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Conflicting
communiqués issued after Zim/UK meeting
By Violet Gonda
28 March
2013
Conflicting communiqués about
the Zimbabwe donor conference in London on Tuesday, between Zimbabwe and the
international community, have emerged. This is despite widespread reports that
relations between these countries and Harare had thawed
significantly.
Western powers, who imposed
targeted sanction on Zimbabwe, appeared to be in retreat mode after the symbolic
re-engagement talks, but ZANU PF lead negotiator Patrick Chinamasa, who was one
of the three ministers who met with western diplomats, issued a communiqué
reiterating his party’s hard-line stance.
Western Countries under the
banner ‘Friends of Zimbabwe’ issued a communiqué committing themselves to
deepening and harmonizing their engagement with Harare and reaffirmed they would
work with any government emerging from free and fair elections, including
President Robert Mugabe who is currently under sanctions.
MDC lead negotiator Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, who was at the meeting, told SW Radio Africa the meeting
was significant in the sense that the international community has now realized
that the discussion on Zimbabwe has to go beyond Mugabe and that it needs to be
about setting a new value system, with or without the ZANU PF leader who has
ruled the country with an iron fist for more than 30 years.
However Chinamasa said in a
communiqué at the end of the meeting that friends do not impose sanctions
against each other, and therefore: “Zimbabwe will not allow countries that have
imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe to come and observe elections in the country as
they will not be objective.”
The MDC formations have
repeatedly called for security sector reform as one of the fundamental areas
needing implementation before the elections, but Chinamasa is quoted by the
state controlled ZBC saying: “Zanu PF does not agree with the whole notion of
security sector reform whose main objective is to weaken the effectiveness and
efficiency of the security forces with the aim of effecting regime
change.”
On the issue of civil society
and non-governmental organizations, Chinamasa noted statements by the western
donors that they have spent US$2.6 billion on aid to Zimbabwe, but said “there
is nothing to show for it in terms of development at grassroots level except
high rise and expensive houses for staff of the NGOs. There is no transparency
and accountability in these NGOs.” He said the donors should instead channel
that money through the government.
Chinamasa’s communiqué went
on to say his party does not support calls for a Diaspora vote, saying his party
will be disadvantaged as ZANU PF has not had equal access to the millions of
Zimbabweans living outside the country.
“Because of sanctions, ZANU
PF members have not been able to interface with those in the Diaspora. To this
end, it will be unfair for these people to be accorded a vote when they have
only heard one side of the story-the British side.”
The minister said he
complained to the British Foreign Office Minister Mark Simmonds about the forced
removals and deportations of Zimbabweans from the UK, and “over electronic
tagging to ring fence their movement.” Chinamasa said this practice is
reminiscent of the days of slavery.
Political analyst Nkululeko
Sibanda said this follows the usual ZANU PF ‘bravado and rhetoric’ about being
the guardian of so-called human rights for Africans.
On the issue of conflicting
communiqués he said this is international politics as it should be. Sibanda
believes this is a game of power and grandstanding, while the leaders send
different signals behind the scenes.
The communiqué issued by the
FOZ
The communiqué issued by Patrick
Chinamasa
Chinamasa
brings ZANU PF ‘violence’ to London
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
28 March
2013
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa lunged at a female British MP on
Monday,
but Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to the UK, Gabriel Machinga, saved the day
by
moving in to separate the two.
The incident happened at a Foreign
Office reception, welcoming a ministerial
delegation from Zimbabwe, and left
guests stunned.
Chinamasa had to be held back by Machinga from causing
harm to Kate Hoey,
the Labour MP for Vauxall in London. Nobody knows exactly
what triggered the
fight, but sources told SW Radio Africa that the incident
happened as soon
as Hoey went over to greet Chinamasa.
‘They had
barely exchanged pleasantries when Chinamasa raised his voice and
charged at
Hoey accusing her of ‘speaking like an imperialist.’ Ambassador
Machinga
quickly moved in and separated them,’ a source said.
Hoey confirmed the
incident to SW Radio Africa saying ‘the Minister of
Justice’s behaviour was
entirely in keeping with what I would expect from
ZANU PF.’
After
Machinga intervened, Chinamasa walked away and the Ambassador remained
with
Hoey, apologizing profusely on behalf of the Justice Minister. After
the
confrontation both Hoey and Chinamasa proceeded to the welcoming
reception
hosted by Mark Simmonds, a Conservative MP who is a Parliamentary
Under
Secretary of State in the FCO.
Chinamasa is part of a three member
ministerial team currently visiting the
UK . It was invited by the
international Friends of Zimbabwe group. The
other two ministers in London
are Elton Mangoma from the MDC-T and Priscilla
Misihairambwi-Mushonga from
the small MDC formation.
The trio has since Monday been engaging
international donor countries with
the aim of discussing a range of issues
relating to the upcoming harmonized
elections.
'West
can work with any democratically-elected govt'
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Thursday, 28 March 2013
11:46
HARARE - Western countries have encouraged Zimbabwe’s inclusive
government
to follow through on its agreement with the Southern African
Development
Community (Sadc) to hold free and credible elections, saying
they were
prepared to work with any democratically elected
government.
A delegation from Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria,
Canada, Czech
Republic, Denmark, the EU, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland,
Italy, Japan,
the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
the United
Kingdom and the United States of America met with a Zimbabwe
ministerial
team in London on Tuesday where the Western nations pledged more
assistance
to the country beyond critical humanitarian aid if it
transitioned to a new,
democratically elected government.
The
Zimbabwe team comprised Justice and Legal Affairs minister Patrick
Chinamasa, Regional Integration and International Co-operation minister
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Energy and Power Development minister
Elton Mangoma.
The meeting, convened by Mark Simmonds, the British
parliamentary
under-secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs,
is the first
such meeting in over a decade, in a bid to restore aid and
cooperation with
the African State.
The meeting, held at Chatham
House in London, came as the 27-nation EU bloc
announced wholesale easing of
sanctions imposed on the country more than a
decade ago over allegations of
rights abuses and electoral fraud.
Only 10 officials, including President
Robert Mugabe, security chiefs and
his inner cabal, remain on the
embargo.
“Where relevant, we confirmed our governments’ plans to review
their
targeted measures following such elections,” a communiqué from the
meeting
says.
The meeting follows a call by southern African heads of
State to the
international community to end sanctions on the impoverished
country, which
is buckling under the strain of economic
stagnation.
The Western countries said they could work with any post-GNU
regime.
“In our discussions, we reaffirmed the commitment of our
governments to work
with any government emerging from free and fair
elections, which are
credible, peaceful and transparent,” the meeting
resolved.
The country stands to benefit from direct budgetary support
from the EU’s
European Development Fund which has been suspended since
2002.
The Western countries have given Zimbabwe $2,6 billion in
transitional
development support since 2009.
“We noted that aid from
international donors, deployed in line with
Zimbabwean priorities, has been
instrumental in improving food security and
agriculture, in delivering of
basic services such as health, education, and
water and sanitation, and in
the strengthening of democratic processes,” the
communiqué
says.
Mugabe and long-time foe Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai formed a
power-sharing government in 2009 as part of the so-called global political
agreement (GPA), backed by the Sadc to end a political crisis that followed
disputed 2008 polls.
Zimbabwe on March 16 passed a new constitution
in a relatively peaceful
referendum, one of the key signposts in the
GPA.
“In our discussions, we strongly welcomed progress on the new
constitution
and the referendum that was held on March 16,” the communiqué
said.
“We looked forward to the implementation of the remaining
democratic reforms
in the GPA and roadmap, and recognised the work of the
Joint Monitoring and
Implementation Committee (Jomic) in supporting
this.
“We welcomed calls by Zimbabwe’s political leaders for peace and
non-violence and the statements by party leaders that Zimbabweans should be
able to choose their own government in free and fair elections, and to be
able to vote without fear or intimidation. We look to all Zimbabweans,
including State institutions and the security sector, to heed these
calls.”
The Western countries asked to observe the forthcoming
polls.
“A wide range of international observers would contribute to
building
confidence and help enhance the credibility of the poll and the
strength of
the government elected,” the communiqué said.
The Western
countries also “expressed concern about current harassment of
civil society
and reports of political violence and strongly urged that such
incidents
should cease.”
The North Atlantic bloc acknowledged the “good work” being
done by the GNU
to stabilise the economy and the ongoing engagement and
support of the
multilateral agencies and international financial
institutions.
