre of gravity for the economy,
contributing 19% to gross domestic product last year.
GDP is the most
important measure of economic activity in the country as it
is the crossing
point of expenditure, output and income.
This year’s growth is expected to be
driven by tobacco, which is expected to
reach 177 million kg from 123
million kg.
Agricultural Marketing Authority director Basil Nyabadza said
Zimbabwe
needed a comprehensive and sustainable solution that would ensure
agricultural production was re-invigorated sustainability.
“New farmers
should be able to apply to the land bank for soft loans to
finance purchase
of farms and loans to begin or continue agricultural
production on an agreed
cost recovery scheme with the financier,” he said.
“We experienced good rain
this year which should translate into a bumper
harvest. We are looking at a
possible increase in tobacco which will be good
for the economy. The
agriculture sector has recovered considerably,”
Nyabadza said.
However,
he said, fertiliser and inputs had not been readily available.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 20:33
Taurai
Mangudhla
ILLEGAL settlers have disrupted the local timber industry as
they have
invaded more than 5 000 hectares of commercial forestry land in
Manicaland,
indiscriminately cutting down trees, and posing serious
environmental
degradation threats in the process, according to timber
industry players.
The timber industry accuses local authorities responsible
for allocating
land under the controversial land reform programme as
abetting the
squatters, thereby sabotaging the sector’s revival. They say
forestry
plantations are being used for resettlement despite the fact that
they are
protected from invasion by the same land reform policy.
“The
situation is political because the governor and the Lands officer are
responsible for land allocation. What I know is that if plantation
management is not in good books with these political appointees you are
likely to see your plantation being allocated to squatters,” said a senior
plantation manager who requested anonymity.
This was contrary to the
forest-based land reform policy framework, which
recognises timber
plantation as a viable land use option that should not be
converted to other
uses.
Industry sources in Manicaland say because of these takeovers, their
companies are failing to secure foreign investment needed to revamp the
ailing sector.
“Chinese investors who had shown interest in some
plantations said they
would only commit their resources to the tune of
US$100 million once the
unlawful occupants were removed,” Timber Producers
Federation’s (TPF)
chairman Franky Kufa said. He said potential investors
needed a secure
operating environment before they could commit their
finances.
Efforts to secure the much needed funding required to revive the
ailing
sector have been countered by continued plantation incursions.
The
latest Timber Producers Federation’s (TPF) report indicated more than 5
000
hectares had been illegally occupied by close to 600 families and 1 241
settlers, most of whom were gold panners.
Kufa said the illegal
settlements posed the greatest challenge to timber
plantations in the form
of opportunistic harvesting, land clearing for
agriculture and uncontrolled
fires.
Most of the unlawful occupants had already cut down trees to either
grow
potatoes, maize and other crops.
Allied Timbers Zimbabwe, the
Wattle Company and listed Border Timbers
Limited are some of the major
foresty companies that have been affected most
by the chaotic
invasions.
Environment and Natural Resources minister Francis Nhema said
collective
action was required to resolve problems arising from the
invasions.
“Illegal setters are not sustainable to the industry and there is
need for
engagement between local leadership, government, timber growers and
the
illegal settlers to come up with a common ground” said Nhema.
Lands
and Rural Resettlement minister Herbert Murerwa however, indicated the
chaotic situation could not be immediately resolved as anticipated by timber
growers, owing to policy complications.
Murerwa said government had the
challenge to find alternative land for the
illegal settlers as part of a
rehabilitation process which is required by
policy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 20:28
Chris
Muronzi
A COURT ruling that saw South Africans of Chinese descent being
granted the
right to also benefit from Black Economic Empowerment (BEE)
deals, citing
that they were also discriminated against during the apartheid
era has
apparently had no effect on Zimbabwe’s proponents of black economic
empowerment. A ruling by a South African Court confirmed what South Africans
of Chinese descent had been claiming all along; “we are
black.”
And they became black and benefitted from BEE deals.
South
Africans of Chinese descent had been classified as “coloured” during
apartheid and faced discrimination as much as blacks. While Zimbabwe intends
that BEE beneficiaries should exclusively be black, the wording of its
indigenisation laws actually leaves it more open for people who are not
black to claim indigenous status, according to top lawyers –– Nick Willsmer
and Sternford Moyo.
Willsmer and Moyo last week brought to the fore some
of the problems that
lay ahead as President Robert Mugabe and his
Empowerment minister Saviour
Kasukuwere vigorously push for indigenisation
of the economy.
The lawyers said definitions in the Indigenisation and
Economic Empowerment
Act and regulations were so broad that even a Maori
could claim to be an
indigenous Zimbabwean, and lawfully benefit from
indigenisation programmes
in Zimbabwe.
Definitions such as “indigenous”,
according to the lawyers, are ambiguous
and too broad.
For instance,
“indigenous Zimbabweans” is according to the lawyers so
misleading that a
“person who qualifies as an ‘indigenous Zimbabwean’ need
not be indigenous
nor Zimbabwean.”
Apart from the regulations and act being loosely defined,
the lawyers said
the piece of legislation was unconstitutional, saying it
trampled underfoot
fundamental rights enshrined in the constitution such as
freedom of
association, expression and sanctity of property rights.
But
in a country where business leaders are generally prone to political
interference, analysts say the constitutionality of the act might never be
tested, especially given some rulings relating to property rights and
constitutional rights made by the Supreme Court over the years.
Observers
say the country’s judicial system is not independent and is
sometimes at the
mercy of politicians.
As expected, mines executives have refused to talk
about the new regulations
affecting the industry.
Instead, the executives
are meeting government officials behind closed doors
to try and dissuade
them from wholesale nationalisation of the sector.
Analysts say although the
planned indigenisation of the economy is noble,
the manner in which
government is going about the exercise, casts doubt on
the success of the
policy.
Judging by recent regulations that compel mining companies to dispose
of
controlling stakes in mines to the Zimbabwe Mining Development
Corporation,
companies owned by the government mining group, a government
empowerment
body and sovereign wealth funds, analysts say Zimbabwe now
wants to
nationalize mines.
Ambiguous definitions aside, Willsmer says it
would be impossible to ensure
that a company whose shares are traded daily
on a stock exchange is 51%
owned by indigenous Zimbabweans.
He said the
introduction of official “designated entities” as the recipients
of mining
interests was in conflict with the “plainly-stated” purpose of the
Act ––
to empower indigenous Zimbabweans –– arguing official bodies “do not
qualify
as indigenous.”
Moyo, a senior partner at Scanlen & Holderness, also
blasted a clause in the
regulations that gives Kasukuwere the discretion to
come up with valuations
of companies by taking into account the state’s
“sovereign rights” to
minerals as an attempt to ensure that “little or
nothing” was paid for the
shares.
He added that the regulations’
provision that Kasukuwere can impose partners
on mining companies violated
freedom of association protected by Section 21
of the Constitution.
Apart
from undermining section 21, the provision could fuel corruption and
see
Kasukuwere cherry picking the would-be beneficiaries on political and
even
family basis, analysts say.
Moyo also said freedom of expression would be
trampled underfoot should
government compel companies to submit empowerment
plans.
He said: “Section 20 of the constitution enshrines freedom of
expression.
That freedom includes the right not to communicate if one does
not wish to
do so. The Constitution does not, therefore, provide for
submission of
empowerment plans. Consequently, the duty to produce a plan
within 45 days
appears to be challengeable.”
Analysts said there is need
to have clear definitions in the act and
regulations to spell out the
would-be beneficiaries, amid concerns that the
policy is a veiled
nationalisation plan, particularly in the mining sector.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
20:28
Nqobile Bhebhe
PLANS to adopt a single currency for the
15-member Southern African
Development Community (Sadc) by 2018 could be
overtaken by a much broader
regional single currency and customs project
that would include two other
trade blocs, Industry and International Trade
minister Welshman Ncube has
said.
