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Mugabe
blasts war veterans
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Politics
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe
last week took a swipe at war veterans for
belittling his indigenisation
calls by fronting for white business people in
mining and farming activities
in the country.
Staff Writer
Addressing thousands of Zanu PF
supporters who thronged Chipadze Stadium in
Bindura to celebrate his 89th
birthday, Mugabe said he is aware that some
war veterans and senior party
officials are active in safeguarding the
interests of white
capital.
“The war veterans came in groups and were given permission to
mine chrome
and coal but some are now shadows of the white people and they
continue to
lie to us that they are on their own,” Mugabe
said.
Mugabe’s swipe comes in the wake of complaints in Masvingo that
Zanu PF
politburo member Dzikamai Mavhaire is fronting for whites after he
allegedly
blocked the indigenisation of Zimbabwe’s sole lithium producer,
Bikita
Minerals.
Mavhaire has a 21% stake in Bikita Minerals and he
argues that there is no
need for the company to be subjected to government’s
controversial
indigenisation regulations because it is indigenised
already.
Mavhaire says he embraced indigenisation long before the country
had
enforced the law.
Besides his 21% shares in the mine, Bikita
Community Trust has 10%, the
Sovereign Trust Fund another 10%, the workers
5% and (ZCC) Bishop Nehemiah
Mutendi has 5%.
Zanu PF has enlisted the
service of war veterans to campaign for the party
in crucial forthcoming
elections and it is not known what implications
Mugabe’s swipe would have on
their resolve to mobilise support for the
polls.
Mugabe gave
firebrand war veterans’ leader Jabulani Sibanda the nod to
mobilise support
for Zanu PF in the provinces last year.
Sibanda said Mugabe is exposing
certain elements who do not belong to his
association.
“War veterans
include a lot of people and those that are involved in such
activities are
not part of my association,” said Sibanda. “The list of those
in mining
activities (which I cannot reveal to you) include high ranking
people who
have been in business and have never been part of my
association,” Sibanda
said.
Sibanda said those who belong to his association are still waiting
for their
mining concessions from the Ministry of Mines.
“The war
veterans in my association are standing for what is right and we
are on the
ground to make sure there will be victory for President Mugabe
and Zanu PF
in the forthcoming elections,” Sibanda said.
Mugabe’s weekend vitriol
will open a can of worms as most Zanu PF officials
and chiefs are reportedly
being used as fronts by white business people and
ex-farmers whose land was
grabbed at the onset of the land reform programme.
Mugabe also recently
threatened to take action against chiefs and senior
government officials he
accused of leasing their land to former white
farmers while addressing a
conference for traditional leaders in Masvingo.
Zanu
PF may lose in Mash central: Mafios
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Politics
ZANU PF
Mashonaland Central chairperson Dickson Mafios said party structures
in the
province are in shambles and urgent interventions are needed for it
to avoid
an embarrassing defeat in the next elections.
Report by Elias
Mambo
Mafios told the Zimbabwe Independent on the sidelines of President
Robert
Mugabe’s 89th birthday celebrations at Chipadze Stadium in Bindura on
Saturday that the province faced multiple problems ranging from the
imposition of candidates, selling of farms to undesignated individuals as
well as the push for the reversal of the indigenisation programme by some
party officials.
Mafios said Zanu PF may not win elections in the
province if problems
concerning land reforms are not resolved because
rampant evictions are
currently taking place.
“Our concern is that
there are corrupt leaders who have decided to evict
people with offer
letters,” said Mafios. “This has to stop and be resolved
because it will
cost the party in the next election. Some senior party
officials come and
lie to us saying they have been sent by the president yet
they will be
pushing their own agendas,” he said.
Sources say there are three centres
of power in the province fighting to
control the selection of candidates to
represent the party in the elections.
“Vice-President Joice Mujuru’s camp
has a list of its own candidates, while
Defence minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa’s group is alleged to have its own
representatives and the third
is led by , who is linked to Indigenisation
minister Saviour Kasukuwere, and
it seeks to retain its turf in the
province,” said one source.
The
sources also said primary elections in the province would be hotly
contested
as jostling for seats is intense since rival factions are battling
for
control.
In his main address, Mugabe also indicated that party structures
in the Zanu
PF stronghold are indeed in shambles and something has to be
done.
“We have always been proud of this province because it has been
united but
we saw it developing loopholes which allowed the enemy to
penetrate. We do
not want to lose seats again,” Mugabe
said.
Mashonaland Central governor Martin Dinha refuted allegations of
candidate
imposition and corruption in his province.
“The province is
united as shown by the successful hosting of the president’s
birthday
celebrations,” Dinha said.
“We might have some minor differences but that
will not make us lose our
focus on the forthcoming elections.”
Matinenga
sticks to his guns
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Politics
THE MDC-T is trying to
convince Parliamentary and Constitutional Affairs
minister Eric Matinenga to
contest the Buhera West parliamentary seat
following the death of the
party’s aspiring candidate and University of
Zimbabwe lecturer John
Makumbe.
Report by Elias Mambo
Makumbe, who was poised to replace
Matinenga as the MDC-T candidate, died in
January of heart
failure.
However, Matinenga has insisted that he would not avail himself
for
re-election in line with his November 2011 decision to retire from
politics
at the end of his tenure.
MDC-T sources told Zimbabwe
Independent this week that senior party
officials, including Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, have held meetings
with Matinenga to try and persuade him
to reconsider his decision to quit
politics.
“Some senior party
officials have been meeting with Matinenga to try and
make him reconsider
his decision,” said a top MDC-T source.
MDC-T national organising secretary
Nelson Chamisa announced soon after
Makumbe’s death that he had asked
Matinenga to reconsider standing again
because he was still very popular in
the constituency.
But Matinenga insists nothing will make him change his
mind.
“My position has not changed,” said Matinenga this week. “I am not
seeking
re-election and I will not get back.”
Matinenga says Zimbabwe
has a tradition of leaders who overstay in politics
resulting in them
destroying the country.
Chamisa said that five candidates had submitted
CVs seeking to contest
primaries in Buhera West.
These are among more
than 4000 MDC-T aspiring candidates set to battle it
out in the party’s
primaries to be held after the referendum.
About 900 prospective
candidates have been disqualified.
“Right now I can inform you that the
calibre of applicants is very good. We
have lawyers, business people,
engineers, trade unionists and teachers who
are ready to represent the party
in the next elections,” he said.
The MDC-T recently came under fire for
its controversial candidate selection
criteria widely seen as a move to
provide bigwigs a safe passage as they
would not contest in
primaries.
The MDC-T constitution stipulates that a sitting MP requires a
two-thirds
majority confirmation by party officials in their constituency to
avoid
primaries.
MDC-T sources said new members wanted that provision
waived to allow for
leadership renewal in the 14-year old party.
The
primary elections are likely to create fissures in the party as some
aspiring candidates have already indicated that they would contest as
independent candidates should they get blocked through confirmation of
sitting MPs.
MDC-T spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora said it was
unfortunate they had to
disqualify some individuals but they had no choice
except to stick to the
set criteria.
“What I must emphasise is that
we stick to our resolution that everywhere
where there is a sitting MP, they
would have a confirmation exercise first
and if the people confirm their
candidacy there won’t be any need to hold
the primaries,” he said.
Multimedia: Christpowers’ death throwback to
2008
POLITICAL events in
Zimbabwe now seem to have been moving at breakneck speed since the suspected
murder of MDC-T Headlands deputy organising secretary and parliamentary aspirant
Shepherd Maisiri’s 12 year-old son Christpowers, allegedly in an arson attack by
Zanu PF activists.
Report By Herbert
Moyo
There has been national
outrage and condemnation, accompanying the national outpouring of grief over the
incident, with MDC-T leader and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai even
threatening to boycott the next crucial general elections slated for July if
political repression and violence persist.
Cyberspace activists
put up black squares as their profile pictures on social media networks, mainly
Facebook, as a symbolic gesture against the brutality.
The police, yet to
solve many other politically-inspired murders and disappearances of mainly MDC
activists at the hands of Zanu PF suspects, swiftly “investigated” the matter
and quickly ruled out any foul play in Christpowers’ death, despite promising
the probe was still continuing.
As the MDC-T and Zanu
PF trade accusations and counter-accusations over the suspected murder of the
teenage boy, questions are being raised as to whether events are shaping up for
a throwback to the 2008 environment after the death of
Christpowers?
What difference will
the new draft constitution which the unity government trio – Zanu PF, MDC-T and
MDC – have single-mindedly pursued since 2009 at a staggering US$50 million
cost?
Will a new constitution
alone without the raft of reforms envisaged in the Global Political Agreement
(GPA) and the Sadc roadmap to elections create an environment for credible, free
and fair elections?
Barely one week after
the murder which has escalated political tensions to explosive intensities, the
three main political parties are now increasingly on a collision course,
although they have refocused their attention and energies on ensuring their key
priority, the new draft constitution, is adopted.