World lenders are close to a deal with Zimbabwe’s coalition
government for
$10 billion in debt relief, as multilateral financial
institutions seek to
help Harare shore up its ailing
economy.
International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and African
Development Bank
(AfDB) officials and negotiators for Zimbabwe’s fragile
coalition government
were working to finalise an agreement, according to
Finance minister Tendai
Biti.
“We recognised the importance of
Zimbabwe tackling its external debts,” the
communiqué from the London
meeting says.
“We stand ready to support the GNU to discuss this further
with the IMF, and
welcomed progress by the GNU and IMF towards a Staff
Monitored Programme.”
The Western countries also called for “transparency
and integrity in
economic and financial governance and extractive industry”
amid concerns
about leakages of cash from mining in the Marange diamond
fields.
Zanu-PF
Remains Skeptical as West Re-engages Zimbabwe
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Blessing
Zulu
27.03.2013
WASHINGTON — While relations between President Robert
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party
and western powers remain uneasy, Tuesday saw the
resumption of direct talks
between Zimbabwe and the international
community.
Three ministers from the inclusive government were in London
to meet with
western diplomats - the so-called friends of Zimbabwe - and
financial
leaders in a fresh bid to break the ice ahead of elections
expected sometime
this year.
Relations between Zimbabwe and many
western nations deteriorated after the
West imposed what they called
targeted sanctions on Mr. Mugabe, his inner
circle, and related firms over
alleged human rights abuses.
The successful constitutional referendum
earlier this month prompted the
European Union to ease its targeted
sanctions, and now the West says it
will do the same if Zimbabwe holds
peaceful, transparent and credible
elections later this year.
African
and European diplomatic sources said the time is ripe for the West
to look
beyond President Mugabe and engage other Zanu-PF leaders in Harare.
The
Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House hosted Tuesday’s
event, saying the dialogue was aimed at discussing the way forward for the
country, including the road to polls and prospects for Zimbabwe beyond the
poll.
US ambassador to Zimbabwe, Bruce Wharton, said relations
between Zimbabwe
and the U.S have thawed significantly.
Zanu-PF
has expressed cautious optimism. Party spokesman Rugare Gumbo said
his party
welcomes dialogue, but hopes it is sincere.
Zimbabwean
murderers free to travel to EU
http://euobserver.com/foreign/119621?
TODAY @ 18:27
BY ANDREW
RETTMAN
BRUSSELS - Seventeen men and women accused of murder,
torture, rape or
kidnapping in Zimbabwe have been given the green light to
travel to the EU.
Mugabe's men murdered up to 200 people in 2008
(Photo: The Mint Julep)
The names feature on a list of 81 people and eight
companies taken off the
EU's Zimbabwe sanctions list on Thursday (28 March)
as a reward for the
country's "peaceful and credible" constitutional
referendum two weeks ago.
The move was announced earlier in the week, but
entered into force when the
decision and the names of those it covers were
published in the bloc's
Official Journal.
Dozens of the other
de-listed people are said to be guilty of "involvement"
in President Robert
Mugabe's "campaign of terror" against the MDC opposition
party during
elections in 2008.
According to the US-based NGO Human Rights Watch,
Mugabe's men murdered up
to 200 people, beat and tortured 500 more and
forced about 36,000 others
from their homes.
But the group-of-17 is
special because EU diplomats on the ground managed to
get information about
their direct involvement in crimes.
The roll-call includes Phineas
Chihota, who is accused in the original EU
sanctions decision of being
"associated with abduction and torture."
It counts Mike Karakadzai
("abductions"), Jawet Kazangarare ("involved in
murdering Tapiwa Mubwanda,
MDC electoral agent"), Musarashana Mabunda
("beatings, torture"), Innocent
Matibiri ("murder of a farm labourer"), Joel
Matiza (orchestrated the
killings of two men), Brighton Matonga (led a group
which murdered a woman),
Cairo Mhandu (led a group which killed two men).
It also includes Sibusio
Moyo ("murder of MDC supporters"), Olivia Muchena
("linked to politically
motivated murders"), Ambros Mutinhiri (set up
torture camps), Magadzire
Nyahongo ("Involved in politically motivated
murder"), Victor Rungani
("abductions"), Tendai Savanhu ("abductions of MDC
women"), Chris Sibanda
(organised torture camps), David Sigauke ("torture
against civilians in the
diamond fields") and Nathaniel Tarumbwa ("in charge
of [a] torture
base").
The EU earlier in February already delisted 21 people, several of
whom had
similar profiles, as a teaser for Mugabe.
The President
himself, his wife Grace, and eight other henchmen, including
his head of
intelligence, Happyton Bonyongwe, and three military chiefs are
still
personae non grata.
Mugabe's diamond mining company, the ZMDC, and
Zimbabwe Defence Industries
also remain banned from doing business with EU
companies.
But the EU aims to review Thursday's decision every three
months from now,
with diplomats saying that if general elections go well in
July the
arch-villain himself and his diamond firm will get off too.
Mugabe,
Tsvangirai to summon Chihuri
http://www.financialgazette.co.zw
Thursday, 28 March 2013 11:41
Tinashe
Madava, Senior Reporter
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister (PM)
Morgan Tsvangirai on Monday
agreed to summon Police Commissioner General
Augustine Chihuri to respond to
allegations of police impunity as the Global
Political Agreement (GPA)
principals attempt to rein-in a resurgence of
politically-motivated
violence.
PM Tsvangirai’s spokesperson Luke
Tamborinyoka yesterday said the inclusive
government’s principals met on
Monday and agreed that the behaviour of the
police was tainting the image of
the country.
“Yes they met on Monday and agreed that the behaviour of the
police is
tainting the image of the country and that it is creating the
impression
that the country is not ready for a peaceful poll. They agreed
that the June
29 election date being peddled by ZANU-PF is not feasible in
the absence of
reforms,” he said.
He said the GPA principals would have a
meeting with Chihuri to resolve the
matter and also agreed that the Zimbabwe
Anti-Corruption Commission must be
allowed to execute its constitutional
mandate without disturbance and
interference from any quarter.
But
Nhlanhla Dube, spokesperson of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
led
by Welshman Ncube said his boss, who was not part of the Monday
principals
meeting and continues to be sidelined as a political party
principal,
believes that the outcome of the meeting would not solve anything
on the
ground as PM Tsvangirai lacks the clout to demand anything from
President
Mugabe.
“(PM) Morgan Tsvangirai seems to want to make Zimbabweans believe
that he
can hunt with the hounds and run with the hares. The reality is that
he is
unable to confront (President) Mugabe. He has no gravitas to demand
that
certain things be done so the discussions are futile, time buying
mechanism
where (President) Mugabe dribbles past (PM) Tsvangirai,” Dube said
yesterday.
President Mugabe and PM Tsvangirai have refused to accommodate
Ncube in
their principals meetings held every Monday insisting that Deputy
Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara remains the third signatory to the GPA that
birthed the inclusive government.
They have, however, previously
accommodated Ncube in discussions to do with
the new constitution and the
route to elections as the Southern African
Development Community says he is
a relevant player in the Zimbabwe
political discourse as leader of the
third political party in the GPA.
The principals, meetings comes after recent
arrests of members of PM
Tsvangirai’s communications office in Belgravia and
that of prominent human
rights lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa on allegations of
obstructing the course of
justice after she challenged police officers to
produce a search warrant at
the home of one of the MDC-T’s
staffers.
Mtetwa was subsequently kept in police cells despite High Court
judge
Justice Charles Hungwe having ordered her release.
The PM’s office
says there is an increase in incidences of political
violence as the country
prepares to go for polls which ZANU-PF says would be
held by June 29 while
the MDCs insist that political reforms should be
effected first before an
election date can be agreed.
MDC-T
demand immediate end to corruption commission clampdown
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex
Bell
28 March 2013
The MDC-T has demanded an immediate end to the
clampdown on the Zimbabwe
Anti Corruption Commission (ZACC), calling it an
attempt to divert public
attention away from serious corruption.
The
party’s spokesperson, Douglas Mwonzora, told SW Radio Africa on Thursday
that the corrupt activities of various ZANU PF-run parastatals needs to be
exposed, and this is the reason why the ZACC is under threat.