Sadc, Common Market for East
and Southern Africa (Comesa) and the East
African Community are in talks
aimed at setting up a single monetary union
and a free trade area by
2016.
A tripartite summit is scheduled for South Africa in May.
Ncube said
it would be wise for Sadc to “slow down towards a common
currency”.
“The
current roadmap is that we have a target for the common currency by
2016,
assuming that all other issues such as the building blocks around the
customs union have been achieved.
“But I doubt that route would be
pursued with any enthusiasm because of
discussions going on around the
tripartite free trade area,” he said.
The tripartite was the coming together
of Comesa, Sadc and East African
community with a view to constructing a
bigger regional organisation, said
Ncube.
Member states of the Sadc
integration project agreed to form a common
central bank and adopt a single
currency.
In preparation for this, states had agreed to reduce their budget
deficits
to 5% of gross domestic product and bring inflation to below
10%.
When the Sadc monetary union plan was mooted, 2016 was initially set as
the
target for a monetary union and a single currency by 2018.
Ncube said
with a bigger free trade area, attention would be directed at
integrating
and consolidating the three bodies.
“If that happens, the movement by any of
the three bodies towards a monetary
union would be difficult because you do
not want to move the three
organisations towards completely separate
monetary unions which would end up
integrated.
“Therefore, it would be
wiser to slow down movement towards monetary union
and create a three body
regional free trade area, a bigger customs union,
before moving together
towards a single monetary union,” he added.
Currently, Sadc has launched a
regional payment integration system which
facilitates electronic settlements
between banks within the region.
The regional payment system is widely seen
as a forerunner towards the
single currency initiative.
However, some
Sadc economies might find it a herculean task to bring
inflation down to
single digit levels.
There are fears that the integration and the
introduction of a single
regional currency will tilt balances of trade and
investment in favour of
the more stable economies in the region that may
eventually swallow the
smaller economies.
Zimbabwe, Madagascar,
Seychelles, Mauritius, the DRC, Swaziland, Malawi and
Zambia are also in
Comesa along with Burundi, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt,
Eritrea, Ethiopia,
Kenya, Libya, Rwanda, Sudan, and Uganda.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
20:53
Paidamoyo Muzulu
FOR the first time since Independence in
1980 Zimbabweans wake up to five
daily papers on the newsstands.
All
the papers have large banners with nearly the same news and one is left
wondering if there is any change brought by newly registered players to the
industry. Does the media channels plurality translate into multiplicity of
voices and issues covered or is it still the same old voices that now have
more mouthpieces?
The five daily papers are the Herald,
the Chronicle, NewsDay, the Daily News
and the Mail. These are in addition
to two tabloids, H-Metro and B-Metro.
Media diversity and plurality is a
creation of the hard-fought negotiations
between the three main political
parties that culminated in the 2008 Global
Political Agreement. The
Sadc-facilitated pact was signed to end a
decade-long political bickering.
Among other issues, the signatories agreed
to overhaul the Zimbabwe media
terrain to reflect the diversified opinions
in the country.
Zanu
PF and the government dominated the print and electronic media for the
greater part of the last decade. They determined what news was and what the
people should hear. This unfair advantage was buttressed by ownership and
control of Zimbabwe’s largest media house –– publicly listed Zimpapers and
ZBC’s radio and television channels.
The other voices could be
heard only once a week in privately owned weekly
papers such as the
Financial Gazette, the Sunday Standard and the Zimbabwe
Independent. For the
electronic media citizens had to install free to air
digital television
decoders or tune in to independent Zimbabwean radio
stations hosted abroad
like Studio 7, Short Wave Radio Africa and VOP.
The Daily News, an
Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe publication, in 1999
was the first
privately owned daily paper in the country. It created a
seismic shift in
the media balance of power. Opposition political parties
had a window to
criticise and contest Zanu PF on a daily basis.
This created a
dichotomous media in the country –– pro-government and
opposition media.
Only two voices dominated the media landscape, Zanu PF and
MDC.
To counter the new dispensation, the then Information and
Publicity minister
Jonathan Moyo steered through the Access to Information
and Protection of
Privacy Act (Aippa) and the Broadcasting Services Act
(BSA) to put the media
on a tight leash.
The Daily News’ days were
numbered. Within three short years it breathed its
last, banned by the
government for non-compliance with Aippa registration
requirements.
The brief life of media plurality was gone only to
resurrect seven years
later. New participants have arisen like a phoenix,
mushrooming all over the
place but the narrative and the voices continue to
be dichotomous. Zanu PF
and MDC continue to be the main
news.
Media analyst and Media Centre director Earnest Mudzengi argues
that the
proliferation of new papers has neither changed the political
narrative nor
created space for other marginalised groups to be
heard.
“These papers have largely remained the same,” Mudzengi said,
“We hear the
same old voices, MDC and Zanu PF. We do not have the voice of
the ordinary
people or any new analysts except the same old
voices.”
Politics have remained the main lead story across the
papers. MDC and Zanu
PF continue to hog the limelight. Other political
parties like Zapu,
Mavambo, Zanu Ndonga, trade unions and non-governmental
organisations are
rarely in the news.
Voluntary Media Council of
Zimbabwe executive secretary Takura Zhangazha, on
the contrary, argues that
the emergence of new papers was good for freedom
of speech and
information.
“New players have broken the media monopoly,” Zhangazha
said. “The papers
have given options to the people of Zimbabwe to consider.
There is now a
semblance of diversity but it’s too early to
tell.”
However, Zhangazha admitted that the political narrative has
not changed
much neither has other issues covered in the
press.
“I think the papers are competing in a tight market,”
Zhangazha said, “They
are responding to market needs which dictate that
politics sell hence the
headlines we see every day.”
The media
euphoria is set to end at sometime. Papers will have to compete
for the
market in a depressed economy where the majority of employed persons
earn
far below the $500 poverty datum line. It remains to be seen if the
media
environment will not replicate the post-Kamuzu Banda Malawian
experience.
From independence in 1964 to 1992, Malawi had only
two papers, the Daily
Times and the weekly Malawi News published by the
Malawi Broadcasting
Corporation and the Malawi News Agency. Post-Banda in
1994 more than 20
papers were operating in Malawi but most quickly collapsed
within two years.
Only four papers The Malawi News and the Daily
Times (both owned by the late
President Banda’s business empire), and the
Nation and Weekend Nation (owned
by Aleke Banda, the country’s agriculture
minister and first vice president
of the ruling UDF) have remained the
strongest players with a reasonable
impact on the market. The Mirror (owned
by Brown Mpinganjira, the country’s
foreign minister and prominent
personality in Muluzi’s UDF) has survived the
turbulent times in the
newspaper publishing industry.
Publishers cited poor financing, high
newsprint costs, poor skills in
managing a newspaper business and lack of
trained newsroom staff as major
reasons for going under. Among the
short-lived papers are.
The New Voice, The Watchers, The Malawian
Michiru, SunCity Star, Financial
Observer, Weekly Mail, News Today, The
Herald, New Express, Daily Monitor,
and The Democrat, which collapsed in
1996. The Independent and The Star were
phased out in 1999 because of lack
of support from influential politicians.
Zimbabwe is still to
experience the liberalisation of the airwaves. No new
broadcasters have been
licensed. ZBC still enjoys a monopoly and Zanu PF
still has unfettered
access to the medium.
However, Mudzengi argues that, “New
broadcasters may fall into the same trap
that print media fell into.