Tsvangirai launched his
“Yes” vote campaign at Gweru’s Mkoba stadium on Saturday on a rain-drenched
afternoon.
However, as some
political commentators have pointed out, Zimbabwe needs more than just a new
constitution. Analysts say while it was a tragedy, government leaders and their
parties must take Christpowers’ death as an opportunity to revisit the GPA and
Sadc election roadmap to implement all the fundamental reforms necessary to
create conditions for credible elections.
The new constitution,
analysts say, is but one of the key reforms outlined in the Sadc election
roadmap which should to be dealt with before elections; it is by no means the be
all and end all to Zimbabwe’s political problems.
Some of the necessary
reforms include media, electoral, and security sector reforms, as well as
re-staffing of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and ensuring security refrain
from political intereference.
A map of political
violence in Zimbabwe
View Zimbabwe Political
Violence map in a larger
map
Zimbabwe Democracy
Institute director Pedzisayi Ruhanya says Zimbabweans have been short-changed by
politicians who for the past four years have touted a new constitution as the
ultimate solution to the country’s political imbroglio when it is evidently
not.
“The Zimbabwean crisis
has never been a constitutional one,” said Ruhanya. “It is governance failure
premised on Zanu PF’s refusal to uphold the constitution, rule of law, respect
human rights and a political leadership that survives on
impunity.
The most urgent
requirements are broad reforms of the arms of the state such as the security,
judiciary and the personnel that administer those institutions,” Ruhanya
said.
Police
Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri and senior police officers have been
campaigning for Zanu PF, with Chihuri urging officers and their families to
register and vote for Zanu PF.
Last week deputy
Commissioner-General Innocent Matibiri appeared before the parliamentary
portfolio committee on Defence and Home Affairs where he confirmed police would
continue monitoring non-governmental organisations which they have recently
raided repeatedly.
Analysts say equally
complicit is the state media which has always rushed to absolve Zanu PF in cases
like the Christpowers one where they have gone as far as suggesting his mental
and physical disabilities prevented him from escaping the fire
incident.
Political analyst
Blessing Vava said the MDC parties had abandoned the reform agenda, saying they
had been “mere passengers on the Government of National Unity gravy train, so
complacent in their pre-occupation with acquiring assets while failing to push
for these so-called reforms”.
Through its steadfast
insistence on a full complement of reforms, Sadc has now assumed the role of the
fabled mourner weeping louder than the bereaved as the MDC parties now seem to
be collaborating with Zanu PF to eschew reforms by always reacting to their
rival’s agenda-setting.
Analyst Godwin Phiri
said the MDC parties have failed to maintain pressure on Zanu PF to adopt
reforms before elections.
“The MDC parties should
have kept their eyes on the ball and insisted on reforms before elections, but
Tsvangirai has made worrisome statements expressing confidence that elections
would be violence-free,” said Phiri said.
Analysts say the MDC
formation seems to think a new constitution alone will address their concerns.
Those who support the new draft constitution point to favourable aspects in the
document like an enlarged bill of rights, presidential term limits as well as
new democratic institutions.
Listen to analyst
Pedzisai Ruhanya giving his views:
The Zimbabwe Human
Rights Commission (ZHRC) was established in line with Section 242 of the draft
and its functions, among other things, are “to protect the public against abuse
of power and maladministration by state and public institutions and by officers
of those institutions”.
Despite provisions
allowing it to investigate any authority or person for human rights violations
and to “secure appropriate redress, including recommending the prosecution of
offenders where human rights or freedoms have been violated,” the organisation –
led by Zanu PF politburo member Jacob Mudenda – is not yet function due to lack
of resources and logistics.
Besides, the choice of
Mudenda as its leader has created a credibility crisis for the organisation
before it started working.
While Christpowers
joins the long list of victims whose bodies have littered Zimbabwe’s political
terrain in the run up to elections, politicians’ relentless push towards polls
without reforms throwback Zimbabwe to the 2008 situation, ensuring the country
remains trapped in cycle of violence and disputed election outcomes as well as
the attendant political stalemate.
Panic
over poll funding
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in News
ALTHOUGH the broke unity
government struggled to mobilise funds for the
constitution referendum,
mainly by squeezing out money from private
companies, officials are now
panicking over raising adequate resources for
the elections expected in July
as it remains unclear how much the United
Nations Development Programme
(UNDP) would contribute.
Owen Gagare
Finance minister Tendai Biti
was yesterday supposed to brief the media on
the referendum, elections and
state of the economy, but cancelled the press
conference until Monday.
Official sources said while a few private sector
companies had contributed,
government was still in a financial fix over
funding of electoral
processes.
“Government, which is penniless, is in a financial crisis
despite claims by
some it is doing well in its fund-raising initiative,” a
senior minister
said. “Although the money for the referendum is now there,
the reality is
the UNDP might not provide enough to bridge the gap as it did
during the
constitution-making process when, together with the Zimbabwe
Institute, it
contributed US$22,1 million out of the US$50,7m
used.
Government actually provided more than donors as it chipped in with
US$28,6m.”
Sources said the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec),
which will conduct the
referendum and elections, was yet to get adequate
resources. The body is
funded from the Consolidated Revenue
Fund.
Other sources of funds include fees and charges for services,
proceeds of
any penalties imposed, deposits forfeited by candidates,
donations or grants
approved by the Finance minister and returns on
investments.
“Just a week before the referendum, Zec is still struggling
financially and
logistically,” another official said. “The problem is that
it was not given
enough resources and time.” Zec acting chairperson Joyce
Kazembe last night
refused to comment.
Zec had initially drawn a
budget of US$220m for the referendum and
elections, but the amount was later
revised downwards to US$192m after the
scrapping of the delimitation of
constituencies. It now says at least US$85m
is needed for the referendum,
while elections would require US$107m.
Government is scrounging for
US$250m for the referendum and elections.
Information obtained by the
Zimbabwe Independent indicates Biti, who is part
of a cabinet committee
consisting of Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
and Justice minister
Patrick Chinamasa tasked with fund-raising for the
referendum and elections,
was worried government — which is collecting
US$240m a month on average —
was not able to contribute anything meaningful
due to limited
revenues.
On February 4, Biti wrote to the UNDP resident representative
Alain Noudehou
asking the body to assist the country mobilise US$250m for
the
constitutional referendum and elections.
Biti indicated in his
letter that although the 2013 budget was ideally
supposed to fund both the
referendum and the elections, the two processes
only had a combined budget
provision of US$25m.
Noudehou replied Biti on February 11, saying the UN
would first send an
electoral assessment mission to Zimbabwe before making a
decision on how
much it could release. He informed government the request
had been
transmitted to UN focal point on electoral assistance at the UN
headquarters
as per the UN guidelines on electoral support.
The
assessment team is, however, yet to arrive in the country resulting in
pressure increasing on government to find alternative ways of securing
resources given authorities do not know to what extent the UNDP would be
able to assist.
Worried by the delay, Biti wrote to the inclusive
government principals and
party political leaders on February 15, noting the
UNDP had agreed in
principle to help out although their process would take a
long time because
of bureaucratic procedures which would make it impossible
to fund the
referendum.
In his letter to principals, Biti said
government was collecting an average
of US$240m, of which about US$200m goes
towards the civil service wage bill,
leaving only US$40m for all other
government operations.
From that, Biti told President Robert Mugabe,
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, Mutambara and Industry minister Welshman
Ncube it was clear
government was not able to raise funds for the referendum
and elections on
its own.
Biti recently wanted the referendum
postponed due to financial problems, but
Mugabe refused.
In January,
for example, government collected US$239,3m against a target of
US$273,7m
resulting in a shortfall of US$29,4m.
Total disbursements during the
month amounted to US$231,8m. Of this, total
employment costs were US$194,2m,
other recurrent expenditures US$31,2m and
capital expenditures US$8,1m. The
total expenditure was US$231,9m, leaving a
balance of about US$7,4m as
build-up for February expenditures.
The inadequate revenue inflows,
coupled with uncertainty over UNDP funding,
has left government anxious and
panicking about how it would fund its key
obligations this year.
Pressure
on Kasukuwere to reverse US$1,7bn deals
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in
News
ZIMBABWE’S controversial indigenisation programme, the centre-piece
of Zanu
PF’s election campaign, is now hanging in the balance amid
indications major
empowerment deals worth US$1,7 billion could soon be
revisited or reversed.
Report by Faith Zaba
Official sources said
yesterday pressure was mounting on Indigenisation
minister Saviour
Kasukuwere to agree to revisit the deals, which have caused
a storm in the
corridors of power.
“There is growing pressure for the indigenisation
transactions, which are at
the centre of the current row, to be revisited or
reversed,” a government
official said yesterday. “This has left the
indigenisation programme hanging
in the balance.”
Senior government
and Zanu PF officials have of late been clashing over the
indigenisation
programme, with one group led by Kasukuwere and the other by
Reserve Bank
governor Gideon Gono battling over the process.
The fight is mainly
centred on the ideological thrust of the policy, its
conceptual basis,
framework, implementation mechanisms, liaisons, valuation
of companies,
legislative issues, exchange rate approvals, consultation fees
as well as
terms and conditions of agreements.