The
anti-graft body has come under fire for attempting to investigate the
Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), the National Empowerment
Board and other groups. These groups are linked to ZANU PF officials such as
Obert Mpofu and Saviour Kasukuwere.
“The ZANU PF heavy weights have
influence over the police so they are
harassing the commissioners so that
they divert attention from themselves
and very clear corruption. They are
using the criminal justice system to
harass people. We demand an immediate
cessation of harassment of
commissioners,” Mwonzora said.
Mwonzora’s
party has also supported calls for Kasukuwere to be investigated
for his
role in allegedly corrupt indigenisation deals, including the multi
million
dollar Implats deal secured by the ZANU PF Minister this year.
Mwonzora
said on Thursday that the indigenisation drive, spearheaded by ZANU
PF “was
never meant to benefit the marginalised in Zimbabwe.”
“It was a political
gimmick and part of the fundraising stance by ZANU PF,”
Mwonzora said.
MDC
joins Zanu PF MPs call for Kasukuwere investigations
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com
Staff
Reporter 23 hours 58 minutes ago
HARARE - The party led by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has backed plans
to investigate the Minister of
Youth Affairs, Indigenisation and Empowerment
Savious Kasukuwere for massive
corruption actvities in the botched
indigenisation and empowerment
exercise.
In a statement on Wednesday the Tsvangirai led MDC-T said it is
fully behind
the move by the legislators from across the political divide to
summon and
investigate Saviour Kasukuwere, the Minister of Youth Affairs,
Indigenisation and Empowerment for embarking on an ill-fated empowerment
that is now riddled in corrupt activities.
The MPs from the
Parliamentary Mines and Energy portfolio who are meeting in
Vumba have added
their voice in support of the MDC-T's position that the
Zanu PF model of
empowerment and indigenisation is heavily skewed and will
not benefit the
people but only a few senior corrupt Zanu PF officials.
The legislators
said the Zanu PF's empowerment and indigenisation programme,
spearheaded by
Saviour Kasukuwere was distorted and would not in any way
benefit the masses
but a few individuals in Zanu PF.
This week Kasukuwere and two other
ministers from Zanu PF, Obert Mpofu and
Nicholas Goche blocked attempts by
the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission
(Zacc) from accessing their offices
in order to investigate them for
corruption.
Even an official from
Kasukuwere's ministry, Michael Fungati a director in
the troubled Ministry
of Youth Affairs, Indigenisation and Empowerment
admitted that the ministry
had made fatal mistakes in implementing the
programme.
"We admit we
made some mistakes," Fungati told the MPs.
The legislators have since
resolved to summon and question Kasukuwere to
Parliament when they resume
their next sitting in April.
Similar calls have been made by the Finance
Minister and the MDC-T secretary
general; Hon. Tendai Biti to investigate
indigenisation agreements reached
with various foreign companies amid
serious concerns only one Harare
financial advisory company has handled the
transactions and illegally
pocketed millions of dollars.
The MPs
revelations on the skewed Zanu PF's indigenisation and empowerment
policy
once again vindicates the MDC-T's position that the Zanu PF policy is
inconsistent and will not in any way benefit the people of Zimbabwe but only
a few elite Zanu PF politicians.
As a Party of Excellence that was
formed in 1999 with the people at heart,
the MDC-T is not against the
economic empowerment of the people of Zimbabwe
but we are strongly against
the Zanu PF model that will only benefit its
already wealthy elite and does
little to solve the country's employment
crisis while scaring away the
much-needed foreign investment.
The MDC-T has come up with an economic
policy, Jobs, Upliftment, Investment,
Capital and the Environment (JUICE)
that will address Zimbabwe's long
standing economic problems of high
unemployment, deepening poverty and
inequality and be a pathway for
inclusive and sustainable long-term growth
based on a broad-based human
upliftment model.
Zanu-PF succession battle
spills to indigenisation probes
http://mg.co.za
28 MAR 2013 00:00 - M&G
CORRESPONDENT
Factions in Zanu-PF are using the previously ineffective
corruption
commission to fight internal battles.
The escalating
political strife raging within the government over the
indigenisation
programme reflects renewed clashes over who will succeed
President Robert
Mugabe in his party, it has emerged.
This comes after recent attempts by
the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission
(ZACC) to raid the offices of three
Cabinet ministers over shady empowerment
deals.
Zanu-PF insiders told
the Mail & Guardian this week that the conflict over
indigenisation was
a result of political hostilities between factions within
Zanu-PF that have
their preferred candidate to succeed the 89-year-old
Mugabe, who has been in
power since 1980.
Long perceived by analysts as passive and ineffective
in dealing with
corruption, the commission, formed in August 2011, recently
launched a blitz
against three government ministers: Indigenisation Minister
Saviour
Kasukuwere, Mines Minister Obert Mpofu and Transport and
Infrastructure
Minister Nicholas Goche.
Political witch-hunt
But
the commission's latest crackdown on graft has intensified claims of it
being used to settle political scores within the faction-riddled
Zanu-PF.
Zanu-PF insiders said the commission was being used for "a
political
witch-hunt", pointing out that it had turned a blind eye to
corruption
allegations in the past.
Commentators said the
commission's failure to promptly investigate
corruption and fraud claims
against members of Parliament in the alleged
abuse of $50 000 in
constituency development funds last year raised
eyebrows.
The
ministers and other senior government and Zanu-PF officials have now
unleashed a fierce backlash against commission officials, with its chief
executive, Ngonidzashe Gumbo, now in jail over allegations of
corruption.
As part of that crackdown, four senior staffers in Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's office have been arrested for allegedly
conniving to probe
ministers and top government officials.
"This
ongoing fight over indigenisation basically is about money, power and
influence. Zanu-PF and government officials are fighting for the
indigenisation spoils, but the issue is also about an internal struggle over
power, control and influence," a senior Zanu-PF politburo member told the
M&G.
"If you look closely, the rival camps clashing over this
issue have
succession ambitions."
Over the past month, Kasukuwere and
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor
Gideon Gono have been at each
other's throats over the empowerment
programme.
Kasukuwere is pushing
for an equity-based approach that would enable locals
to grab, through
forced share sales, 51% of foreign-owned companies.
This is line with the
government's controversial 51% to 49% policy in favour
of local
investors.
However, Gono is arguing that a "one-size-fits-all" policy
will not work,
mainly in relation to the banking sector, which he said had
its own systemic
peculiarities and sensitivities.
This has put him on
a collision with Kasukuwere, who sits in the Zanu-PF
politburo and,
according to party insiders, has presidential ambitions.
Generation
40
Kasukuwere, called "Obama" after United States President Barack Obama by
his
Zanu-PF allies, is also alleged to be fighting for the control of
Mashonaland Central province, which he sees as a springboard for his power
drive with vice-president Joice Mujuru, who is widely seen as Mugabe's most
likely successor. Mujuru is said to support Gono in the battle with
Kasukuwere.
Insiders said the youthful minister, who has an
intelligence background, was
now leading a budding faction within Zanu PF,
mainly supported by his
allies, influential politburo member and party
strategist Jonathan Moyo and
key members of the youth league.
Moyo,
not a stranger to Zanu-PF succession fights after his 2004 failed bid
to
propel Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa to the position of
vice-president
ahead of Mujuru, calls this young group "Generation 40" and
has of late
publicly thrown his weight behind its leader, Kasukuwere, in
their fight
against Gono.
Moyo has insinuated that there are senior officials behind
Gono in remarks
widely seen as a reference to Mujuru, further indicating
that there is an
intense succession row behind the scenes.
Battle
over Mashonaland
Insiders said the conflict over indigenisation had now
assumed a succession
character because Mujuru was helping Gono in her own
interest, "combating
and containing Kasukuwere who is giving her problems in
Mashonaland Central
and destabilising her planned rise to the
presidency".
Kasukuwere, the sources said, used to support the Mujuru
faction in Zanu-PF
before the death of the vice-president's husband, retired
army commander
General Solomon Mujuru, widely regarded as the Zanu-PF
kingmaker, although
their relations had started to deteriorate prior to his
mysterious death in
an arson attack two years ago.
"Kasukuwere has
been subverting her in Mashonaland Central province and this
was shown
largely during the controversial Zanu-PF district co-ordinating
committee
(DCC) elections last year," the source said.
During the DCC elections,
Mujuru's faction lost to Kasukuwere's camp in the
province. Nationally,
Mujuru's group was also thrashed by its main rival
faction led by Defence
Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa.