Broadcasting may be different because content
from the broadcasters will be
determined by the type of licences granted to
each new
player.”
Broadcasting licences may take the form of community
stations, public
broadcasting and commercial stations. These in a sense will
create space for
new voices and create plurality in the news. For the time,
media plurality
and diversity is yet to come to our shores.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 21:20
Wongai
Zhangazha
THE introduction of the National Youth Service Programme (NYSP)
in 2001 saw
an upsurge in politically motivated rape and other forms of
sexual
exploitation, a report by the Harare-based Research and Advocacy Unit
(RAU)
has claimed.
The report — Forced Concubinage in Zimbabwe — released
last week claimed
that political sexual exploitation had become a constant
feature in the
country, especially during election periods, and RAU has
called for the
immediate arrest of perpetrators.
Women, the
report averred, were being coerced into a sexual partnership with
a man or
compelled to perform “wifely duties”.
The abuse was in three forms —
rape, human trafficking and forced marriage
and dates back to the liberation
struggle where young girls were taken
involuntarily to wash, cook, porter
and have sex with soldiers and
ex-combatants.
RAU claimed that
the attainment of Independence saw a reduction in
politically motivated rape
and sexual exploitation. However, the abuse
intensified in 2002 after the
establishment of NYSP by the Zanu PF-led
government in
2001.
Contrary to values that were supposed to be instilled in the
youths — sense
of national identity, patriotism, unity and oneness,
discipline, and
self-reliance – the trainees allegedly committed serious
human rights
violations against women and girls.
“Girls were
allegedly raped at the training centres, including by officials
and their
male counterparts for whom they also carried out menial household
chores,”
reads the report.
“Those who escaped the training camps related
horrific stories as to what
transpires within the confines of the camps,
including forced sexual
concubinage. The NYSP became the training ground for
what has come to be
known as the youth militia and, from 2002 onwards,
allegations of murder,
torture, rape, and the destruction of property were
linked to these youths.”
Violence against women, including rape and
other forms of sexual violence,
increased significantly during election
periods, RAU claimed.
“Women and girls were taken to camps known as
bases where they were detained
and subjected to violent abuse,” the report
alleged. “Even though there are
very few documented reports by women who
were raped and subjected to other
forms of sexual abuses at the bases, the
number of victims is believed to be
large.”
The report said a
study based on focused discussions with 150 women
nationwide revealed that
2% of women in Zimbabwe had experienced politically
motivated rape at bases
and sometimes in their homes.
“The Aids Free World research revealed
a systematic pattern of violence
against women accompanying elections
periods starting with the 2000
parliamentary elections (when the MDC
presented Zanu-PF with its first
serious electoral challenge) and continuing
through 2002 when (Prime
Minister) Morgan Tsvangirai first ran for the
presidency,” the report said.
“The rapes documented by Aids-Free
World revealed a dramatic increase of
rapes in 2008 as compared with 2007.
There was a surge in frequency — some
64%— occurring between the March
presidential election and the June
presidential runoff
election.”
The report also noted the increase in human trafficking
for purposes of
sexual exploitation.
“Zimbabwe is a source and
transit country for women and children trafficked
for purposes of sexual
exploitation and forced labour. Women and children
are trafficked from the
Democratic Republic of Congo, Malawi and Mozambique
to South Africa through
Zimbabwe,” the RAU report claimed.
“It is also a source country
because Zimbabwean women and girls are
trafficked for sexual exploitation in
brothels to neighbouring Botswana,
Mozambique, South Africa, and
Zambia.”
RAU recommended that government prosecute perpetrators of
political rape and
others forms of sexual violence, trafficking for purposes
of sexual
exploitation including forced prostitution and forced marriage to
address
the problem of forced concubinage effectively.
The report
also suggested that no amnesties be granted for perpetrators of
politically
motivated sexual violence and also the establishment of service
programmes,
including counselling and access to medical care for the
rehabilitation of
women and girls who were subjected to rape, sexual slavery
(forced
concubinage) during the election periods and for victims of
trafficking.
RAU called for an independent, innovative and
dynamic judiciary which
progressively and effectively interprets regional
and international human
rights instruments in the furtherance of human
rights even where state
officials were involved.
It also called
for the ratification and domestication of the Protocol on the
Suppression of
Trafficking in Persons and increased awareness-raising
campaigns for
government officials and the public on the nature of
trafficking of women
and children for purposes of sexual exploitation.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 21:22
Paul
Nyakazeya
THE planned Zimbabwe Industrial Development Policy (ZIDP) for
2011-2015
should help restore the manufacturing sector’s contribution to the
gross
domestic product (GDP) to 30% from the current 15%, the Minister of
Industry
and International Trade, Welshman Ncube, said
Wednesday.
If the plan is successful, the manufacturing sector’s
contribution to
exports should also rise from 26% to 50% by
2015.
Addressing captains of industry and CEOs at the National
Industrial
Development Policy breakfast organised by the Confederation of
Zimbabwe
Industry (CZI) in Harare, Ncube said a conducive political
environment was
needed if what was contained in the policy was to be
achieved.
He said business wanted “certainties” but government tended
to be slow in
implementing or addressing their needs, resulting in most
policies failing
to achieve their objectives.
“If we are to move
towards creating a vibrant, self sustaining competitive
economy we have to
create an environment that enables our goods to be
competitive
internationally,” he said.
“We cannot talk of an industrial policy
without talking of an agriculture
policy because the two are intertwined.
This includes other sectors that are
key to the economy such as mining. We
also need to improve on availability
of statistics because business is all
about numbers.”
He said government had identified four priority
sectors as the pillars and
engine for the ZIDP — agro-processing (Food and
beverages, Clothing and
Textiles, Wood and Furniture); the fertiliser
industry; pharmaceuticals; and
the metals and electrical
sector.
“These are sectors which can be developed without the need
for massive
amounts of capital resources, but which can be partly
re-capitalised from
the country’s own resources, including the remainder of
the Special Drawing
Rights (SDRs) and local lines of credit being offered by
local financial
institutions,” Ncube said.
Economist Luxon Zembe
said everyone who contributed to the policy and wanted
it to work should ask
what kind of a political environment they needed if
their objectives were to
be achieved.
“To avoid having another document that fails to achieve
its targets, we
should address what kind of a political environment we want
for this
document to be implemented fully,” Zembe
said.
Government and industry has over the years been accused of
coming up with
policy documents and turnaround programmes that they fail to
implement.
An average real GDP growth of 15% is targeted under the
policy framework of
2011-2015.
The framework also seeks to create
additional employment in the
manufacturing sector on an incremental basis,
as compared to the previous
planning period of 2004 to 2010.
“If
fully implemented, the policy frame work will see an increase in
capacity
utilisation from the current levels of around 43% to 100% by the
end of the
planning period,” said Ncube.
He said the policy also sought to
re-equip and replace obsolete machinery
and new technologies for import
substitution and enhanced value addition.
The policy is also
targeting to increase the manufactured exports to the
Sadc and Comesa
regions and the rest of the world, and to promote
utilisation of available
local raw materials in the production of goods.
The strategies to be
pursued in fulfillment of the objectives would see
government establishing a
bank primarily dedicated to financing short and
long term recapitalisation
of industry.
“Sources of funding and the modalities for the
operationalisation of the
institution will be completed within the first six
months of the policy
coming into force,” Ncube said.
He said
government would identify additional lines of credit of a short to
medium
term with grace periods of three to six months and a repayment period
of
over 12-24 months and make them available to industry on priority
basis.
“The target is to finance the procurement of raw materials,
packaging
materials, production consumables, laboratory chemicals, spare
parts,
repairs and maintenance of plant and equipment and other working
capital
costs,” the minister said.