Kasukuwere has mainly been supported
by Zanu politburo member and former
Information minister Jonathan Moyo and
the party’s youths, while Gono is
backed by Vice-President Joice Mujuru and
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara.
President Robert Mugabe last
week said Kasukuwere has made some mistakes.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai recently urged parliament to investigate
indigenisation deals.
Finance minister Tendai Biti has warned some aspects
of indigenisation are
“illegal”.
Official sources said this week the indigenisation issue was
raised during
Mugabe’s Monday morning briefings amid indications of a
widening fallout
over it.
There were attempts last week by
Anti-Corruption Commission and Zimra to
scrutinise and investigate
empowerment transactions.
In an interview with the Zimbabwe Independent
this week, Gono indicated,
following Mugabe’s remarks on Kasukuwere’s
blunders, there was a need to
revisit the major indigenisation
deals.
“We also need to pay attention to the conditions attached to some
of these
transactions and violations of standing exchange control laws,
rules and
regulations, all of which could have been avoided had necessary
consultations been done,” he said. “These problems technically render some
of these transactions null and void if fundamental amendments required are
not done.”
Gono said he had held meetings with Mugabe and Mujuru to
discuss the issue.
Major deals done so far include Zimplats (US$971
million), Mimosa (US$550m),
Anglo-American (US$142m), Pretoria Portland
Cement (US$27,8m) and Caledonia
(US$30m), all worth US$1,7bn.
Polls:
Fierce clashes rock inclusive govt
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in News
DIVISIONS
have rocked the inclusive government over the lobby by MDC-T for
an
extraordinary Sadc summit on Zimbabwe ahead of watershed elections
expected
mid this year as tensions rise in the aftermath of a suspected
arson attack
which led to the death of a 12-year old boy, Christpowers
Maisiri of
Headlands in Manicaland.
Report by Owen Gagare
Following the boy’s
death, cabinet ministers from the two MDC formations
clashed in two
consecutive sessions with their Zanu PF counterparts whom
they accused of
orchestrating political violence.
President Robert Mugabe’s spokesman
George Charamba yesterday confirmed the
Christpowers issue was again
discussed in cabinet this week.
“It was talked about in two cabinet
sittings in a row, so there was no need
for principals to discuss it further
because they are also part of cabinet,”
he said asked if principals had also
tackled it.
Sources said Vice-President Joice Mujuru was particularly
scathing in her
attacks on MDC-T ministers, claiming they behaved as if they
were the only
ones who had ever lost loved one in such tragic
circumstances.
They say Mujuru told cabinet she had lost her husband,
former army commander
General Solomon Mujuru, under similarly tragic
circumstances two years ago
but did not use the incident to gain political
mileage.
Ministers clashed in cabinet last week on Tuesday over the same
issue. A day
after that, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai dispatched his
party’s
secretary for international relations Jameson Timba to brief Sadc
leaders
and diplomats on the deteriorating security situation in the
country.
Timba showed them pictures of the boy’s burnt remains and a
dossier
containing 120 incidents of violence against MDC-T officials and
supporters
this year while lobbying regional leaders for an extraordinary
regional
summit focusing on Zimbabwe ahead of elections.
Zanu PF,
which has denied responsibility over Christpowers’ death, has
however been
angered by the diplomatic offensive which views it as an
attempt by the
MDC-T to internationalise domestic issues.
A seething Mugabe told his
supporters during his 89th birthday party in
Bindura on Saturday that if
MDC-T had issues, it should have engaged its
coalition government partners
instead of rushing to “report to Britain and
America”.
He also
accused the MDC-T of politicising deaths by blaming Zanu PF even
when the
causes were natural.
Charamba said MDC-T was desperately using
Christpowers’ death to play
politics but warned their Sadc bid was doomed to
fail.
“They are clutching at straws because they have nothing to offer,”
said
Charamba. “The MDC wants to naturalise the involvement of foreigners in
the
internal affairs of the country, even by calling for international
investigators.” he said.
Charamba said although Christpowers’ death
was discussed in cabinet this
week government principals did not tackle the
matter in their meetings.
The MDC formation led by Welshman Ncube has
been on the same side with MDC-T
in cabinet and also compiled a dossier on
violence targeted at its officials
and supporters.
MDC spokesperson
Nhlanhla Dube, however, said his party was not so fixated
with the
extraordinary summit but wanted Sadc resolutions, agreed issues in
the
Global Political Agreement and the election roadmap implemented before
polls.
The divisions and tensions in the inclusive government are
also being
fuelled by statements uttered by government officials in
public.
MDC-T secretary-general Tendai Biti told mourners during
Christpowers’
burial last week that Zanu PF secretary for administration
Didymus Mutasa
was responsible for the boy’s death.
Christpowers’
father Shepherd Maisiri is the MDC-T deputy organising
secretary for
Headlands and aspiring legislator for Makoni North, a seat
currently held by
Mutasa.
Mutasa and Zanu PF have, however, pleaded their innocence and
accused the
MDC-T of politicising the tragic incident –– an argument
supported by the
police, who have ruled out foul play saying their
investigations had
revealed the fire that gutted the house Christpowers was
sleeping in was
likely to have been caused by a paraffin lamp.
MDC-T
has rejected the police findings and called for international
investigators
to be called in to ascertain the cause of the fire.
When the matter came up
for discussion in cabinet again this week Zanu PF
stuck to its guns,
accusing the MDC-T formation of seeking to gain political
mileage both
within and outside the country by capitalising on the boy’s
death.
However, the MDC formations are adamant that Christpowers’
death should be
viewed as a warning that Zimbabwe may plunge into the same
levels of
violence seen during the 2008 presidential election run-off which
resulted
in scores of people being killed.
Tsvangirai
envoy briefs Sadc leaders
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in News
MINISTER of State in
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s office Jameson Timba
says MDC-T wants
Sadc to set special conditions for Zimbabwe’s next polls in
addition to the
regional bloc’s principles and guidelines governing
democratic
elections.
Report by Owen Gagare
Timba, who is also the party’s
secretary for international relations, last
week made whirlwind trips to
Malawi, Tanzania and Botswana before visiting
Mozambique on Wednesday and
Angola yesterday to lobby regional leaders for
an extraordinary summit on
Zimbabwe before the next polls.
The MDC-T believes the recent crackdown
on civil society and the death of
12-year old Headlands boy Christpowers
Maisiri, which the party blames on a
Zanu PF arson attack, is an indication
of how the country is likely to
plunge into violence if special emphasis is
not placed on Zimbabwe by Sadc.
“There are already tell-tell signs that
we are heading for an electoral
environment which is intolerable; an
electoral environment which does not
augur well for peaceful elections and
we have several examples – the killing
of Christpowers, the banning of
radios and a crackdown on civil society
organisations,” said
Timba.
While we appreciate that Sadc has come up with principles and
guidelines for
the conduct of elections in the region, in Zimbabwe these are
not enough.
There is need for these guidelines to be adjusted to suit the
special
circumstances prevailing in Zimbabwe.
“We will need-term
observation for elections. The guidelines state that
observers must come two
weeks before elections but in our case we will
require a longer term.We also
need them to stay longer after the elections
and we believe five to six
weeks will be ideal.”
The Sadc observer team is expected to arrive in the
country tomorrow for
next Saturday’s referendum, and indications are that
some members of the
team may remain in Zimbabwe until general elections are
held.
Timba said the MDC-T is pushing for a code of conduct to govern how
political parties behave during the election period, and it also wants key
institutions, “particularly the security sector”, to stop political
interference.
He said his party believes Zimbabwe’s security forces
remain partisan.
Gono
lashes out at critics
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in News
ZIMBABWE’S contentious
indigenisation programme has of late been under
scrutiny after debate
erupted on over a whole range of issues, including the
ideological
foundations of the policy, its conceptual basis, frameworks,
implementation,
consultations, valuation of companies, legislative issues,
exchange rate
approvals, consultation fees, and terms and conditions of
agreements.
The debate comes at a time when resource nationalism,
varied widely in terms
of definition from tax hikes, demand for greater
state equity and indigenous
participation to renegotiation of stability
clauses in mining contracts and
beneficiation strategies, is all the
rage.
In Zimbabwe, the issue has sucked in people from all spheres of
life —
ordinary citizens, analysts, company executives and government
officials —
all the way to President Robert Mugabe.
Zimbabwe
Independent News Editor Faith Zaba (FZ) this week interviewed
Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono (GG), one of the
protagonists in the
unfolding indigenisation drama, as part of a series of
interviews the
newspaper will conduct over the issue starting this week.
Find below the
excerpts:
FZ: Governor Gono there has been a heated debate of late on
indigenisation
and it has been suggested you are opposed to the current
policy because of
your actions and remarks on the issue. Do you support
indigenisation or not?
GG: Well, I have heard those false claims,
including attendant labels
bordering on character assassination and insults,
but evidence exist to the
contrary and my track record of practically
embracing and supporting the
ideals and values of indigenisation speaks for
itself.