This led to Mujuru complaining bitterly in
one charged politburo meeting
last year in which she lashed out at
Kasukuwere and Mnangagwa after her
defeat.
Using her political clout
in the party, Mujuru, supported by former military
commanders and
intelligence operatives working with Zanu-PF's national
commissariat
department, forced the dissolution of the DCC structures to
cancel her
defeat and allow her to regain lost ground.
"Kasukuwere has invited the
wrath of Mujuru because he has a dream of
succeeding Mugabe one day and has
of late not been co-operating with her,"
another senior Zanu-PF official
said.
"His new-found influence through the indigenisation programme has
put him in
direct confrontation with the vice-president who is backing Gono
to ensure
his downfall."
Gono, who himself was once considered a
potential presidential hopeful, has
met Mugabe and Mujuru over his war with
Kasukuwere. As a result, Mugabe has
shown public sympathy for
Gono.
Mistakes made
Last month, Mugabe said Kasukuwere had made some
mistakes during the
implementation of the indigenisation
programme.
Sources said Mugabe was likely to intervene when he feared the
succession
battle could wreck his re-election prospects.
Gono, who
was in Egypt on Reserve Bank business, was not available on his
mobile
phone.
Speaking on behalf of Kasukuwere, Zanu-PF's deputy director in the
information department, Psychology Maziwisa, said he will "not tolerate"
ZACC's engagement in "extrajudicial" activities "meant to tarnish a positive
programme".
He said Kasukuwere has a "mandate from the president that
will be carried
out without fear or favour" and wont be "derailed by people
who are in clear
pursuit of partisan and detrimental political
interests".
He said "it is nonsense" being peddled by his enemies that he
is allegedly
using indigenisation to settle political scores.
He was
evasive when asked of his presidential ambitions or his bid to
control
Mashonaland Central. Rashweat Mukundu, the director of the Zimbabwe
Democracy Institute, said, "The goings-on at the ZACC is a reflection of
factional and succession politics in Zanu-PF spilling over on to the public
arena."
Under law, the commission is mandated to investigate and
expose cases of
corruption in the public and private sectors; to combat
corruption, theft,
misappropriation, abuse of power and other improper
conduct in the public
and private sectors; and to promote honesty, financial
discipline and
transparency in the public and private sectors.
The
commission can also receive and consider complaints from the public and
take
action it considers appropriate.
Denford Chirindo, the commission's
chairperson, denied that it was being
used as a pawn to settle political
scores in Zanu-PF.
"There has been insinuation that the investigation of
the ZACC has been
dictated by political and/or party-political motivations
that seek to
denigrate or derail the indigenisation programme or to give
advantage to
political elements of a particular persuasion."
Chirindo
said the diversity of the commission made "a political or sectoral
agenda
difficult to pursue". – Additional reporting by Ray Ndlovu
Who is
cracking down on corruption?
Appointed in August 2011 by President Robert
Mugabe, the Zimbabwe
Anti-Corruption Commission comprises nine commissioners
and a secretariat,
which carries out day-to-day activities.
The
commission is chaired by Denford Chirindo, a former employee of the
ministries of defence and justice, legal and parliamentary affairs. Chirindo
also worked at the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe as a senior logistics
administrator. Teresa Pearl Mugadza is the deputy chairperson of the
commission and a policy consultant. She has worked for the non-governmental
organisations Women in Politics Support Network and the Musasa
Project.
Other commissioners include:
• Goodwill Shana, who is the
president of the Evangelical Fellowship of
Zimbabwe, an inter-denominational
Christian organisation, and the senior
pastor and founder of Word of Life
International Church;
• Emmanuel Chimwanda, a former police assistant
commissioner;
• Shepherd Gwasira, a senior assistant commissioner of the
police;
• Elita Sakupwanya, a former chief of mission and a ministerial
counsellor
in the ministry of foreign affairs; and
• Lakayana Duve, a
former principal director in the department of policy
implementation in the
office of the president and Cabinet.
On swearing in the new commissioners
in September 2011, Mugabe said he had
selected individuals held in high
regard by society and who would be
fearless in their crackdown on corruption
in Zimbabwe. – Ray Ndlovu
Churches
launch peace project to curb Zimbabwe’s election violence
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By
Nomalanga Moyo
28 March 2013
Churches in Zimbabwe have launched a
peace campaign, as part of efforts to
curb the violence that flares up at
election times in Zimbabwe.
The project is called the Ecumenical Peace
Observation Initiative in
Zimbabwe (EPOIZ), and was officially launched
Tuesday to “promote peace in
the run up to, during and after the country’s
election.”
It is a joint effort by three of the country’s biggest church
bodies – The
Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference, the Zimbabwe Council of
Churches, and
the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe.
The director of
the newly-formed umbrella body, Tendai Maregere, said that
EPOIZ will play a
coordinating role for the churches’ common message of
peace.
“The
church has always played a vital role in peace, conflict resolution,
and
mediation throughout Zimbabwe’s turbulent political history and we are
simply carrying forward that role. The church has also exposed human right
abuses and pointed out the excesses of the state,” Maregere
said.
Maregere said that launching EPOIZ ahead of this year’s election
recognises
the fact that Zimbabwe’s elections are often violent and
traumatic events
for citizens.
“This is informed by our past
experience of intolerance, intimidation and
violence. At key moments in our
history people have suffered the effects of
violence; from the colonial
system through the liberation struggle and after
independence,” the group
said.
Maregere revealed that as part of its peace mandate, the church had
been
actively involved in setting up the election monitoring group the
Zimbabwe
Elections Support Network, and the Zimbabwe Peace Project – which
monitors
human rights abuses.
Asked whether this new project will
work, given that its launch coincides
with rising political tensions ahead
of elections, with the police already
cracking down on civic education
groups, Maregere said EPOIZ was not
anticipating any problems.
He
told SW Radio Africa: “We have already met with President Robert Mugabe,
who
is the Commander-In-Chief of the Defence Forces, and he gave us his
blessings to roll out this campaign.”
Maregere added that as churches
they were not obliged to seek police
permission to gather. However, he said
they will inform the police about the
campaign to prevent misunderstandings
in terms of the public order and
security laws in Zimbabwe.
The
ecumenical peace campaign has already received the backing of The
Elders – a
group of global leaders who work together for peace, under the
leadership of
relentless human rights campaigner Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
Battle
for election date spills over to the Courts
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
28
March 2013
The court case brought against President Robert Mugabe, for
delaying by-
elections in three Matabeleland constituencies, took a new
twist on Thursday
when Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai filed an application
to join the court
proceedings.
The case was heard before Judge
President George Chiweshe, who postponed the
hearing to next week Thursday.
There has been controversy as to when the
next general election should take
place, with Mugabe and ZANU PF insisting
it should be 29th June while the
two MDC formations prefer end of July or
August.
On behalf of Mugabe
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa this week filed an
urgent chamber
application seeking an extension of the March 31st
by-election deadline to
June 29th, by which time harmonized elections should
be held.
The
Supreme Court last year ordered Mugabe to set the by-election dates for
three constituencies–Nkayi South, Bulilima East and and Lupane East–by March
31st, after an application by Abednico Bhebhe, Njabuliso Mguni and Norman
Mpofu, all former MDC legislators for the constituencies in
question.
But Mugabe is seeking an extension of the Supreme Court order,
arguing that
due to lack of funds the by-elections should be delayed and
held during the
harmonized elections, which he wants at the end of
June.
A source told us Prime Minister Tsvangirai has now joined the fray
in
opposing Mugabe’s intention to announce June 29th as the date for
harmonized
elections, arguing that he was not consulted about this date,
which he
should have been as one of the key principals in the GPA. The
Premier filed
an application on Thursday to join the court
proceedings.
Meanwhile the MDC-T secretary-general Tendai Biti this week
said the exit
polls conducted by his party’s polling agents suggest the
referendum figures
were wrong, and that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
may have adjusted the
figures up.
Media reports in Harare quote Biti
suggesting that far less than the 3.3
million votes announced by the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission were cast in
the March 16th
referendum.
The referendum figures showed the highest voter turnout since
Independence
in 1980. But speaking at a public discussion hosted by the
Sapes Trust in
Harare, Biti cast doubts over the veracity of the figures
released by ZEC.
‘There is a 10 to 15 percent variance between ZEC’s
figures and those
collated by our own team of agents who covered all the
polling stations
nationally,’ said Biti.