As a short term measure,
government would initiate revival packages for
distressed companies with a
clear-cut exit policy on the basis of a
revolving fund.
According
to the policy, government would review the import tariffs
structure on the
customs duty and Vat on industrial raw materials and
packaging to level the
playing field for locally produced goods.
“A Council for Technology
Upgrades will be established to coordinate the
crucial role of modernising
industry’s plant and equipment and to improve on
its systems and quality of
products in line with international best
practice,” Ncube
said.
He said during the five year period government will put in
place a short
term investment strategy to unlock latent economic potential
in a specific
geographical area.
The programme is said to be in
line with the Sadc member states’ economic
vision which aims at transforming
the respective members states’ economies
from operating as individual,
fragmented markets into an integrated, vibrant
and globally competitive
market, characterised by free movement of goods,
services, capital as well
as labour.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011 21:02
By
Jan Raath
HUMAN rights organisation Amnesty International spoke of a dark
shadow over
Zimbabwe at the 31st anniversary of its Independence on Monday,
but the
darkness, diplomats say, has also begun to envelop President Robert
Mugabe.
Two choices face the man who has ruled the country since
Independence, they
said. He can follow the demands of his Southern African
neighbours to end
the reign of fear and violence he has inflicted on
Zimbabweans for the last
11 years since he first encountered a strong
opposition, or he can tell them
to go to hell, as he has often told the
West, the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund and the
Commonwealth.
The first choice means holding free and fair elections
under international
supervision, which he appears almost certain to lose. In
March 2008, the
country was able to hold its first violence-free elections
and he lost. He
held his grip on power by unrolling a savage campaign of
violence against
his pro-democracy opponent Morgan Tsvangirai of the
Movement for Democratic
Change in the following second-round
vote.
In opinion polls since then he has lagged way behind
Tsvangirai, now his
prime minister in a coalition government to which Mugabe
was forced by his
neighbours to agree.
If he makes the second
choice, the diplomats said, it will be so he can hold
elections his way, as
they have been held since 2000, marked by violence and
rigging, and he can
stay in power. Defiance to his neighbours, united under
the 15-nation
Southern African Development Community (Sadc), carries the
high risk of
being banished by the group.
“It will entail total international
isolation,” said one Harare- based
Western envoy.
Mugabe and his
cronies are already under targeted sanctions imposed by the
West, and he
withdrew from the Commonwealth in 2003 when it threatened to
kick him out
for cheating in elections.
He found himself facing these
uncomfortable choices not three weeks ago when
a group of four Sadc leaders,
led by South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma,
told him to stop the violent
persecution of Tsvangirai’s party, the MDC, and
to carry out a wide range of
long-overdue democratic and electoral reforms.
Sadc had kept silent about
Mugabe’s abuses for over a decade until the
leaders meeting on March 31 in
Zambia, and Mugabe was shocked.
Mugabe is finding himself in a world
that has shifted position radically
only since January, said the diplomat.
Mugabe was specifically warned by
Zambian President Rupiah Banda at the
March meeting of how the popular
uprisings in North Africa and the Middle
East had shown what could happen
when leaders do not listen to their
people.
Mugabe’s ministers and militias have been warning that in the
next
elections, which he says he wants held by September, the violence will
be
worse than the second-round ballot in June 2008 when more than 200 of
Tsvangirai’s supporters were allegedly killed and thousands brutalised and
maimed.
This was followed by the crash of the economy and the
currency, collapse of
infrastructure, national famine and one of Africa’s
worst cholera epidemics.
The economy has staged a modest recovery
since then, the currency has
stabilised and both basic and luxury
commodities have become widely
available since the MDC took control over the
country’s finances in the
coalition government.
“Over the last 31
years Mugabe and his Zanu PF (party) have evolved a regime
that is corrupt
through and through, and the state is their private cash
box,” said the
diplomat. “Mugabe having unfettered control over the economy
means chaos
again.”
Any respectable legacy the aged Mugabe had to leave is now
long gone,
observers say. But he still has a chance to redeem something by
letting the
right things happen and conceding gracefully, the diplomat
said.
If he doesn’t, he’s got the example to look to of Laurent
Gbabgo, the loser
in elections in Ivory Coast late last year, who fought to
hold on to his
elapsed presidency, causing the loss of thousands of lives,
until foreign
troops had to dig him out of a bunker.
“Does Mugabe
want to be like that?” asked the diplomat. “I don’t know, but
the prognosis
is not good.” — www.monstersandcritics.com
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
21:00
So Independence Day has come and gone with very little to show for
it.
Despite all the crowing in the state media there is only one salient
point
that stands out: Zimbabweans are significantly poorer today than they
were
31 years ago. And that is due, not to sanctions as we are dishonestly
led to
believe, but unrepentant misrule by a political oligarchy.
It was
interesting to see how Mbada Diamonds has adopted the language of its
patrons. It speaks of “a moment to reminisce on irreversible empowerment
(and) reflect on a patriotic national economic agenda”.
They are
“harnessing diamonds for the people”, they tell us.
How many “people” have
benefited we wonder!
Other beneficiaries of Zanu PF’s misrule were in
evidence this week. Air
Zimbabwe was “celebrating 31 years of Independence”,
we are told, with a
picture of one plane airborne.
There were 15 in
1980.
Arda joined the line-up of those mismanaged corporations keen to draw
attention to themselves. So was Zinwa which showed us a tap gushing water in
the national colours.
“We shall always remember,” it told us. So will
those thousands of people
who have to go without water every
day!
“Economic empowerment guarantees total Independence,” the National
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Board told us. That presumably
includes use of the US dollar?
What can we conclude from all this? That
those who shout the loudest about
sovereignty have managed to reduce the
country to a pathetically dependent
status where it has to beg for food,
fuel and just about everything else it
needs.
We were amused by a
puff piece in the Daily News last week that referred to
the paper’s printing
problems. Managing Editor John Gambanga bemoaned the
fact that because of a
breakdown at their press, ANZ (the company that
publishes the Daily News)
had been forced to subcontract the printing of
their paper to others —
meaning us — at significantly higher cost and at
time slots that were “not
suitable”.
“The good news,” he says, “is that our engineers (at ANZ) have now
identified the problem with our press …and we hope to be back to a print run
of 50 000 copies a day which is what we were selling before the inopportune
breakdown — and which makes us already the biggest daily newspaper in
Zimbabwe by far. If we had the capacity, in terms of having the newsprint
and the ability to distribute our newspaper effectively around the country,
we could easily sell 100 000 copies…”
Gambanga described his paper as “a
blazing commercial success”.
“As it is, we note very happily how the
competition is already copying and
aping our robust approach to
news…”
This is presumably a reference to a Daily diet of Jonathan Moyo
stories. We
will avoid comment for now on any “aping” that might be going on
and confine
ourselves to Gambanga’s monkeying around with print
figures.
He omits to mention that our printers, Strand Multiprint (a division
of
Alpha Media Holdings), is the company that came to his rescue when ANZ’s
printer broke down. We charged the going rate, no more, no less, and printed
their paper on a first come, first serve basis. We were happy to help just
as we did when the Daily News printer was bombed in 2001.
We were also of
course privy to their print run over the past few weeks.
This is not
something we would normally publish but as Gambanga has made a
number of
fanciful claims, they warrant a response.
At no time did the Daily News’
print run reach 50 000 copies a day. Last
week they asked us to print 15 000
a day. Gambanga appears to have borrowed
his figure of 50 000 from NewsDay
which now prints 50 000. Most likely he
has taken it off the top of his
head. As for being a “blazing commercial
success”, a quick look at the ad
content against editorial will settle that
claim.