Throughout the 36 years of my working life I have always strived
to
emancipate indigenous people of this country from the bondage of
historical
economic disadvantage.
Indigenisation of our economy and
broad empowerment of masses was at the
core of the liberation struggle and
for that reason I have always supported
the concept and the vision informing
it.
FZ: So in brief, are you saying you support indigenisation, is that
correct?
GG: It’s common cause, I unequivocally support, not just the
indigenisation
policy itself, but also its ideological foundations, vision
and objectives.
I have said already my record of walking the talk speaks for
itself and is
there for all to see.
The record will also show my
first high-profile and public endorsement of
President Mugabe’s position on
empowerment and associated national
aspirations was in October 1996 when I
had the privilege to address the
Afro-American Conference on investment in
Harare attended by African heads
of state and business
executives.
Some of those accusing me of undermining indigenisation now
were either
still youngsters then or anti-Zanu PF donor-funded
expatriates.
In supporting the President’s vision then, I argued clearly
and eloquently
that the future stability of our country depended on the
urgent extension of
economic opportunities to indigenous people and
broadening the ownership of
the means of production to include the majority
of hitherto disadvantaged
Zimbabweans.
Furthermore, some of those who
have chosen to be my loudest critics today
know my record very well. By his
own admission, Honourable Minister of Youth
Development, Indigenisation and
Empowerment (Saviour Kasukuwere) himself is
on record admitting that “had it
not been for Governor Gono who saw the need
to support and empower some of
us as far back as 1994, I would not be where
I am today”.
FZ: But are
you not trying to blackmail Kasukuwere through such a reminder
or
remarks?
GG: I have no reason to blackmail him at all, I’m just telling
the truth.
FZ: Your critics say your supply-side model is a fundamental
negation of
equity-based indigenisation and reflects your “house nigger”
mentality. What’s
your comment?
GG: I don’t want to sink to the pits
of name-calling and insults like my
critics who are dripping with venom and
malice. Anyone who has carefully
listened or read what I have been saying
would know that I suggested the
supply-side model to complement the equity
model in line with my rationale
that a “one-size-fits-all” policy approach
is unworkable in this situation.
I’m glad the President supports our
position and this should be the way
forward.
FZ: If you support
indigenisation as you say, why is it that you have of
late been publicly
clashing with Kasukuwere on this issue?
GG: It is a toxic
misrepresentation of the truth to suggest that I have
spent the last few
weeks arguing with anybody about indigenisation and
empowerment. What you
are probably referring to are brickbats that have been
publicly thrown at me
by some individuals who cannot accept advice from
anyone other than
themselves, but I’m not going respond to those attacks,
except maintaining
my position on this issue.
As one of my critics revealed in his venomous
outbursts, I have engaged some
colleagues privately in an attempt to
exchange notes and see how some
grievous mistakes made so far can be
rectified, but we differed in approach
over these matters, hence some of us
are being unfairly targeted.
FZ: So who have you met in a bid to deal
with these issues privately and
what was the outcome of those
meetings?
GG: I have met so many officials, and I can also hint, although
this was not
supposed to be public, that I had meetings with His Excellency
(Mugabe),
Vice-President (Joice Mujuru) and technocrats to seek their views
and
guidance on matters to do with indigenisation, including on deals such
as
Zimplats, Unki, Mimosa, (Pretoria Portland Cement) PPC, the banking
sector
and other transactions being negotiated or signed left, right and
centre
without input from others.
Honourable Minister Kasukuwere and
myself also met after those consultations
with a view to regularising some
transactions behind closed doors, but
officials at the central bank faced
attitudinal impediments from some
colleagues who refused to co-operate and
provide paperwork.
It now transpires that we could not get those official
documents to fix
certain irregularities because unilateral decisions had
been taken by some
people and their advisors in and outside government that
we “forfeited” our
right to be consulted or to do our jobs by making our
positions known or
because we are “house niggers”.
FZ: Is there
anything wrong with the frameworks and implementation
mechanisms being used
in deals like that of Zimplats and others?
GG: There is a lot of issues which
need to be looked into, including
corporate governance, legal issues,
perceived lack of transparency in the
appointment of advisors to the
National Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Board and government,
inappropriate valuation methods and
potentially excessive financial burdens
imposed on taxpayers and indigenous
beneficiaries of empowerment
deals.
We also need to pay attention to the conditions attached to some
of these
transactions and violations of standing exchange control laws,
rules and
regulations all of which could have been avoided had necessary
consultations
been done.
These problems technically render some of
these transactions null and void
if fundamental amendments required are not
made. We also found unacceptable
conflicts of interest and unfair awarding
of all indigenisation consultancy
assignments to one company established
only a few years ago, while charging
what we believe are exorbitant fees
which eventually could be paid by
taxpayers.
FZ: Given what you are
saying, is it a wrong conclusion to say you are
opposed to the current
indigenisation thrust?
GG: It has to be appreciated that constructive
criticism of a flawed process
is not the same as opposing its framework and
objectives. We are very clear
about that. We are also clear about the fact
that inclusivity, transparency,
accountability and corporate governance as
well as the quality of advisory
inputs to a process guarantees its integrity
and credibility of the
outcomes, including its ability to withstand scrutiny
and the test of time.
Dodgy arrangements may undermine an otherwise noble
idea and programme.
FZ: What exactly is your problem with the
indigenisation programme as it
stands now?
GG: Where the RBZ has
differed is with the current “one-size-fits-all”
approach in which the law
is used to treat all sectors of the economy as if
they are the same when we
know they are not.
In that connection, we were deeply heartened to note
that this same view was
echoed by His Excellency (Mugabe) in his birthday
interview aired last
Friday. We stand by our well-considered view that the
banking sector is
different, has its own structural peculiarities and
sensitivities which
require a different mutually-agreed model.
FZ:
Besides that, what else has been your gripe with this indigenisation
approach?
GG: Apart from pointing out that a “one-size-fits-all”
model is
inappropriate for the banking sector, we have also been at pains to
bring to
the attention of relevant authorities contradictions in the
indigenisation
law and other pieces of legislation.
Also at stake is
fact that the Indigenisation and Empowerment Act requires
that shares
acquired by local investors must be paid for.
How? It is not clear, but
the law says the acquired equity must be paid for,
not nationalised? We
agree with the President that we should have found a
formula in which our
resources are used as equity, but as things stand, the
constitution and
relevant laws require payment of fair value in
indigenisation
transactions.
FZ: Let’s take the Zimplats deal, what is wrong with it? So
what will happen
to the Zimplats, Mimosa and Unki transactions, just to
mention but a few?
GG: On the Zimplats, Unki, Mimosa transactions, the
jury is still out.
According to the law, we must pay fair value for what we
acquire. But our
ideological position as expressed by the President is,
especially on mining
companies, our resources must have been used pay for
the shareholding, but
that was not done. This is where we must secure the
best brains available
internally and externally to advise on these
issues.
We need experts on corporate finance, accounting, taxation, law,
geology,
banking and other relevant disciplines to put their heads together
to
negotiate the best deals for our indigenous investors and
communities.
The problem with some colleagues, for instance those who
studied political
science, is that they want to be economists, financial
experts, actuaries,
brokers and lawyers all at the same time because they
think they know
everything yet the truth is no one knows it all — nobody is
omniscient.
The Zimplats deal, its valuations and term sheet left a lot
to be desired
and, as a result, there is a perception that the resource was
undervalued,
while the company itself was overvalued. The proposed financing
model, loan
and terms and conditions of the agreement being negotiated are
skewed
against locals in favour of existing shareholders, making it
difficult for
some of us to support such things.
FZ: Some people say
the Zimplats deal and other indigenisation transactions
are riddled with
corruption in its various manifestations, including
extortion, bribery,
cronyism and patronage. What is your comment?
GG: Whether or not there is
corruption in the Zimplats or other deals, it’s
too early for anyone to
reach that conclusion. We can’t say that without
first closely examining
necessary documents, resolutions and minutes on the
transaction to establish
if due process was followed or detect corruption,
if any. Only time will
tell.
Hunger
stalks rural communities
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in News
WHILE cabinet ministers
demand upmarket residential stands, top-of-the-range
vehicles and hefty
financial exit packages towards the end of the inclusive
government,
villagers still continue struggling as nothing much has changed
for them
since the advent of the coalition arrangement in 2009.
Report by Faith
Zaba
As the country drifts towards the constitutional referendum next
week on
March 16 and crucial general elections likely in July, the Zimbabwe
Independent visited rural areas to see and hear what people are saying about
the social conditions under the coalition government.
Although
general conditions changed after the adoption of the multi-currency
system
following the devastating hyperinflation period, for Clever
Munengani, a
Murehwa villager, and his five siblings and six orphaned nieces
and nephews
nothing much has changed — they live on only less than US$3 a
day.
Over and above that, the Munengani family is among the Uzumba
and Murewa
villagers in Mashonaland East facing severe food shortages after
recent
incessant rains destroyed their crops.