He explained that his party
noted a disturbing trend, where some
constituencies and districts recorded a
higher voter turnout than the
population of the areas, according to the last
census statistics of 2012.
He gave as an example constituencies in
Midlands, Masvingo, Mashonaland East
and Matabeleland South provinces as
having more numbers of people who voted
in the referendum than the number of
people enumerated in last year’s
census.
Blessing Vava, the National
Constitutional Assembly spokesman, told us the
MDC-T must blame themselves
for not listening to concerns raised by many
people.
‘They are
telling us now about the doctored figures when we told them before
the
referendum that was going to happen to ensure a clear victory for the
Yes
vote.
‘What they didn’t know was that ZANU PF used the vote as a dress
rehearsal
to perfect their rigging mechanism come election time. It’s
unfortunate they
used to be our partners but they no longer listen to
advise…that is going to
be their downfall,’ Vava said.
Explosive
Zanu (PF) Politburo meeting
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com/
Staff Reporter 22 hours 54 minutes
ago
HARARE - There were fireworks at the Zanu (PF) Politburo
meeting yesterday
over a number of issues including the usual ongoing
succession battles and
the leaking of highly sensitive party information, a
source said last night.
The source said President Mugabe who is the party's
President and First
Secretary was said to be in a very angry mood.
The
first issues raised, after the usual opening hard-hitting remarks by
President Mugabe, was raised by Politburo member, ex-Governor Chivi-Mwenezi
senator Josiah Hungwe was about the escalating leakages of sensitive party
information through the media and social networks.
The reports of
corruption in the handling of the indigenisation programme,
and the alleged
plot to kill the Governor of RBZ Gidion Gono and the
vitriolic insults
spewed by Professor Jonathan Moyo in the State controlled
media were said to
be the source of escalating cyber leaks.
Minister of Youth Affairs,
Indigenisation and Empowerment Savious Kasukuwere
and outspoken former
Information and Publicity Minister Professor Jonathan
Moyo, were condemned
by one speaker after the other that the Politburo had
to spend the whole day
debating these issues which were not even on the
Agenda, instead of the
party 's preparedness on elections.
The Politburo resolved to put two
Committes one led by Cain Mathema to
investigate the depth of corruption
Saviour Kasukuwere committed in the
indigenisation programme.
As we
reported elsewhere that the MDC-T has offered its full support to the
move
by the legislators from across the political divide to summon before a
Parliamentary Commitee and investigate Saviour Kasukuwere for embarking on
an ill-fated empowerment that is now riddled in corrupt activities.
The
MPs from the Parliamentary Mines and Energy portfolio who are meeting in
Vumba have added their voice in support of the MDC-T's position that the
Zanu PF model of empowerment and indigenisation is heavily skewed and will
not benefit the people but only a few senior corrupt Zanu PF
officials.
The legislators said the Zanu PF's empowerment and indigenisation
programme,
spearheaded by Saviour Kasukuwere was distorted and would not in
any way
benefit the masses but a few individuals in Zanu PF.
At the
Politburo, the second Committee to be headed by the Secretary for
Administration Didymus Mutasa to investigation the leakages of sensitive
information to the public through Social media.
They were tasked to even
go deeper that if possible to know and find who
Amai and Baba Jukwa are.
Amai and Baba Jukwa are two Facebook pages which
have been rolling out
sensitive information about senior members of Zanu PF
and attacks on the
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangira.
During the politburo meeting, George
Rutanhire shouted to everyone 's shock
when he shouted that Amai Jukwa is
Jonathan Moyo working with Munyaradzi
Kereke.
President Mugabe also
briefed the Politburo and ordered that the Party
should investigate the
allegations that there are individuals in the party
who want to kill the
Reserve Bank Governor Gono and that he has instructed
Gono to issue a
statement denying the plot to kill him, which he said was
covered by all the
Press today and that he has summoned Gono to report back
into the country
urgently.
Mr Gono arrived in Harare last night abord the Emirates
Airways.
Meanwhile, Baba Jukwa yesterday rolled out old Wikileaks of US
leaked cable
detailing the following information on the RBZ Dr. Governor
Gideon Gono:
In a February 10 meeting with the Ambassador, Reserve Bank
Governor Gideon
Gono bemoaned the GOZ's unwillingness to address deepening
corruption,
fiscal indiscipline and parastatal inefficiencies. Depicting
himself as
under seige politically, he said the leadership had talked him
into
withdrawing the resignation he submitted earlier in the week. He
conceded
that the country was essentially at a tipping point economically,
and
implied that his contradictory GOZ economic policies were propelling the
country toward the precipice -- a precursor to real change.
The Governor
confided that Mugabe appeared to be deteriorating mentally and
losing his
capacity to balance factional interests. Stressing his interest
in playing a
central role in Zimbabwe's future, Gono emphasized his
independence from
ruling party factions and committed to keep in touch with
us as developments
unfolded. End summary.
------------------------------
Under Seige for
Telling Truths
------------------------------
2. (C) In his spacious
22nd floor office atop the glistening Reserve Bank
building, Gono portrayed
himself as a man under attack from all sides for
the honesty of his policy
prescriptions. The ruling elite all "accuse me of
carrying the water of the
IMF, the white farmers, the Americans; only the
man in the street embraces
me," he maintained.
3. (C) Gono said his principal offense was to boldly
attack corruption at
the highest levels publicly and privately. He cast
mining sector corruption
as "out of
this world" and showed the Ambassador
a confidential report on gold that
implicated senior officials (unnamed) in
siphoning off production sufficient
to reduce official output from 22 tons
in 2004 to 12 tons in 2005. He said
he had delivered several seizures of
senior officials' illegal gold - the
largest at 65 lbs. - to Minister for
Anti-Corruption (and for State Security
and for Lands) Mutasa, who had taken
no action. He estimated that corruption
in gold alone was costing at least
USD 250 million a year - enough to feed,
fuel and medicate the nation for
months.
4. (C) Gono complained that ag sector corruption continued
unabated despite
his high-profile advocacy against it; the nation's largest
coffee-grower
(with 30 percent of national output) was the latest to be
invaded, he
reported. The elite who took farms assumed no liability or risk,
each of
which was essentially transferred to the fiscus on the backs of
taxpayers.
In sum, corruption was a fundamental "unfairness" and principal
impediment
to economic recovery.
5. (C) According to Gono, his
"Operation Tell the Truth" was meant to
underscore to the party leadership
that high-level corruption was glaringly
obvious to the public and severely
damaged the party leadership's
credibility across the board. He went over a
long list of ministers,
governors, senior police/military officials, NGOs,
and private sector
players with whom he had consulted and sought support.
Many expressed
support and yet key policies were never carried
out.
------------------------------
Economics Defeated by
Politics
------------------------------
6. (C) Further on the
economic front, Gono quickly went down a list of
issues, essentially echoing
points elaborated in his recent monetary policy
statement (ref . The
Governor acknowledged the need for moving the Bank's
quasi-fiscal activities
transparently to the budget as prescribed by the
IMF. Political realities,
however, dictated for now that the Bank rush from
one patch-up job to
another as the economy continued its downward spiral.
Parastatals represented
a fundamental conundrum between irreconcileable
economic and political
imperatives. He reiterated his commitment to
refurbish Zimbabwe's relations
with the IFIs and the international community
but conceded the leadership's
insufficient political will to support his
commitment. Gono concluded that
Zimbabwe's economic problems were 85 percent
political.
-----------------------
Inflation Tipping
Point
-----------------------
7. (C) Regarding inflation - "still
public enemy number one" - Gono said he
advised the cabinet not to worry
about how high it would go; they should
instead realize that they would have
no country left to rule if the current
situation continued. Referring to
Malcolm Gladwell's book, The Tipping
Point, Gono said his duty was to advise
the leadership that growing hysteria
about hyperinflation and the economy's
irrecoverability could prove to be a
tipping
point. (Later, in private,
he admitted to the Ambassador that inflation was
actually well above 1000
percent and he
was purposefully suppressing the numbers to "avoid creating
panic.")
--------------------
Resignation
Rejected
--------------------
8. (C) Gono disclosed that his
frustrations led him to submit his
resignation February 6. He had spent much
of the week meeting with Mugabe,
the presidium, Mutasa and other cabinet
officials, finally being persuaded
just the morning of his meeting with the
Ambassador to stay on.