Muckraker is reluctant
to get into a fist-fight with Gambanga, an old
friend, or anybody else on
that side of the road. We wish them well. As we
have repeatedly said, the
more the merrier on the market. Let the reading
public decide what product
they prefer. Many people will buy both. We don’t
want to become a
one-newspaper state! But please, no wild claims, especially
when they are so
easy to check!
Zimbabwe will never attack Sadc or any of its members,
Foreign Affairs
minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi told ambassadors and
journalists last week.
“Government has never and will never attack Sadc,” he
said. “We are friends
and allies. If there was any attack it was not from
government but from
somewhere…You cannot do that. You know who speaks on
behalf of government or
Zanu PF…they have never said anything,” he
said.
This is of course an attempt at damage limitation. And it was
completely
disingenuous. There were some gullible ambassadors present, who
said
“misconceptions had been created by the media about the situation in
Zimbabwe”. But most of those present will know perfectly well that editorial
comments in the state media reflect the views of the Zimbabwe government. In
fact no editorial of the sort that appeared in the state media of April 3
would have been permitted without ministerial approval.
So Mumbengegwi’s
attempt to pull the wool over diplomats’ eyes is unlikely
to succeed.
At
least Zuma’s office will be fully aware of who wrote what.
If Zimbabwe’s
leaders want to wave their fists at Zuma they should at least
have the
courage of their convictions and not try and pass the buck to
others.
Ludicrous is one word to describe a Farirai Chubvu’s
contribution to the
editorial pages of the Herald last Thursday. Entitled
“Cry my beloved
continent” Chubvu attempts to draw similarities between
deposed Ivorian
strongman Laurent Gbagbo and Congolese Prime Minister
Patrice Lumumba’s
assassination in 1961.
“It happened to Patrice Emery
Lumumba in 1960 (sic) for precisely the same
reasons and now it has happened
to Laurent Gbagbo with the same players at
the centre of the action,” Chubvu
laments.
While we know that apologists for tyranny tend to bend historical
events to
suit their purpose this is ridiculous.
It is mischievous to
compare Lumumba, a true revolutionary and Pan-African
to a despot who had
lost popular support and was clinging to power by hook
or by crook. Even the
regional body Ecowas and the African Union told Gbagbo
to go.
Are we to
believe then that the African Union and Ecowas have also been
colonised and
the last vestige of pan-Africanism is ensconced in Harare?
Chubvu and
commentators of his ilk have appropriated the right of Ivorians
to decide
who should lead them.
“Ouattara has since been thrust into the position of
Ivorian president,”
Chubvu goes on to say, as if the Ivorian electorate
cannot make a choice on
who should lead them.
The mandate Ouattara was
given through his election victory is apparently
inconsequential.
Indefatigable, Chubvu goes on to say: “And this is what
the myopic among us
are celebrating as ‘democracy’ dutifully labelling
Gbagbo a ‘dictator’.
Dictator, what did he do?”
Well we can tell you what
he did: Gbagbo clung to the presidency even though
he won only 46% of the
vote to Ouattara’s 54% in last year’s election. He
was finally dragged from
his bunker after two weeks of battle that
devastated the capital Abidjan
displacing more than 100 000 people.
Once again ZBC was mandated to hype
the Independence celebrations and true
to form they were excited on the
people’s behalf.
“Zimbabweans from all walks of life,” ZBC told us on Monday,
“are in a
celebratory mood ahead of Monday’s Independence Day
anniversary.”
Harare residents hailed the “visionary leadership” of the Head
of State and
Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence
Forces, President
Robert Mugabe. At least this time there were no claims of
the president’s
“telescopic foresight”.
“Zimbabwe is one of a few
countries in Africa that has managed to embark on
various programmes to
economically empower indigenous people,” they go on to
claim.
They also
forgot to say that it is also one of a few countries in Africa and
indeed
the world whose economic meltdown was “unprecedented for a country
not at
war”, according to the World Bank.
The African media has been criticised
for lacking focus and commitment to
developing the continent, ZBC says. The
situation had left a void which has
been exploited by Western media to
create chaos on the continent.
In an interview with ZBC at the International
Women’s Conference last week,
Namibian Gender, Equality and Child Welfare
Deputy Minister Angelika
Muharukua said African media institutions have
taken a back seat in matters
that concern the continent.
“Instead of
protecting their continent, African journalists are destroying
it,” she
said. “They have taken a back seat on matters critical to the
continent, and
yet rely on articles emanating from the West which are
however atrocious and
meant to cause chaos.”
We agree. Public media such as ZBC have forsaken their
mandate to inform,
entertain and educate so as to instead further the
agendas of tyrannical
regimes. The number of satellite dishes hanging from
even the most humble of
abodes speaks volumes of their failure to perform
their mandate.
In the same report Muharukua could not help but get on the
praise-singing
bandwagon saying Zimbabweans “have a rare leader in the
calibre of the Head
of State and Government and Commander-in-Chief of the
Zimbabwe Defence
Forces, President Robert Mugabe”.
Namibia’s political
class evidently have a lot of growing up to do!
Muckraker was last
Saturday night condemned to watching an evening of ZTV
having suffered a
collapse of DStv reception. It was excruciatingly bad from
beginning to
end.
There was a little documentary about how “die-hard” Rhodesians resisted
transformation of the airforce in the early 1980s. Emmerson Mnangagwa was
wheeled on to say there was resistance in the army but “no problem between
Zanla and Zipra”.
The interviewer forgot to ask him about
Entumbane.
No 7 squadron welcomed new recruits, we were told, which rather
undermined
the whole premise of the programme. There then followed a lengthy
interview
with a government doctor on TB.
The doctor was erudite and
knowledgable. But can you imagine peak viewing on
a Saturday night from
8.30-9pm on TB control?
Then there was a hagiographical programme on Simon
Muzenda.
You can well understand why there is a proliferation of satellite
dishes
around the capital with this dross occupying the state
network!
Readers may recall a few years ago reports of Archbishop of
York, John
Sentamu, taking a keen interest in this country. We now learn his
full name
is John Tucker Mugabi Sentamu.
No wonder he has quietened
down.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
20:58
ONE of the most voiced questions in Zimbabwe today, is whether the
holding
of elections will have any impact upon the economy and, if so, what
will the
impact be?
The prime motivation behind the question is
the distressed state of the
economy, and fears that that it will worsen
further, counterbalanced by an
anxiety and hope that the troubled economy
will improve.
For the majority of the populace, their
concerns are almost wholly centred
on the magnitude of their poverty, and
for entrepreneurs (be it in industry,
commerce, mining, tourism,
agriculture, financial services, or other
economic ventures), they are
fearful as to whether their enterprises will
survive.
Government
has constantly claimed, since 2009, that the formerly emaciated
economy is
recovering, and there was certainly some substance to that
contention until
about mid-2010.
From the abysmally-low economic circumstances of
2008, characterised by the
most immense hyperinflation ever experienced in
the world, the exodus of
millions of skilled workers to seek livelihoods in
other countries,
non-existence of new investment, to extreme scarcities of
essential
commodities, the economy had evidenced meaningful
advances.
The hyperinflation transformed, by the end of 2009, to
deflation.
Scarcities of basic commodities became something of the
past.
Industrial capacity utilisation rose substantially,
agricultural and mining
outputs increased markedly, as did inflows of
foreign exchange inflows, and
Zimbabwe began to be perceived as a desirable
investment destination.
However, the magnitude of the economic
recovery was exaggerated, for the
extent of that recovery was, in
statistical terms, very extensive, because
it was measured against the very
low base that existed when the recovery
commenced.