Driving along the
Murewa-Mutawatawa road, a sorry sight unfolds as crops on
most communal
farms are a virtual write-off after torrential downpours from
December 2012
to February which flooded villages, including homes and
fields.
The
22-year old Munengani, who was orphaned several years ago, said the
family
was likely to harvest one tonne of maize that should last them at
least six
months. After that, he said they would be forced to sell one beast
for about
US$600 which they would use to buy food and pay school fees for 10
schoolgoing members of the family.
Munengani and his 26-year-old
brother dropped out of school when their
parents died several years ago.
Clever was only in Form 1 then.
Every year, the Munengani family sells two
cows to feed itself, but this
year, the situation is dire because of poor
crop yields.
“There was too much rain this year. A lot of people planted
their crops late
and they have been destroyed. It is going to be a year of
hunger,” he said.
“We have six cows left now and each year we sell two
cows to raise money for
food and school fees. This year is going to be even
more difficult for us
without enough grain to last us the year. We live on
sadza, pumpkin leaves
and other green leafy vegetables. We eat meat once in
a while when we have a
little bit of extra cash.”
Communal farmers in
Uzumba have not been spared either.
Emily Murehwa of Uzumba was
distraught as she stared at her rain-destroyed
crop, failing to imagine how
she was going to feed her six children this
year. She is a widow whose
husband died in 2004.
She normally sells her maize surplus to the Grain
Marketing Board (GMB) and
uses the proceeds to pay school fees and buy food
for her family, but there
is none of that this year.
“I didn’t know
that maize can rot in the field because of too much rain.
Just look at my
maize; I just don’t know what I am going to do,” she said as
tears trickled
down her cheeks.
“How am I going to feed my children? I don’t have any
other source of
income. I can’t even rely on government hand-outs because
the distribution
is sporadic and only very few people get the
hand-outs.”
Her only alternative would now be to engage in the
food-for-work programme
being offered by some non-governmental
organisations.
Under the food-for-work progamme, each participant
receives a 10kg bag of
maize-meal, cooking oil, kapenta fish, soya portions,
beans and bulgar
wheat, but this varies depending on how large the family
is.
The heavy rains in Murehwa, Uzumba, Maramba, Pfungwe, Buhera and
other parts
of the country, coupled with dry spells in some areas like
Masvingo and the
Matabeleland provinces, have led to a poor harvest in
Zimbabwe, and aid
agencies expect the number of people facing starvation to
rise to more than
1,7 million by end of this month.
Grain milling
companies say their current stocks will not last until the new
harvest
season in May-June. The Agricultural Marketing Association has
warned
government of the looming crisis.
The grain milling industry has also
indicated it requires about 150 000
metric tonnes of maize between now and
the new harvest to meet consumers’
needs. Sources at the GMBZBCsaid it only
has 92 000 metric tonnes of maize
in its reserves and has stopped maize
sales to save for the grain loan
scheme.
The GMB, however, claims it
has enough grain to feed the nation for the next
six weeks. GMB general
manager Albert Mandizha said: “We have six weeks
cover of grain and plans to
import will be out in two weeks’ time.”
Zimbabwe needs an estimated 2,2
million tonnes of maize each year and the
United Nations has appealed for
more than US$131,4 million in assistance for
Zimbabwe. More than 80% of this
appeal would be for food assistance.
The rains, which hit places like
Murehwa and Uzumba, left some of the fields
with deep gullies and washed
away top dressing fertiliser. In most fields,
the maize crop was less than a
metre high and most communal farmers were not
able to weed their crops due
to flooding.
Faith Zanga — a mother of two from Mudzambasekwe village in
Uzumba — said
she lost her maize crop and groundnuts due to the heavy rains
which flooded
her fields.
“My maize crop is about 50 centimetres high
and it has not tasselled. I don’t
think I will get even a 50kg bag,” she
said.
Asked how she is going to survive until the next planting season,
she said:
“I will barter trade clothing for maize.”
Zanga has a
vegetable stall and earns a profit of US$10 a week during
month-ends and
US$5 mid-month.
“It is going to be a very tough year. I am already
struggling to feed my
children — one in Form 3 and another in Grade 3. For
breakfast, we normally
have tea and rice. On rare occasions, we have
home-made bread and tea,” she
said.
“I can’t remember when I last had
lunch. For dinner, we normally have sadza
with pumpkin leaves or dried green
vegetables. During this period of the
year, we also pick mushrooms, which
are our delicacy.”
Asked how often her family eats meat, she chuckled and
said: “Meat; that is
a luxury. It’s been months since I last bought meat. I
just can’t afford it.
The sad part about this food crisis is that even
widows like us don’t get
anything from the government hand-outs. As far as
they are concerned, I own
a business and they say I am
OK.”
Seventy-eight-year old James Nyakabau has also been waiting for a
response
from the department of social welfare.
“There is hunger
everywhere. We are not harvesting anything this year. We
had too much rain
and our soils are sandy. I will be lucky to get 100kg of
maize,” he
said.
“Last year I applied for assistance from social welfare and I am
still
waiting for them to deposit money into my POSB account. I benefitted
once
from the food hand-outs, but the problem is the distribution is erratic
and
the selective.
“To make matters worse, I have lost my two
children and grandchildren are
still in school. I have no one to turn to. I
am worried we will starve this
year.”
Local
companies under threat from foreigners
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in
Business
Companies in Zimbabwe need protection from foreign ones who are
finding
their way into and strengthening their positions in the local
market, a
Competition and Tariff Commission (CTC) official
said.
Report Fidelity Mhlanga
CTC Assistant director Benjamin
Chinhengo said most local industries were in
their infancy due to the
hyperinflation that crippled Zimbabwe since year
2000, and industry was in
dire need of protection from foreign competition
until such a time as they
can stave off competition.
He said most local companies were importing
both raw materials and finished
goods.
However, the locals faced
unfair competition from the foreigners, from whom
they imported who
eventually stole their market
“The issue is that there is great demand which
is not being met by local
producers. The coming in of the multinational
would be most welcome by
consumers for a wider choice reasons but it would
be harmful to local
industry,” Chinhengo said.
“It is unfortunate
that Zimbabwe is coming from a hyperinflation era,
otherwise it would make
economic sense to strengthen local industry and then
have foreign players
penetrate other markets, be they regional or
international.”
At the
peak of hyperinflation and at the introduction of the multi-currency
regime
in 2009, locally produced goods were scarce as the local industry had
almost
stopped production, resorting to imports for resale.
Imported goods are
generally much cheaper than locally-produced products
because the majority
of local companies are operating obsolete equipment and
machinery.
High production costs are attributable to the dilapidated
machinery being
used by most local companies and high input
costs.
The commission said it has handled 500 competition cases since
inception in
2001, with big cases involving the Delta/Schweppes merger,
Rothmans of
Palmall, Coca Cola,Cadbury and Schweppes, Total/Mobil merger as
well as
Kingdom Bank/Meikles merger.
Chinhengo said the issue of
mergers and acquisitions was not a threat in
Zimbabwe as the reasons for
merging were varied, from consolidating the
company position, strengthening
the balance sheet, generating foreign
currency and rescuing failing
firms.
NEC
suspended until after elections
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Business
GOVERNMENT
has temporarily shelved establishing the National Economic
Council (NEC)
until elections are held, a government official said.
Report by Gamma
Mudarikiri
Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion
permanent secretary
Desire Sibanda told businessdigest this week that
government was currently
busy with election preparations.
Sibanda
said the constitution to guide the operations of the economic
council had
been finalised, adding the completion of the whole process was
expected
after elections.
“The constitution for NEC has been finalised but the
process to establish
the council will be completed after elections,” Sibanda
said.
“Government at the moment is busy with preparations for the
elections.”
NEC was supposed to have been established in 2009 as part of
the key
agreements among the principals to the Global Political Agreement
(GPA).
The process of establishing the board, however, continues to drag
and is
taking longer than expected to be finalised.
The establishment of
the council is according to Article 3C of the GPA where
parties agreed to
establish the council composed of parties in the
manufacturing, agriculture,
mining, tourism, commerce, finance, labour,
academia and other relevant
sectors.
The council would comprise 20 representatives from civil society,
government, industry and commerce, with a mandate to conduct policy research
and advise government on policy formulation and
implementation.
Government policies, programmes, budgets and the Medium-Term
Plan (MTP)
would be executed through advisory services provided by the think
tank.
Zimbabwe’s economy continues to decline because of inconsistences in
policy
formulation and implementation.
The economy this year is projected
to grow by 5%, far below the MTP target
of 7,1% growth per
annum.
Should
the RBZ be independent?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Business
DESPITE much having
been written and said about the new draft constitution
which goes to a
referendum next Saturday, little has been written or debated
around the key
issues of central bank independence, which many economists
have in the past
highlighted as a weakness of the current set-up.
Clive
Mphambela
Whilst the draft has been hailed in some quarters as being
highly
progressive in certain aspects relating to the Bill of Rights,
citizenship
and other political issues, some economists said the draft
constitution was
devoid of detail when it came to economic issues.