--------------------------------------
Lurching Toward a Post-Mugabe
Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------
9. (S) In a
subsequent 30-minute "four-eyes" exchange apart from
note-takers, the
Ambassador observed that Gono's often contradictory, even
counter-productive, policies and public blasts against the elite's
misbehavior could be interpreted as a deliberate attempt to undermine the
leadership's credibility and hasten economic collapse. Jumping out of his
seat, Gono grabbed the Ambassador's hand and exclaimed "This proves you are
not na e!" Gono agreed
that ongoing economic and political developments
all served as foundation
for a post-Mugabe dispensation that had yet to be
worked out. He observed
that economic distress impelled a perceived need for
change but factional
infighting was delaying the succession for which all
were posturing. He said
that Mugabe's wife had confided to him that the
President was "out of it"
about 75 percent of the time and she wanted him to
step down.
10. (S) What was to follow Mugabe remained murky, Gono
maintained. Mugabe
had personally disclosed to Gono his doubts about
Vice-President Joyce
Mujuru's capacity to hold the country together. Gono
confided further that
Joyce herself had recently exploded to Mugabe,
complaining about perceived
slights and asserting her independence from her
husband, ex-army chief
Solomon "Rex" Mujuru. Full of fear and loathing, the
inner circle was
increasingly beyond Mugabe's capacity to control: wild-card
Mutasa was at
odds with ambitious Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was countering
kingmaker Solomon
Mujuru (now the late), who didn't get along with Defense
Forces Chief
Chiwenga, etc. Gono cautioned against assuming anything about
individual
loyalties in the ruling party's opaque factional battles since
ethnicity,
clan, totem, personal ambition and old rivalries created a very
complex and
crosscutting web of ties. Musing aloud, Gono said the best
solution might be
a "junta" that attempted to balance all these interests in
a collective
leadership.
11. (S) Responding to the Ambassador's
inquiry about pivotal pragmatic
players in a post-Mugabe ZANU-PF, Gono,
speaking sotto voce, mentioned
politburo member and ex-Finance Minister
Simba Makoni and Party Chairman
John Nkomo. On a scrap of paper he wrote
down "Didymus Mutasa" and
"(Minister of Agriculture) Made" as two players
whom he understood could be
allowed no place in a post-Mugabe government.
Gono said he himself remained
independent from party factions - "equally
distrusted by all," he joked -
but communicated with leaders from all
factions in both parties. He
emphasized that in any event he wanted to play
a central role in the
nation's social, economic and political future. At the
same time, he
stressed that, as a rags-to-riches self-made man, he had the
confidence to
"walk away from it all" if necessary.
12. (S) In
closing, the Ambassador underscored that Zimbabwe was without
outside help
and beyond the point of being able to engineer its own
recovery - a tipping
point in itself. We all knew the only places from which
such support would
be forthcoming, but such help would be predicated on a
firm comitment to
political and economic reform. For its part, the USG did
not desire
Zimbabwe's further implosion and stood ready to work with the
GOZ, including
a ZANU-PF government, on national recovery - but only once it
was
irrevocably on a path to real political and economic reform. The choice
was
the ruling party's: continue on its self-destructive path and be further
squeezed by the international community, or redirect itself constructively
and receive international support.
The country needed Gono and other
pragmatists, despite political
difficulties, to be advocates for and
ultimately deliver meaningful change,
the Ambassador concluded. Gono
pexpressed relief at this approach and
promised to stay in
touch.
-------
Comment
-------
13. (S) "Tipping points"
(Gono's unprompted comments echoed his remarks to
the IMF, ref A) are fast
becoming the fulcrum for political analysis outside
and inside the ruling
party in Zimbabwe. Just how close Zimbabwe is to a
tipping point remains
unclear but it is undeniably edging
ever closer to the brink. Such
discussions helpfully reinforce the perceived
need for change and the
imminence of succession - thus fueling what may
become a self-fulfilling
prophecy. Gono himself may well have concluded
that, in view of Mugabe's
refusal to consider desperately needed change, the
shortest path to recovery
(and power for Gideon Gono, of course) is through
collapse. Although this
may be a touch conspiratorial, it does help explain
some of Gono's seemingly
"irrational" policies of the last six months,
including the expenditure of
foreign exchange badly needed for critical
imports on repayment of
Zimbabwe's IMF arrears.
Mtetwa
blasts Jonathan Moyo
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Richard Chidza, Staff Writer
Thursday, 28 March
2013 12:29
HARARE - Human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa — fresh from a
stint in
prison — says serial political flip flopper Jonathan Moyo’s rants
against
her were unfortunate and replete with distortions.
The former
junior Information minister wrote a stinging opinion piece in the
State
controlled media celebrating the “self-styled” human rights lawyer’s
incarceration.
Mtetwa was arrested for trying to defend four
officials from Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai’s office charged with
impersonating police after a raid at
the MDC leader’s communication
office.
Moyo described Mtetwa as “a notorious untouchable celebrated in
the legal
fraternity not for her legal work about which there’s precious
little to
show but for her corrupt presumption of impunity when it comes to
her now
well-documented reckless confrontation with law enforcement agencies
always
designed to grab dramatic news headlines.”
Moyo said Mtetwa
was “known less for her legal thinking or practice and more
for her
stage-managed antics in and outside the court some of which have
been used
by dubious institutions to reward her with equally dubious awards
that do
not have self-evident merit.”
He also railed against Mtetwa’s Swazi
origins, even though she has given
over three decades of service to the
Zimbabwean legal fraternity, starting
as a prosecutor and later going into
private practice.
Mtetwa answered Moyo in an address at a public forum to
mark the launch of
the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute. She said she had no
problem with Moyo
exercising his right to freedom of expression, but said he
should not deny
others the same rights.
“Apart from the fact that
Moyo got a whole lot of facts wrong about what
happened between me and the
police, he got the place where it happened
wrong,” Mtetwa said.
“My
view is that I may not like what Jonathan Moyo writes but he is entitled
to
that and he is entitled to be a member of Zanu PF. I am not talking about
the lies and misrepresentation; what I disagree with is him denying others
the right to do exactly the same in their political formations and writing
the same in other newspapers.
“Moyo should understand that other
people have the same rights as him from
their perspective without him trying
to shut them down using the mighty of
the State or through the
police.”
The rights lawyer, who has won several international accolades
from a
variety of international jurists including the American Bar
Association,
said space for research was being closed in
Zimbabwe.
“We have to negotiate with politicians for the space to do
research,” she
said.
“We have oversight institutions in the new
constitution and we hope they do
not face the same fate that some members of
the judiciary and the Zimbabwe
Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) are facing
now.
“We need to talk about what kind of research can be done to stop the
culture
of impunity and killing of oversight institutions in order to push
the
democratisation agenda forward,” Mtetwa said,” Mtetwa said.
Minibus
chaos in Harare
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Thursday, 28 March 2013 09:31
HARARE - As Harare City
Council moves to return sanity to the sunshine city
by centralising commuter
minibuses, the move has caused chaos as the
designated places do not have
the capacity to accommodate a vast number of
minibuses and
commuters.
From Copa Cabana rank, there is chaos extending to Chinhoyi
Street, with
roads becoming impassable.
“Yesterday there was a guy I
caught holding my pockets in the pushing and
shoving, this is horrible,”
said Tapiwa Shumba, a 20-year-old university
student.
“Yes we want
our city to be clean but not at the expense of our pockets.”
A
65-year-old Sekuru Jambwa said fares have been hiked as a result of the
chaos.
“My child I stay in Warren Park. Before, our kombis came here
they charged
us R5 but ever since they moved to this place they are now
charging $1,” he
said.
“I approached two police officers to tell them
of the fee problem that we as
commuters were facing, and they said they do
not deal with those matters and
referred me to Interpol (international
Police), I do not even know what
Interpol is.”
Although the city
authorities said the move will help regulate transport
operators, the
operators themselves are complaining that the termini are too
small to cater
for all of them.
“As of now after I load my vehicle I have to wait more
than 15 minutes for
the kombis around me to be full because there is no
space to get out, as you
can see it’s bumper-to-bumper,” said Phineus
Chitoro, who plies the
Mandara-City route.
The main kombi ranks being
used by the operators are Copa Cabana, Charge
Office, Fourth Street terminis
and Market Square.