The harsh
reality was that although the economic circumstance was
significantly
greater than previous, it was still extraordinarily low, as
compared to that
necessary to sustain the populace in reasonable
circumstances and necessary
to fuel further economic upturn.
Moreover, in many economic sectors
the recovery was short-lived, and
downturn again set in as 2010 progressed,
and further so in 2011. The harsh
realities are that Zimbabwe’s economy is
a very distressed one.
More than four-fifths of Zimbabweans desirous
of employment are devoid of
gainful occupation. In excess of 85% of the
population struggle to survive
on incomes below the poverty datum line and
more than half of those
impoverished Zimbabweans are so poor that they have
resources below the food
datum line, being the minimum income needed to
avoid malnutrition.
Widespread under-nourishment is horrendously
impairing the health and
wellbeing of millions of Zimbabwe’s
people.
The government’s claims of ongoing economic recovery centre
mainly upon
improving volumes of agricultural production –– although still
well below
the levels of a decade ago.
They also centre upon
significantly enhanced outputs from the mining sector.
But those gains are
outweighed by the paucity of performance of most other
facets of the
economy. Many in the manufacturing sector have had to
discontinue
operations, while even more have considerably downsized their
undertakings.
Much of the financial sector is confronted with a
gross liquidity
inadequacy, which constrains volumes of lendings and
therefore minimises
revenues.
Insufficiency of money supply is impacting
negatively upon consumer spending
power, which is considerably restricting
the extent of trade in the
distribution sector.
Most wholesalers
and retailers are attaining inadequate sales volumes.
Almost all
parastatals are grossly undercapitalised, and their illiquidity
is
exacerbated by consumers, through force of circumstance, being tardy in
settlements of debts for parastatal services. As a result, the parastatals
are unable to provide satisfactory service delivery, further constricting
the operations of most economic sectors.
This begs the question
of whether the economy is going to continue in its
current lethargic state,
or will decline further, or are there any real
prospects of a substantive,
ongoing recovery. There has been intense
political focus upon when Zimbabwe
should have its next presidential and
parliamentary elections, and it has
become increasingly inevitable for more
and more to ponder what impact such
elections would have upon the economy,
if any.
The answer to that
conundrum is unequivocal! Elections will undoubtedly have
a major
repercussive effect upon the economy. However, the greater
conundrum is
whether the economic effects would be positive or negative.
On the
one hand, as economic circumstance is a foremost issue in the minds
of the
electorate, there must be a major probability that the politicians,
anxious
to win those elections, will focus greater attention than heretofore
on
economic issues.
They will probably be driven to pursue policies and
take actions which are
conducive for improved economic
circumstance.
For most of Zimbabwe’s politicians, this would be in
very marked contrast to
their actions to date, those actions having been
driven by their political
ideologies, irrespective of any consequential
negative economic
consequences.
On the other hand, the manner of
conduct of the elections, including the
pre-election campaigning, and the
outcome of the elections, will also have
pronounced economic
effects.
In the event that the elections are genuinely free and fair,
these elections
will then stimulate many post-election developments which
would be highly
conducive to economic recovery.
Those
developments will include radically enhanced relationships with most
of the
international community, which would be catalytic of major support
for
Zimbabwean economic recovery. That support could well include debt
forgiveness, development aid, and international lines of
credit.
Irrefutably democratic, free and fair elections would also
trigger
restoration of investor confidence, yielding major investment in
many of
Zimbabwe’s economic sectors.
That investment would
increase employment and bring major benefits into the
economy downstream of
the investment ventures.
It would also bring considerable foreign
exchange inflows, increased
revenues for the fiscus, and much-needed
state-of-the-art technology
transport, as well as access to skills to
replace the many that have been
lost in recent years.
If,
however, the elections are not, Zimbabwe’s international pariah status
will
intensify, which will result in further worsening of the already
severely
emaciated economy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
20:47
Phidelia Amey
AFRICA undoubtedly has its own peculiarities,
but what are our credible
alternatives and justifications for an
Africanisation of democratic values?
The advent of the African Union
(AU) which was established on July 9 2002 in
Durban, South Africa, was
largely due to the inability of the Organisation
African Unity (OAU) to
respond to the myriad challenges facing the
continent. Unlike the OAU, the
AU has in its Constitutive Act Article 4 (h)
the powers to intervene in
member states in respect of grave circumstances.
The Union also set up a
Peace and Security Council in 2004.
The council, among others, is
expected to intervene in conflict, replacing
the OAU principle of
non-interference with one of indifference?
However, recent decisions
and postures taken by the AU make one wonder
whether the people of Africa
can lean on the continental body to see their
hopes for a brighter future
come true. Initially, it appeared that the
transformation of the OAU into
the AU was going to be a new beginning for an
organisation which claims that
an integrated, prosperous and peaceful
continent is its ultimate goal for
the betterment of the African people.
The past two months have seen
very interesting events in Africa. The Ivory
Coast, Tunisia and Egypt are
some of the major spotlights of challenging
times for the continental body.
In contrast with these challenges though, is
the successful referendum in
South Sudan for secession from the north as
part of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement signed in 2005 between the North
and South. In a bid to address
these sensitive cases, the AU has made very
interesting decisions and taken
positions that provide some food for
thought. Three important stands taken
by the AU and its leaders in recent
times are discussed below, and the
consequences for such actions are
analysed.
The Ivory
Coast
After several attempts to resolve the civil war that broke out
in the Ivory
Coast in 2002, the Ouagadougou Political Agreement was signed.
In fulfilment
of the agreement, presidential elections were held on November
4 and 28 with
incumbent president, Laurent Gbagbo refusing to step down
following the
declaration of Alassane Ouattara as the winner of the run-off
by the
Independent Electoral Commission. This position was recognised and
supported
by the international community including Ecowas, the AU and the
United
Nations calling on the incumbent to give up
power.
Following the deadlock, the AU sent former South African
president Thabo
Mbeki to mediate the impasse between Gbagbo — who refused
to respect the
verdict and clung to power following the ruling by the
Constitutional Court
that declared him the winner based on the cancellation
of votes from 10
districts of northern Ivory Coast — and Ouattara. Mbeki was
followed with a
visit by the current chairperson of the commission, Jean
Ping, whose
mission, like the former, failed to resolve the
crisis.
Then came the appointment of Kenyan Prime Minister Raila
Odinga as the
AU-appointed mediator in the post election crisis. What was
the rationale
behind the AU’s appointment of Odinga as a mediator in a
situation like
this? The circumstances under which Odinga became Prime
Minister of Kenya
are still fresh in Africans’ minds. Was the AU wishing for
Ivory Coast the
Kenyan and the Zimbabwean scenario, sacrificing the will of
the people on
the altar of politicians’ cake-sharing ambitions? How on earth
was he going
to represent a credible, impartial arbiter, taking into account
the
peculiarity of the situation? The choice of Odinga was a wrong move,
given
his own situation and the circumstances in which he was to
act.
After failed attempts by Odinga the AU sent Mutharika of Malawi
to try his
luck, but this also did not yield the desired result. In its next
move, the
AU set up a five-member panel comprising one president from each
of the five
sub-regional groupings.
The team of experts was
tasked to come up with conclusions which would be
“binding” on all parties
to the crisis. The hope was that they would be able
to succeed in finding a
solution. But they got it all wrong again.
The AU, unlike Ecowas,
does not have a supra-nationality status in its
constitutive act or any of
its protocols. So how were they expected to
enforce the outcome of the
decisions of the panel on the Ivory Coast which
is a sovereign state? Let
alone a legally binding decision as the statement
claimed.