In
a survey of economists’ views carried out by businessdigest this week,
various schools of thought emerged, but there was general convergence on the
notion that a key success factor in management of the country’s monetary
affairs rests with an adequate level of independence of action of the
central bank.
Tony Hawkins, economics professor at the University of
Zimbabwe, who
however, could not give a detailed comment on the subject as
he also sits on
the RBZ board, said the draft document was bereft of
economic issues.
“I think the draft falls woefully short of economic
issues such as central
bank independence,” he said.
Another economic
analyst who declined to be named said the draft seemed to
scratch the
surface when it came to economic issues, with relatively more
space devoted
to other matters.
“I have read the draft and noticed that the document
does not deal in
sufficient depth with the issues surrounding the operations
of a central
bank in Zimbabwe. Neither does the new proposed constitution
make any
serious attempt to fully and clearly define the roles of the
central bank.
More importantly, it does not provide for the clear
independence of the
central bank,” the analyst said.
However, another
University of Zimbabwe economics academic, professor Ashok
Chakravarti said
a constitution could only enunciate the general principles
that a society
agrees to rule itself by, without the need to provide
specific operational
guidance on the functioning of any single institution
within the three arms
of government or agencies of the state.
He said in his view, the draft
Constitution of Zimbabwe outlined the general
principles of financial
management, which includes the functioning of the
Reserve Bank, in Part 6 of
Chapter 17, which deals with the Reserve Bank.
“This section indicates
that the main objectives of the Reserve Bank are to
regulate the monetary
system, protect the stability of the currency, and to
formulate and
implement monetary policy. In terms of general principles, I
consider this
to be an adequate statement of objectives, because the real
powers and
behaviour of the Reserve Bank will be actually determined by the
Acts of
Parliament which will cover its establishment and functioning,”
Chakravarti
said.
There is a general consensus amongst economists that the mandate of
any
central bank is to balance the twin but often conflicting objectives of
maintaining monetary stability through primarily constraining inflation at
low levels, whilst promoting economic growth. These objectives often
conflict because promoting growth may require an expansionary monetary
policy, which may be at variance with maintaining monetary
stability.
“Therefore, in a developing country, a central bank cannot be
allowed to
decide upon its own objectives independent of national
development policy.
There cannot be a completely independent central bank
which does not conform
to the needs of the national economic strategies of
the government.
“For the above reasons, a central bank in a developing
country cannot be
completely independent in its economic decision making.
Even in a developed
market economy, a central bank cannot be immune to the
growth needs of an
economy.
See how the Federal Reserve of the US,
under direction from the US
government, has been following an aggressively
expansionary monetary policy
to get economic growth and employment creation
going in that country,”
Chakravarti argued.
Charkravarti warned that
excessive central bank independence could have an
undesirable effect. He
said whilst the RBZ Act Chapter 22:15 gives very wide
powers to the RBZ and
the governor to perform a wide range of activities,
the powers were so wide
that they effectively allowed the RBZ to become the
Ministry of Finance of
the country during 2000-2008.
NRZ
operating below capacity
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Business
National Railways
of Zimbabwe (NRZ) last year moved only 3,7 million tonnes
of cargo
against a target of 6 million tonnes, owing to low business in
the period
as industry continues to underperform.
Report by Gamma
Mudarikiri
NRZ public relations manager Fanuel Masikati told
businessdigest this week
that because business was operating below capacity,
this had resulted in the
parastatal moving 2,3 million tonnes less
than
that required for it to break even.
Masikati said despite business
being low at the beginning of this year, NRZ
was still targeting to move six
million tonnes of cargo this year.
This was however dependent on the
recovery of industry.
The cash-strapped NRZ is battling with viability
challenges and requires
at least US$400 million in the short-term to
improve operations and replace
its archaic infrastructure, including
railway tracks, telecommunication
signals and wagons which have outlived
their lifespan.
In the long term, NRZ needs US$2 billion to fully
recover.
As part of efforts to recapitalise, NRZ in 2009 ordered 16
locomotives
worth US$30 million from a Chinese company but four years
down the line,
it is yet to take delivery of the equipment due to failure
by government
to pay a balance of US$27 million.
NRZ had paid an
initial US$3 million upon placement of the order.
The company is also
battling to pay its employees’ salaries, with arrears
backdating to last
year.
To prevent financial distress from worsening, NRZ was not replacing
workers
who die, retire or resign.
Its workforce has declined from 9
000 when the economy dollarised in 2009,
to the current headcount of just
above 7 000.
RioZim
saga takes new twist
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Business
THE ONGOING dispute
between Tourism minister Walter Mzembi and RioZim’s
Renco Mine has taken a
new twist amid indications the matter is more than
just a case of alleged
unlawful entry and occupation of the mine’s premises
by the government
official and his associates.
Report by Taurai Mangudhla
A High
Court ruling, which Mzembi is appealing against in the Supreme Court,
ordered him and his colleagues Chivi South MP Irvine Dzingirai and special
assistant Obediah Mazombwe off Renco Mine premises.
Information
gathered by businessdigest indicates top Zanu PF officials have
written to
Vice- President Joice Mujuru seeking an extensive probe on RioZim’s
ownership and control soon after the company had made a public statement
alleging Mzembi had invaded its Renco Mine, but Mujuru did not take any
action.
Allegations against Mzembi came two weeks after the Masvingo
South
legislator is said to have been summoned by President Robert Mugabe on
the
ongoing labour disputes, which had seen workers going for years with no
salary increment and months without full pay.
Mzembi is believed to
have sought to instigate a probe by Mugabe on whether
or not RioZim’s
majority shareholder GEM Raintree Investments Limited (Gril)
was indigenous
and had really paid the US$12 million for its 24% stake in
RioZim, stepping
on the toes of some political heavyweights who are said to
be backing RioZim
at all cost.
Details of the February 4, 2013 letter to Mujuru by the Zanu
PF officials
indicate RioZim had duped government on its indigenisation
compliance plan
and was using the alleged invasion by Mzembi as a
smokescreen.
According to the letter, gleened by businessdigest, Gril is
run by Nigel
Earl, who is fronted by Redan MD Tafadzwa Chikumbu and KW
Blasting fronted
by current RioZim CEO Ashton Ndlovu.
Early last
month, Indigenisation minister Saviour Kasukuwere also raised
concern that
Gril had not fulfilled the indigenisation requirements after
investing into
the struggling local miner without an indigenous partner,
contrary to a
widely held view that they had partnered Zimbabwean company,
Raintree
Mining.
Gril is a 100% subsidiary of The GEM group, which is owned by
foreigners and
chaired by Harpal Randhawa. The investment company acquired a
24,97%
shareholding in RioZim after its US$11,6 million rights
issue.
A circular said GEM was in partnership with a Zimbabwean company
Raintree.
However, the letter to Mujuru alleges there is no evidence of
funding to
improve the company’s liquidity position, making it clear it was
an internal
transaction meant to cover each other’s backs and keep assets
with no regard
to the economy.
The officials allege RioZim is “a
company that bought itself” and planned to
use Renco Mine’s stocks and
production to pay for the rights issue at the
expense of labour concerns
which are at the centre of the dispute.
“The supposed investor, Gem, has
not put money and banks have accepted terms
because they own RioZim.
(Elisha) Mushayakarara has been made chairman to
protect the ZB Bank loan
and protect the company. It is alleged that Kingdom
Bank agreed to the terms
on the backdrop of getting an investor from
Mauritius (and) they are
cooperating now,” reads part of the letter.
The shareholder’s operational
plan, according to the letter, was to use
Renco Mine’s gold piles and to
sell the mine to a South African company only
referred to as DRD.
AirZim
to acquire new Embraer aircraft
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Business
STRUGGLING
national airline Air Zimbabwe plans to acquire two new Embraer
aircraft to
service its domestic and regional routes as it seeks to turn
around its
fortunes, well-placed sources said this week.
Report by Taurai
Mangudhla
AirZim board chairman Ozias Bvute on Tuesday told a
parliamentary portfolio
committee on state enterprises and parastatals the
company was set to
acquire smaller ranges of the Embraer aircraft for
domestic routes but was
not specific on numbers.
“We are in the
process of acquiring Embraer planes by way of lease. They are
more fuel
efficient and will enable us to fly more regional routes and we
hope we will
be able to do that in the shortest time possible,” Bvute told
the
committee.
The move is expected to cut down on ballooning operational
costs for the
domestic routes as the flag carrier has been using its
105-seater Boeing
737-200 that has less fuel efficiency and has low load
factors.
Embraer is one of the world’s leading aircraft manufacturers.
The Brazilian
company manufactures its ERJ range which has a seating
capacity of between
37 and 50 and is meant for regional and domestic
commercial airline
operators.
Bvute also said a team of Chinese
engineers was currently working flat out
with their Zimbabwean counterparts
on servicing one of Airzim’s MA 60s so
that it starts plying the
Harare-Bulawayo-Victoria Falls route soon.