“During the times of the Zupco buses, yes it was okay,
they had systems in
place to control the movement of buses so that there
would not be congestion
at the terminus,” Chitoro said.
Zim
urged to reform ‘unstable’ and ‘artificial’ economy
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex
Bell
28 March 2013
Zimbabwe’s government is being urged to make
critical reforms to ensure that
the rapid growth of the economy, described
as artificial and unstable, is
not short lived.
A new report
published by the international public policy research group,
the Cato
Institute, has warned that Zimbabwe’s economic potential is
limited, because
the growth seen in recent years is ‘false’.
According to the report’s
author, Professor Craig Richardson, although the
official adoption of the US
dollar and South African rand in 2009 stopped
rampant hyperinflation and
stabilized the economy, “this doesn’t explain why
the country has been
growing faster than Hong Kong, a territory with a
stable currency and one of
the freest economies in the world.”
Professor Richardson explained that
Zimbabwe’s dollarisation was accompanied
by three significant economic
developments, “none of which will foster
growth long-term.”
“First,
between 2009 and 2011, two-thirds of Zimbabwe’s nominal GDP growth
was the
result of increases in government expenditures, augmented by
hundreds of
millions of dollars in International Monetary Fund grants and
Chinese loans.
Second, rich Western countries dramatically increased their
infusions of
off-budget grants to Zimbabwe, and this foreign aid now
accounts for nearly
9 percent of its GDP. Third, Zimbabwe’s economy is
becoming increasingly
dependent on the production and export of raw mineral
commodities, which
have experienced rapid worldwide price hikes,” Professor
Richardson
said.
He told SW Radio Africa that none of these developments provide for
a stable
economic future, and the growth therefore seen in recent years is
“artificial.” He said the growth also draws attention away from the
country’s
serious problems, including inadequate food supply, poor
governance,
weakening property rights protection, and a bloated government
sector.
“Those problems have been unwittingly enabled by Western
governments and the
International Monetary Fund through massive cash
infusions, which have given
the Zimbabwean government little incentive to
change,” Richardson warned.
He also warned that Zimbabwe’s is “exhibit A
on how to ruin a national
economy,” saying the destructive land grab
campaign from 2000 onwards was
directly responsible for the country’s
economic collapse.
“Zimbabwe was the jewel of Africa but when property
rights were destroyed
during that campaign, the economy really went into a
fast tailspin. The two
are crucially linked,” Richardson said.
He
added that property rights are a key foundation for positive, stable
economic growth and warned that there is no sign that this right will be
protected in Zimbabwe in the future. He expressed concern that the new
constitution, instead of protecting these rights, legitimises the state
seizure of land.
“Buried in the constitution are the rights of the
government to take away
people’s property… it’s pretty easy to see that
Zimbabwe’s economic growth
is very short term and very arterial. Unless the
country starts paying
attention to property rights I don’t see any positive
growth,” Richardson
said.
You can read Richardson’s report
here:
http://www.cato.org/publications/policy-analysis/zimbabwe-why-one-worlds-least-free-economies-growing-so-fast
Zimplats
appeals land repossession
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
28/03/2013 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
PLATINUM miner, Zimplats, has lodged an appeal against
the government's
proposed compulsory acquisition of about 50 percent of its
mineral resource
which was confirmed by Mines Minister Obert Mpofu last
month.
In a statement Thursday Zimplats chief executive, Alex Mhembere,
said:
“Further to the announcement regarding the proposed compulsory
acquisition
of land, Zimplats confirms that (it) lodged an objection on 27
March to the
preliminary notice … with regard to the President’s intention
to acquire
compulsorily 27,948 hectares of land held by
Zimplats”,
Zimplats – listed in Australia and majority-owned by South
Africa-based
Impala Platinum (Implats) - holds a special mining lease over
two areas in
the country totalling 48,535ha in extent.
But in
February Mpofu said the government had "repossessed" 27,948ha of the
land
"with immediate effect" without compensation adding the mineral
resource
would be offered to other investors.
"Zimbabwe has not realised
significant value from the platinum sector beyond
the traditional statutory
payments. We can no longer continue having our
minerals refined outside the
country," said Mpofu.
"You can only compensate for land that has been
bought. The ground belongs
to Zimbabwe and there cannot be talks of
compensation when the land belongs
to you."
The company was given 30
days to appeal the move and management immediately
indicated they would
challenge the development.
“Implats and Zimplats are taking legal advice in
order to protect their
rights and, in addition, remain in consultation with
the relevant government
authorities,” the company said at the
time.
The land seizure adds to the uncertainty clouding Zimplats's
operations in
teh country following allegations of possible irregularities
in the company’s
indigenisation compliance programme.
Implats signed
a conditional, non-binding term sheet for the transfer of 20%
of Zimplats to
employee and community trusts and 31% to a state-run National
Indigenisation
and Economic Empowerment Fund.
The deal is expected to see the company
comply with laws requiring foreign
companies to transfer at least 51 percent
of their Zimbabwe operations to
locals but sharp differences have emerged in
government over the transaction
amid allegations of possible
irregularities.
Implats, which is implementing a US$450 million
expansion programme at
Zimplats, however says it is committed to the country
despite the
uncertainty.
Zimplats is the biggest mining investor in
Zimbabwe with management saying
the company employs nearly 10,000 people in
the Mhondoro-Ngezi area, where
its operations are
situated.
Zimbabwe's platinum output puts it in third place, behind world
leader South
Africa, and second-place Russia.
“Miracle Votes”
– An analysis of the March 2013 Referendum
This
report by the ERC is an attempt to interrogate and analyse the voter behavior
that influenced the relatively ‘high voter turnout’ in this poll. What could
have driven Zimbabweans to come out and vote in such unprecedented large
numbers, what is the comparative analysis? Could the numbers have been tampered
with? And what does this mean for the coming crucial elections in
Zimbabwe?
A glance at the results shows that whilst
there had been reports of voter apathy, comparatively; Zimbabweans came out in
their large numbers to cast their votes. The March 16 poll recorded the biggest
voter turnout since 1980. Interestingly, there has been a marked increase in
each province for this referendum in comparison with the March 2008 elections.
Unpacking the Miracle Votes: The
Implications
The recent flurry of votes in the just
ended referendum has left more answers than questions, with various suggesstions
being made to explain the rise in voter turnout. The reasons have varied from
vote rigging to an increased interest in the electoral process. In this
section, the Election Resource Centre (ERC) unpacks some of the reasons which
could have led to the comparatively high voter turnout.
- Relaxed voting
requirements: The requirements for casting a vote in a referendum
were not as stringent as those in an election. Voters were only required to use
their national IDs in the absence of a voter’s roll which enabled a number of
unregistered, but ineligible voters to cast their votes. This included almost 3
generations of voter grandaunts who turned 18 years between 2008 and 2013.
- The Voting procedure was less complex as
compared to an actual election, exemplified by the average 3 minutes that voters
took to complete voting
- The relatively prevailing peaceful
political engagements could have revitalized confidence in the electoral
processes.
- Political party canvassing manifested in
the tussle for numbers between the two main political parties ZANU PF and
MDC-T.
- The utilization of social media as a
platform for public debate increased the interest in the Referendum. The social
media platforms that wer widely used especially by the young people included
facebook and twitter.
- A new generation of first time voters
that voted.
- Effectiveness of voter awareness
programmes speaheaded by both civil society and the main political formations
who are party to the GPA
- The swirling desire to end the
transitional period, it might be that most Zimbabweans have grown weary of the
tripartite governance framework and they believe that since the constitutional
reform exercise was one of the major obstacles, ensuring its passage
would
Where the “Yes”
could have come from?
- Core supporters of the three parties in
the GPA.
- Forced voters.
- Women (who constitute the majority of
voters). There was consensus amongst women from all wlaks of life that this
consitution is a good document for women hence the massive mobilization by
women’s groups and women politicians to endorse the draft.
- The youth vote, although more still needs
to be done to ensure that young people participate in electoral
processes
Where the “No” could have come
from?
- Core members of the National
Constitutional Assembly and its consortium (ISO, PTUZ and
MDC-99).
- Some MDC members whose voting was not
polluted by group action and party opinion leaders. They retained their freedom
of choice.
- There was a clique in ZANU PF which found
expression through Jonathan Moyo, which at some point vehemently opposed the
completion of the constitution making exercise. There is no telling that this
clique could have made a sudden about turn to endorse this draft given how
vigorously they campaigned for the disbandment of COPAC and the holding of
elections under the Lancaster House Constitution.