Another issue is the democratic credibility of some
members of the panel in
their own countries. What credentials do these
leaders have for the citizen
of the AU to believe that they would eventually
come up with a so-called
African solution to an African
problem?
The AU has at its disposal “the panel of the wise” made
up of respectable
statesmen and women in their own fields. One may suggest
in situations like
this the AU may want to explore their wisdom and sound
judgment. However, it
still looked like the club of presidents in their own
wisdom and with the
authority they have vested in themselves in the AU
charter, would come up
with a solution.
Mbasogo, chairman of the
AU
Another subject of interest is the appointment of the president of
Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, as the new AU Chairperson.
This is a president who is known to be a dictator and has been in power
since 1979. He presides over a government associated with corruption,
poverty and repression of its people among others. In the next 18 months,
there are going to be about 20 elections due to be held in Africa. What kind
of leadership role is the AU president going to show given his own standing
and the thorny issue of elections in Africa should they come up during his
term of office?
Furthermore, Obiang in his acceptance speech is
quoted as saying that the
concept of democracy, human rights and good
governance should in his own
words “be adapted to African culture”. This is
a statement that is common in
Africa. But what is this so-called African
culture that we must adapt to?
Our leaders, after hiding behind colonial
domination for all Africa’s woes
and realising that that argument is no more
sustainable or sexy enough, have
turned to the need for adaptation of
democratic values to an African
culture.
The AU chairman and all
others who use this as the basis for their arguments
should come clear and
tell us all about African culture and how to design
democracy, good
governance and human rights in an African way. We need an
alternative
proposal for their version of a standard ingenious African
democracy for
Africa, in Africa, or stop this whole claims about African
culture.
The ICC, Kenya and the AU
After the
post-election violence in Kenya that resulted in the death of
close to 1 200
people, a coalition government was formed as part of a peace
agreement
brokered by former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan. Among some of
the
highlights of the peace agreement was the institution of an independent
court/tribunal to try alleged perpetrators of the violence by the
state.
Following the government’s inability to fulfil these
requirements, the
International Criminal Court (ICC) named six people as a
first step to
prosecuting them for their alleged involvement in the crisis.
Kenyan’s
government has now thought it wise to stop the ICC process by
seeking
support from the AU.
The AU Executive Council went ahead to
endorse Kenya’s request for deferral.
When asked why the AU wanted to
support Kenya in stopping the ICC from
prosecuting suspects, AU commissioner
Jean Ping gave an interesting
response. He accused Moreno-Ocampo (prosecutor
of the ICC) of bias. Ping
highlighted the lack of the court’s action in
Gaza, Iraq and Burma as
evidence of double- standards against African
states.
To what extent does this argument really justify why African
leaders who are
committing atrocities against their own people should not be
forced to face
justice? How does this argument justify the death of about 1
200 Kenyans in
the post-election violence?
There is no doubt that
the ICC has so far been focusing its attention on
African and Eastern
European perpetrators of international crimes. But let’s
be honest with
ourselves. Africans are being killed, repressed and enslaved
by their own
leaders on a daily basis. The alleged biases of the ICC do not
justify
impunity in Africa. If the AU has proposals for an alternative to
the ICC,
then they should come clear or allow the ICC to do its work.
Raising
objections without providing alternatives only corner Africa and
victims of
impunity in a state of hopelessness.
Ping has hinted that the AU
leaders are considering the establishment of a
continental criminal court to
prosecute Africans accused of grave political
crimes. With the current
powers of African heads of states who have the
authority to set up this
so-called independent body, and their profiles, it
is vain to envisage a
moral and political will from them anytime soon,
knowing very well that they
would be signing their own indictments sooner or
later.
Committed
leaders
International politics and the dynamics of globalisation do
exist and are
not being overlooked in these analyses. However, African
leaders need to
also sharpen their negotiating skills to hold their own
against their global
counterparts. Africa needs to put its house in order
and stop justifying
their poor performance on external
factors.
What Africa and the AU need are transformational leaders
with vision,
commitment and a resolve to make Africa a better place for its
younger
generation and generations yet unborn. It is hoped that the people’s
revolution in Tunisia and Egypt will be a wake-up call for African leaders
and the AU. Leaders with the zeal to tackle the myriad problems with mixed
policies and actions are what Africa needs now.
If the AU cannot
represent its citizens, then the people themselves after
years of inequality
and injustice will demand accountability for their
stewardship through
revolt. The time to start making that history is now.
Phidelia Amey is a fellow of African Leadership Centre and alumna of
King’s
College London. She is currently on attachment with the Ecowas
Commission.
This article was first published by Pambazuka News.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
21:13
By Itai Masuku
FMER, ZIMPREST, MERP, NERP, STERP.
Sound familiar? The list could be longer
than the original snake, if one may
borrow an expression from Zimbabwe’s
most prominent author, Dambudzo
Marechera.
But what is this list all about? It’s about a string of
inconclusive
economic programmes that became buzzwords but fizzled out just
as they had
settled in. Most have now been confined to the annals of
economic history,
useful only to students of economics with a special
interest in economic
policies that were never pursued. Their usefulness can
be compared to the
six-page essays on “the inside of a table tennis ball”
that we wrote as
punishment during our schooldays.
For those who might
not remember, FMER was the Framework for Macro-Economic
Reform (1991-1995),
ZIMPREST was the Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and
Social Transformation,
MERP the Millennium Economic Recovery Programme, NERP
the National Economic
Recovery Programme and STERP the Short Term Economic
Recovery Programme. Now
add to this ZDIP, the Zimbabwe Industrial
Development Policy, which was
sprung on us at the beginning of the week. The
usual fanfare surrounding the
launch of such plans has already taken place,
starting with a breakfast
meeting at the golden-coloured five star hotel.
We don’t doubt the sincerity
behind this plan and its predecessors, and with
all due respect to the
minister introducing this, but there is nothing new
about what he is
attempting. For those who read the Bible, like some of us
lesser mortals,
King Solomon says in the book of Ecclesiastes that there is
nothing new
under the sun. What will be new with ZDIP is if it is actually
implemented,
and to its logical end. That’s what will make all the
difference. With the
Government of National Unity’s future as shaky as ever,
the chances of the
good professor seeing his baby through is quite
speculative. Really, all the
minister needs to do is to dust up any of the
documents outlined above and
simply implement them, lest he risks adding his
offering to the several
grandiose plans that have gathered more dust than
the Gobi and Sahara put
together. One may safely conclude that coming up
with grandiose economic
plans (and we’re not against planning) is a
favourite pastime of all
Zimbabwean governments. We used to think it was the
preserve of the Zanu PF
government alone. But as can be seen, MDC-T joined
the fray when last year
it introduced STERP. We haven’t heard about STERP in
quite a long time and
how far it has gone, or was it short-term? Now MDC-N
has also made sure it
is not left behind by introducing ZIDP, or is it
Professor Welshman Ncube’s
pet project?
You see, you can almost place a name to each of the above
mentioned
projects, Bernard Chidzero to FMER, Richard Hove to MERP, and was
it Simba
Makoni to NERP? And all these have been as William Shakespeare’s
“poor
player that struts and frets his hour upon the stage, and then is
heard no
more.”
Of course, we know there’s a lot of money to be made in
the process of
preparing these documents, the various economists that need
to be consulted,
the smart ones merely go to government printers to get
copies of the
abandoned and never implemented plans, dust them off a bit,
and then change
dates and sequences.
The list is also as long as the
unimplemented plans themselves. And of
course, those contracts, funded from
taxpayers’ money don’t go to the
unconnected. We don’t want to prejudge the
good professor but we would like
to be surprised that a plan is implemented
for a change.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
21:10
THAT the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), a
government mining
group, has been thrust to the centre of indigenisation and
economic
empowerment policy in the country is worrisome to say the
least.