“Contrary to popular belief,
the MA60 is actually a good plane and it’s more
efficient. We can’t continue
using the (Boeing) 737,” he said.
The MA60 has had a bad reputation in
the country after it failed to take off
for Victoria Falls from Harare
International Airport in October 2011 and
passengers aboard the Chinese-made
aircraft had to be transferred to a
Boeing 767.
The glitch was one of
many following Zimbabwe’s acquisition of two MA 60s
from China in 2005 that
led to another being presented as a gift to
President Robert Mugabe a year
later.
In July 2006-and barely a year after the planes were brought from
China- one
of the aircraft reportedly burst two tyres during landing after a
forced
turn-back to Victoria Falls following a technical fault on one of the
the
engines.
The AirZim chief believes AirZim could regain its glory
in the region and
internationally.
In an update on operations, Bvute
said Airzim’s load factor had increased to
an average of between six and 70%
for the Harare–Johannesburg routes in the
festive season last
year.
He said the company was currently targeting a load factor of
between 50 to
60% in the short-term while a major turnaround strategy was
being
implemented.
“We believe AirZim can still make it,” Bvute told
the parliamentarians.
He said there was progress on the airline’s recent
acquisition of two Airbus
320 aircraft, one of which had been deregistered
and certified under
Zimbabwe’s ownership on a lease basis. The certified
plane should start
servicing the Harare-Johannesburg route by April 1, 2013.
The other one was
expected to be certified within two weeks.
The two
planes are meant to service regional routes, with plans to have
daily
flights for the Harare-Johannesburg route, while plans to resume the
Harare
–London flight by July are underway.
Air Zimbabwe has been incurring huge
operational costs caused by operating
big aircraft for its domestic routes
after resuming the
Harare-Bulawayo-Victoria Falls route recently.
At
regional level, the airline is currently plying the Harare–Johannesburg
route and plans to have daily flights on that route.
AirZim is currently
reeling under a US$190 million debt, which is mostly
owed to other
parastatals.
The company also plans to pursue a retrenchment exercise
which could see
more than half of its 900-plus employees being laid
off.
March
16 vote: Why spend so much on non-event?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Opinion
NOT
too long ago, we had Finance minister Tendai Biti telling us of a paltry
figure of less than US$250 being the balance in our national
coffers.
Candid Comment by Itai Masuku
This was later contradicted
by other members of the unity government, who
probably felt the minister was
trying to cause alarm and despondency.
The truth about our national
financial position probably lay between the two
claims or it was none of the
above.
The reality is perhaps no one knows the truth. We’ll most likely
know when
the office of the Comptroller and Auditor-General gives us the
accounts some
two years down the line or so, as has traditionally been the
case.
By that time, the figures will only be of historical or archival
interest.
Right now political leaders seem to be gripped with the
conclusion of the
constitution-making process which we understand gobbled up
some US$50
million over the past three years or so.
The referendum on
the draft constitution, for which we are all being urged
to vote “Yes”
without question by our political leadership, is expected to
cost between
US$85 million and US$100 million. Together with general
elections this would
chew US$250 million.
Isn’t it interesting the process of drafting the new
constitution, which
entailed a nationwide outreach programme eliciting
people’s views and
collating data, costs four times less than the voting
event itself? The
constitution-making process took three years at US$50
million.
Yet the referendum, taking place within a month, needs up to
US$100 million.
One is still struggling with mathematics since
schooldays!
One is also not completely sure what goes into the voting
event itself, but
supposes the ballot boxes have been in existence over the
past 30 years or
so, there is an assortment of vehicles to drive officials
to various polling
stations, most of which have traditionally been
government schools. Surely
the operating costs will mainly comprise
administration, fuel, payment of
polling officers etc.
There
shouldn’t be much travel by polling officers because these are
normally
drawn from civil servants near the polling stations, or they should
be. One
would have thought we were going to a referendum on competing ideas
as was
the case during the year 2000 constitution debacle.
But given that there
aren’t really any competing ideas, why are we spending
all this money on
this non-event? Since the masses are being asked to merely
endorse the
document by the three main political parties in government, why
don’t the
parties save the money, raise civil servants salaries or
something, so that
they are motivated to be civil to us when we go their
offices and indeed
behave like our servants, and not the other way round,
instead of wasting
funds on a charade?
Anyone who has gone to the passports office knows
what we’re talking about
here.
To make matters worse, those in the
know tell us the current constitution is
hardly different from the Kariba
draft, which itself was not much different
from the 2000 draft in some
respects.
Overall, there is also very little difference between this
draft and others
which lie in government offices. Next time we have such a
situation we
should learn to use our brains to save money.
Mugabe
hero-worshipping scales new toadying levels
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in
Opinion
LAST Saturday was one of those days in Bindura, about 85km north
of Harare,
so eloquently described by famed African author Chinua Achebe as
a moment
“when the sun seemed so determined to bake the life out of every
living
creature” at the stadium.
Report by Elias Mambo
Right
up to midday, the scene at Chipadze stadium where President Robert
Mugabe
celebrated his 89th birthday could have been taken straight out of
Achebe’s
classic Anthills of the Savannah.
With a wry sense of humour, Achebe
captured the condition of poor ordinary
people thronging political
gatherings and waiting in the searing heat while
observing the empty
comfortable seats awaiting privileged political
personages.
Thousands
of people from all walks of life thronged the stadium and waited
in the
scorching sun for Mugabe and his entourage to arrive.
They came in sleek
vehicles, some on bicycles, tractors, trucks and others
on foot. Villagers
and other ordinary Zanu PF supporters started arriving as
early as 7am and
by 11am the stadium in the sleepy mining town of Bindura
was
chock-full.
True to form, Zanu PF heavyweights began trickling in around
midday in posh
cars, making their way to tents so strategically positioned
to shield them
from nature’s vagaries.
The scene at Chipadze was
reminiscent of recent events in North Korea during
the commemoration of the
late Kim Jong-il’s birthday.
North Koreans are unmatched when it comes to
hero-worshipping their leaders
whom they treat with reverence and
awe.
On February 16 they were seen all over the media bowing in front of
a
portrait of late leader Kim Jong-il in Pyongyang, commemorating the
birthday
of the dead leader they still continue to deify.
Kim
Jong-il, also romanised as Kim Jong II, was the supreme leader of North
Korea from 1994 to 2011. He succeeded his father and founder of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Kim Il-sung following the elder Kim’s
death in 1994.
Following his death, he was succeeded by his third son
Kim Jong-un. His
birthday is a public holiday in the country.
In
theatrical scenes to mark Kim Jong-il’s birthday, emotional tributes and
documentary footage were broadcast on state television commemorating the
“Day of the Shining Star”, paying homage to a leader who died of a heart
attack two years ago at the age of 69.
It was just a spectacle. The
wild pomp and ceremony surrounding the event
reflects the North Korean
state’s attempts to bolster the near mythical
personality cult surrounding
the Kim dynasty, which has intensified since
his death.
While
Zimbabweans in general cannot match North Koreans in glorifying and
singing
praises for their leaders, there is a sycophantic section of society
which
hero-worships Mugabe. It was evident at Chipadze stadium.
When the Master
of Ceremony asked the gathering to rise to their feet to
welcome Mugabe, the
crowd automatically leapt to its feet and started
chanting affectionately
“Gushungo, Gushungo”, Mugabe’s totem.
But to people’s amazement, a group
of senior party officials led by the
powerful Defence minister and
presidential aspirant Emmerson Mnangagwa
strode into the stadium. This did
not deter the enthusiastic crowd who
continued chanting “Gushungo,Gushungo”
until Mnangagwa sat down.
Mugabe, clad in an elegant khaki suit, dark
cream shirt and matching tie,
only made his grand entrance an hour later.
Accompanied by his wife Grace
and two children, Bona and Chatunga
Bellermine.
The deafening cheers sadly could not inspire his 89-year old
frail-looking
frame –– whom supporters have been comically hailing as “the
greatest
statesman of all time”, “fountain of wisdom”, “supreme leader”,
among other
fawning tributes – to run with the 89 balloons like he usually
does on his
birthday celebrations.
At the high table, Mugabe was
flanked by Vice-President Joice Mujuru and
Grace. Zanu PF youth secretary
Absalom Sikhosana, national chairperson Simon
Khaya Moyo, Zimbabwe Defence
Forces Commander Constantine Chiwenga and Air
Force boss Air Marshal Perence
Shiri joined the president at the high table
where VIPs surrounded him to
pay homage.
Traditional chiefs, students, diplomats and youth
representatives of former
liberation movements from Sadc also attended the
celebrations.
The centrepiece of the bash was gigantic five-piece cake housed
in an open
tent and displayed at the centre of the field. Its two largest
parts
depicted the Mashonaland Central landscape, with its tobacco and other
crops
as well as the mining activities.
The other piece depicted the
Zanu PF headquarters surrounded by the party
flag while the third piece was
an artistic impression of a hoe and a gun
which tells the story of
Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle and land reform.