- Some ZANU PF members who at some point
were told about the ‘toxic’ issues in the proposed constitution. For instance,
those who once were told that the COPAC draft would allow gay LGBTI rights (gay
and lesbian rights) – at some point ZANU PF embarked on a campaign against the
draft which spread to most areas like Gokwe Chireya. However, following their
ultimate agreement ZANU PF could have failed to effectively reach some of its
members who already had embarked on a campaign against the draft to re-orient
them on the party’s new position.
Zimbabwe's
Upcoming Elections and the Political Reforms That Never Were
http://thinkafricapress.com/
Without
political and electoral reforms, it seems Zimbabwe's upcoming
elections will
be played out on an uneven political playing field once
again.
ARTICLE | 27 MARCH 2013 - 11:35AM | BY SIMUKAI
TINHU
With the new constitution having been overwhelmingly approved
in a popular
referendum, Zimbabwe can start to prepare for fresh elections –
the first
since the fateful polls in 2008.
Back then, Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC-T)
won the first round to set up a run-off against
incumbent Robert Mugabe of
the ruling ZANU-PF party. Citing violence and
intimidation against
supporters, however, Tsvangirai pulled out of the
second round allowing
Mugabe to emerge victorious.
Amidst international condemnation and
instability following the disputed
elections, however, ZANU-PF held mediated
talks with the MDC-T and MDC-M – a
breakaway faction of the MDC then led by
Arthur Mutambara – resulting in a
power-sharing government under the
provisions of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA). Mugabe stayed as
president, Tsvangirai became prime
minister, and government ministries were
shared out between the three main
parties.
Now, with the coalition
government’s mandate to end on 29 June – and
elections to be held by 29
August 2013 according to the GPA – Zimbabwe faces
the prospect of elections
again. Yet crucial questions remain about whether
it is ready. The European
Union (EU), which recently eased sanctions
purportedly as a reward for
political progress, appears to think so. Many
also appear to have been
encouraged by the broadly peaceful referendum on
the new constitution. But
unfortunately, this optimism does not stand up to
scrutiny.
A history
of violence
From its inception, the coalition government has squabbled over
how much
reform is necessary before satisfactory elections can take place.
ZANU-PF
has insisted that there is no need for reform – not surprising given
its
chances of retaining power rest on maintaining status quo – while
opposition
and civil society insist extensive reforms are
crucial.
Past Zimbabwean elections have often been characterised by
ZANU-PF violence
against opposition. Before the 1985 parliamentary
elections, the Mugabe
regime had been unleashing the infamous Gukurahundi
policy against the
supporters of Zimbabwe African People’s Union-Patriotic
Front (ZAPU-PF),
resulting in the deaths of thousands; in 1990, Zimbabwe
Unity Movement
(ZUM), a party that provided a formidable challenge to
ZANU-PF, faced
widespread intimidation and violence; and in the 1996
elections, the two
main opposition parties, Abel Muzorewa’s United Parties
(UP) and Ndabaningi
Sithole’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU-Ndonga),
withdrew citing
irregularities and intimidation of supporters.
When
the MDC emerged in 1999 and seemed to have a genuine chance of
unseating
ZANU-PF, the ruling party again resorted to physical force. The
presidential
elections of 2002 and 2008 in particular were marred by
violence and the
deaths of hundreds.
Will 2013 be any different?
Many are hoping that
2013’s election will break with this history of
violence. But despite a new
constitution, the political landscape is far
from reformed.
Firstly,
while there have been repeated calls for peace by government
leaders, there
is still widespread state-sponsored political violence
directed at civil
society, human rights defenders, journalists, and
political activists.
Indeed, there has been an upsurge in political violence
and repression
lately.
Secondly, groups of liberation war veterans and ZANU-PF youths,
who were
responsible for much of the torture and abuse perpetrated against
civilians
in the run-up to the last two elections, remain intact. These
groups also
contributed to the infringement of rights to freedoms of
expression,
assembly and association.
Thirdly, the media in Zimbabwe
remains muzzled. There are very few
privately-owned newspapers and radio
stations. This has meant that public
information remains under the firm grip
of ZANU–PF, which continues to use
state-owned media to manipulate public
opinion.
Fourthly, and most significantly, the security sector is still
deeply
involved in the political affairs of the country. Despite Article
XIII of
the GPA clearly stipulating that “state organs and institutions do
not
belong to any political party and should be impartial in the discharge
of
their duties”, ZANU-PF has retained control of the security apparatus,
the
ultimate line of defence of its dominance.
This raises fears that
this year’s elections could lead to a repeat of 2008’s
when ZANU-PF, in
partnership with the “securocrats”, thwarted a democratic
transfer of power.
Senior military personnel have been quoted on several
occasions openly
supporting Mugabe and ZANU-PF, and vowing to enable it to
stay in power,
flouting the GPA and the codes of conduct of their own
establishments.
Meanwhile, the Southern Africa Development Community’s
(SADC) calls to
reform the military, police services, state intelligence
services and other
critical arms of the security sector have fallen on deaf
ears. At its
December 2009 party congress, ZANU-PF boasted that it would not
allow
security forces to be subject to reforms.
Last but not least, it appears
the coalition government has also failed to
make any changes to repressive
laws such as the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, the
Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the
Criminal Law (Codification and
Reform) Act. These laws have been used to
severely curtail basic rights
through vague defamation clauses and draconian
penalties.
In the few
cases where there have been reforms, the quality and extent of
those reforms
have been minimal. For example, the newly created Zimbabwe
Human Rights
Commission could help improve the condition of human rights,
but its mandate
is limited to investigating and reporting on human rights
abuses committed
after the unity government was formed in February 2009,
thus excluding the
widespread electoral violence of 2008. The draft
constitution has also been
criticised as flawed and as not going far enough
in its curbing of
presidential powers and bolstering of human rights.
A not-so-united unity
government
The answer as to why the coalition has failed to put into effect
political
and electoral reforms lies partly in the distribution of power
within the
unity government. Unlike Kenya’s transitional government in which
executive
power was shared between President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister
Raila
Odinga, allowing some key reforms to be undertaken, in Zimbabwe,
Mugabe
never relinquished executive power and has thus been able to block
required
reforms. Additionally, securocrats have used their positions and
symbiotic
relationship with Mugabe to veto change.
ZANU-PF’s triumph
has also been aided by the opposition’s poor strategising
and various
miscalculations. For example, the opposition went into the
coalition
government without a plan to ensure reforms would be made. This
was a
product of their failure to calculate the limitations of their power
within
the power-sharing agreement. They also mistakenly counted on ZANU-PF
as a
reliable partner that they could do business with.
Finally, President
Mugabe has also shrewdly manipulated the issue of
sanctions as a way of
frustrating possible progress. In response to human
rights and
election-related abuses perpetrated between 2001 and 2008, the US
and EU
imposed targeted sanctions as a way to push reform. ZANU-PF, however,
turned
this pressure on its head – leading to a stalemate – by saying
reforms would
only be undertaken once the sanctions are removed.
Election without
reforms
When ZANU-PF went into the coalition government, its priority was to
retain
political power. Its strategy was to use the power-sharing agreement
to
entrench its hegemonic status without frightening those in the
international
community. The opposition meanwhile seemed to enter Zimbabwe’s
brutal
political scene without a strategy, but armed with unrealistic
political
notions, such as its preoccupation with legality.
The
result of these divergent interests has been perpetual political dispute
that rendered the coalition government unable to introduce reforms that
would have created a level political playing field. Having been unable to
secure reforms in the last four years, it might be too late to expect any
meaningful change before elections if they are indeed to be held in June. It
thus appears the elections will have to be fought on an unequal
battleground.
Though this might sound like bad news for the
opposition, and worse for
democracy-loving Zimbabweans, it does not have to
be. Attaining democracy in
Zimbabwe is still possible, but requires a new
approach that has less to do
with the currently impossible task of political
reform. Once the opposition
acknowledges the reality – that for the moment
attaining political reforms
is a dream – they can let go of the notion that
the political playing field
will be evel come the elections. Once they have
accepted this, they can be
liberated from complacency and launch a harder
and more direct campaign. As
it is, resounding electoral victory, to the
extent President Mugabe’s
ZANU-PF cannot cover it up, is now the only way to
power.