More worryingly, the 26 subsidiaries the group owns wholly or in part
have
met the same fate –– closure or operating way below
capacity.
And to think that an exercise meant to uplift and empower
citizens of this
country has been placed in the hands of the incompetent
management at ZMDC
is scary.
The mining sector’s future and the
future of this country depends on
experience. After ruining the once vibrant
agriculture sector when it
launched its land reform exercise a decade ago,
Zanu PF is now preparing for
another disaster in the one sector that might
have rescued the country from
bankruptcy. This time they have raised the
stakes even higher and the
consequences of the latest exercise will
undoubtedly be felt in the economy.
Instead of having learnt from its
past mistakes, those in government,
particularly President Robert Mugabe,
the author of Zimbabwe’s decade-long
economic meltdown, is now pushing the
limits yet again by entrusting a key
sector and valuable source of foreign
currency and employment to incompetent
managers at the ZMDC.
How
many mines owned by the state have been closed under the care of the
ZMDC?
What became of Kamativi Tin Mines, Sanyati Copper, Kamativi Smelter
and
Refinery, and Mhangura Copper Mine to mention just a few?
Even ZMDC
realises the importance of partnership given its depleted
resources over the
years. The corporation might not be broke but cannot take
over the mining
industry even where government would claim sovereign rights
in the mineral
resources in the country as provided for by the regulations
gazetted last
month.
Why has ZMDC gone on to form partnerships where the state
gets shareholdings
in greenfield projects on the basis of its mineral
resources? How many
greenfield ventures has ZMDC entered into that are still
to get off the
ground? The company is still to tell the nation what has
happened with its
Todal (platinum) mining venture?
While ZMDC
might have the mineral rights to some of the most enviable
resources in the
country, the group has to all intents and purposes failed
to run a
successful mining operation and is now courting investors to sink
money to
get the mines running again.
The latest indigenisation and economic
empowerment regulations designated
ZMDC and companies the corporation
controls or has shareholding in. Japan
went through the same process of
indigenising the economy and results are
there for all and sundry to
see.
Japan after the Second World War embarked on an industrial
development
programme that saw exports being promoted, high import duties,
technological
advancement and a maximum of 49% foreign shareholding. But how
the
Zimbabwean government is going about its own indigenisation exercise is
unhelpfully narrow and likely to drag the nation back to the ugly days of
nationalisation. For instance Zimbabwe cannot afford to have high import
duties because the local industry capacity utilisation is low and its
products too costly to produce. It’s cheaper for instance to import cooking
oil from South Africa than produce it at Olivine.
Although Japan
refused foreign investment in some sectors, Zimbabwe cannot
afford to push
away investors.
History will show that all the developed nations of
today at one point or
other had indigenised their economies. But theirs was
a well planned policy
and run by competent industrialists and backed by
sound government policies.
Like Britain and the US in the mid 19th century,
Japan, China and South
Korea are now some of the most industrialised nations
in the world.
While the US, China, Japan and South Korea are now
shining examples of
industrialisation that spurred economic development and
growth, their
emergence has been largely free of the corruption and cronyism
that
characterises Zimbabwe’s leap in the dark.
While other
countries such as Singapore run one of the most viable airline
businesses,
Zimbabwe, given its entrenched culture of patronage, nepotism
and outright
corruption cannot be allowed to control a whole mining sector
that requires
sophisticated equipment and experienced personnel.
Must we sit back and watch
Zanu PF blunder again?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Wednesday, 20 April 2011
21:10
Dingiliswe Ntuli
NOTHING lasts long enough to make
any sense. Nothing fits this description
more perfectly than independent
Zimbabwe. On Monday, we celebrated our 31st
independence anniversary and as
a patriotic Zimbabwean, I was looking
forward to following all proceedings
on television at home.
I was eager to listen to President Robert Mugabe’s
Independence message. But
Zesa threw my plans into disarray through its
relentless blackouts by
cutting off my neighbourhood from 7am to about 6pm
on Independence Day.
My mood for celebration was completely cut off by Zesa
and it got me
thinking. Was it really Zesa’s fault? My mind raced down
memory lane to the
eve of Zimbabwe’s Independence on April 17 1980. The then
Prime Minister-
designate Robert Mugabe delivered a reassuring speech which
won the hearts
of many sceptics.
Most Zimbabweans showed great enthusiasm
for the speech and steadily warmed
to him. In part of his captivating
oratory, which left many admirers and
foes in awe, Mugabe said: “Our
majority rule could easily turn into inhuman
rule if we oppressed,
persecuted or harassed those who do not look or think
like the majority of
us. Democracy is never mob-rule. It is and should
remain disciplined rule
requiring compliance with the law and social rules.
Our independence must
thus not be construed as an instrument vesting
individuals or groups with
the right to harass and intimidate others into
acting against their
will.”
This speech was supposed to lay a solid foundation for a new Zimbabwe,
but
it turned out to be just words camouflaging the bloody path to despair
and
desperation that Mugabe would later steer the country towards. Actions
have
shown us what is really inside his mind. Today, he presides over a
regime
which uses brute force and violence for political objectives. No
sooner had
the echoes of his speech died down that Mugabe moved very fast in
achieving
absolute power for himself.
He assembled a rigid hierarchy with
an effective network of informers and
enforcers and intelligence that
instilled fear in the population. He chose
to be feared, rather than to be
loved, as a means to retain power. Although
Zimbabwe has never skipped an
election as Mugabe conveniently reminds us, it’s
no secret that he has
maintained his uninterrupted grip on power through
intimidation and force,
and dividing people by turning them against each
other.
Periodic waves of
repression have left the masses severely paralysed by
fear, including
Mugabe’s ministers and some religious leaders. Zimbabwe is
full of
flatterers and dissemblers who have yielded to the desires to please
Mugabe.
Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa and Media, Information and
Publicity
minister Webster Shamu take the title. They have dangerously
exalted him to
godlike stature and vowed that only Mugabe can rule Zimbabwe.
This custom of
offering praise to people is one that results in great evil,
but where is
the church in all this? Do religious leaders share these
sentiments or are
they fearful of being exposed for their hypocrisy? It’s
shocking that they
have cowered in their cathedrals and churches even when
Mugabe is being
blasphemously raised to divine level.
The Bible warns that where there is no
vision, the people perish. Where
there is no counsel the people fall, but in
the multitude of counsellors,
there is safety. Where are Zimbabwe’s
visionaries and counsellors? Is Mugabe
presiding over millions of corpses?
It’s frightening that in Zimbabwe today,
Mugabe has become everything, the
first and last all the time while the
common citizen has dwindled down to
less than nothing.
This explains why our cities, towns and villages have sunk
into a state of
utter neglect and despair. Most of our roads have fallen
into decay and
industry has come to a standstill. The economy is being
plundered time and
again while civil servants have virtually become
professional beggars. There
is even an attempt to make poverty an acceptable
condition in Zimbabwe.
Our leaders have failed in the principles of
integrity. They live luxurious
lives and have appetites gratified with the
most delicate and expensive
dainties. The effects of this luxurious living
and the free use of fine
expensive alcoholic beverages have clouded their
intellect.
They blame sanctions for all our ills except for their palatial
residences.
So obscene is the wealth of well-connected individuals that some
even have
lifts in their houses. How do the likes of Local Government
minister
Ignatius Chombo and his ilk explain their wealth when Zimbabwe is
supposedly
reeling under severe sanctions? They own multiple properties,
farms and
businesses while ordinary people have to be content with daily
assurances
that they are the backbone of the revolution.