Government and party
officials fell over each other showering Mugabe with
gifts and praises. He
received so many gifts, including cattle, sheep, goats
and money. Despite
all the hectic activities and noise around Mugabe, his
wife and Mujuru on
many occasions had to nudge him to keep him alert. From
close quarters it
was also evident he is now frail.
Even though he spoke for more than one
hour, his keynote address was
characterised by slurred speech. Mugabe
himself admitted in his recent
interview on the eve of his birthday he was
reeling from dotage.
“If one looks at it from the point of age, when one
was growing older and
before, all the time, each day, each month was an
addition to one’s age and
it meant, of course, some measure of wear and
tear,” Mugabe said.
“We all suffer from that: wear and tear.” While
Mugabe’s spirit is still
willing it is now evident the flesh is
weak.
It’s
shaping up like 2008 all over again
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Opinion
After a
brief hiatus, ZBC’s coterie of political “analysts” has finally
returned.
Their brief is usually to commend Zanu PF and condemn whatever the
MDC-T
does.
By The MuckRacker
This time around the analysts were
“hailing” the Zanu PF side of government’s
stance not to invite observers
from countries that are “hostile” and have
imposed “illegal” sanctions on
Harare.
Ceaser Zvayi ironically accused the West of having a “holier than
thou”
attitude even though he feels it’s ok for his handlers to declare they
are
the only party fit to rule Zimbabwe.
Zvayi observed a “worrying
trend” that some of the Western observers come as
competitors, referees and
sponsors of some of the contesting parties. He,
however, seems unfazed by
his role as a Zanu PF apparatchik despite
masquerading as an objective
journalist.
‘Progressive’ arnachy
Another “analyst” Hildegard
Manzvanzvike unhelpfully chipped in saying the
decision to bar Western
countries from observing the polls was mostly due to
“illegal”
sanctions.
It was Zimbabwe‘s sovereign right, Manzvanzvike opined, to
choose
“progressive” bodies to come and observe the elections.
We are
sure Cde Coltrane Chimurenga and his December 12 Movement rank among
these
“progressive” bodies.
Readers might remember Manzvanzvike’s infamous
claim that Harare’s Africa
Unity Square used to be Cecil (John Rhodes)
Square even though Cecil Square
was named after Robert Cecil, Earl of
Salisbury, not Cecil John Rhodes.
Angry on their behalf
On the
flipside ZBC unleashed another batch of “analysts”, this time to
lambast
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai for his “desperate attempt to
discredit the
country ahead of the referendum and elections”.
The rant comes in the
wake of the outrage that ensued following the death of
an MDC-T official’s
son Christpowers Maisiri.
Making up for lost time Jonathan Moyo let it rip on
the MDC-T, accusing the
party of having a “hidden agenda to cause disharmony
and disrupt the country
from holding a peaceful referendum and
elections”.
Charity Manyeruke, always charitable in her comments about
President Mugabe
and Zanu PF, wanted to “remind” the MDC-T that the same
country they are
discrediting is the one they “pretend they want to
lead”.
“Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans, the MDC-T should just stop playing
politics to
satisfy their master,” fumed Manyeruke, who was clearly angry on
Zanu PF’s
behalf.
Charity begins at home
While Zanu PF
apologists were frothing at the mouth accusing the MDC-T of
“causing
disharmony” and disrupting the peaceful holding of elections, war
veterans
in Bindura threatened to deal with all those who did not vote for
Zanu
PF.
The Standard reports that Bindura war veterans chairman, Elijah
Dondo, said:
“If it means going back to war again, then we can, because we
can’t let the
country get re-colonised while we are watching.”
Very
soon, Dondo ominously declared, war veterans will start “teaching” the
youth
how to “defend” the country.
Such brazen inciting is unlikely to elicit
censure from the so-called
analysts lest it get in the way of a good
fable.
Bosom buddies
Some weeks ago the Zimbabwe Independent
reported that Equatorial Guinea was
Zanu PF’s main benefactor in the oil
sector.
Equatorial Guinea’s ruler Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo who heads
the tiny
state has been attempting to integrate into international
organisations like
Ecowas. But his record has not been altogether clean. And
his son is even
worse according to French press reports.
Obiang came to
power by removing his uncle who was incarcerated and tortured
to death.
Zimbabwe’s delegation was probably impressed!
Laying down the law
It
was good to see Sweden laying down certain fundamentals ahead of the
referendum.
It was clear from talks between Foreign Affairs minister
Simbarashe
Mumbengegwi and Sweden’s International Development Cooperation
minister
Gunilla Carllson that Zimbabwe wants to get away with electoral
manipulation
and at the same time have sanctions lifted.
Government
has invited observers from “friendly countries” to observe the
referendum,
we were told, but the US and EU don’t fall into that category.
Incremental
lifting won’t do either.
The Swedes must be aware of the tragedy that has
befallen the Maisiri
family. Yet Mumbengegwi wants to pretend nothing has
happened.
“I emphasised to the minister that we have taken a clear and
uncompromising
position that there will be zero tolerance to violence as we
move towards,
during and after elections.”
That looks good on paper.
But what Mumbengegwi doesn’t understand is that it
has to be implemented on
the ground. You can’t make grand declarations of
intent and then burn
opponents to death!
And Zimbabwe’s leaders actually claimed the Maisiri
family had been lying.
Can you imagine the pain the family felt with that
canard?
Then we had statements from the army about refusing Morgan Tsvangirai
access
to State House if he won the election.
Zanu PF clearly
believes such behaviour tolerable. The EU doesn’t. Nor does
civil
society.
So we already have a compromised election. It’s 2008 all over
again.
Experience best tutor
We found first lady Grace Mugabe’s
statements to Miss 21st February beauty
pageant contestants a tad
curious.
She reportedly urged young women against being wooed by older
men whom she
said will lead them to destruction.
“You should be
careful not to be abused by older men who use money to lure
you into
unsanctioned marriages and other immoral activities that destroy
marriages
and produce unwanted babies,” she said.
These are telling remarks
considering her own predicament. Hopefully her
listeners heeded her advice
despite the hypocrisy.
Grace Mugabe, however, wasn’t done with
pontificating, something she has of
late taken to with gusto. Zimbabweans,
she stated, should avoid violence in
the coming referendum and harmonised
elections.
Zanu PF has been in existence for a long time “in a period
punctuated by
peace and tranquility”, we were told. Such a “tradition”
should be sustained
and maintained for progress.
We are sure the
victims of Zanu PF inflicted violence since Independence up
to the orgy of
the 2008 presidential election runoff were not amused.
Men of the
froth
Finally Muckraker was amused by the sycophancy exhibited by one of
the
apostolic sects “leaders” mushrooming all over the show and claiming to
speak on the diverse groupings’ behalf.
“We are pained by the fact
that the president is not receiving much support
from Matabeleland although
he is supposed to be respected just like any
other king and ruler of a
land,” Josiah Ndlovu, chairman of the fishy
Association of Apostolic
Churches in Zimbabwe Matabeleland chapter.
“We support the President and
the party as a whole. The kings of the land
must be supported and respected
such that even if something happens tomorrow
or the future looks uncertain,
people would still remember fondly their
kings.”
That is unlikely to
happen in Matabeleland given how much that region has
given Zanu PF its
marching orders over the years.
Another “prophet”, Madzibaba Medaldo
Ruzungunde, who NewsDay reports was
recently jailed for seriously assaulting
a former congregant, was at pains
to shower as much praise on President
Mugabe as his vocabulary could muster
describing him as a “God given and
inspiring leader”.
“We should pray that President Mugabe should be given
more years and that he
reaches the 120 years mark,” Ruzungunde
yelped.
He is of course joined by the equally dubious and not-so reverend
Obadiah
Msindo who described Mugabe as the “black Moses”.
So much for
the so-called spiritual intelligence!
Administrative
devolution an economic necessity
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Opinion
Of the many
issues which must be seriously addressed in assuring a
substantive recovery
of Zimbabwe’s traumatised economy, a critical one is
that of administrative
devolution in both public and private sectors.
Column by Eric
Bloch
While there are recurrent demands by many for political devolution,
of far
greater importance is the need for administrative devolution within
the
corridors of government and by many essential economic
entities.
Although there is much justification for some of the demands
for political
devolution, effecting such decentralisation should not be to
such extent as
to endanger national unity, and as would to all intents and
purposes result
in that which would be tantamount to the secession of
provinces that
constitute Zimbabwe, into separate, independent,
countries.
To a large extent, political devolution should be centred on,
according to
local authorities a high degree of autonomy on all issues that
do not have
material national repercussions, including the access to and
provision of
utilities and services to residents within local authority
areas, and the
economic entities operating in those environs.
In
contradistinction, the pronounced absence of administrative devolution is
a
major retardant to the wellbeing of the economy in general and of the
populace in all areas of Zimbabwe other than those in the capital
city.
Almost without exception, any and all decision-making authority
within
governmental ministries and parastatals as well as other state
enterprises
is confined wholly to their head offices, most of which are in
Harare.
The offices elsewhere in Zimbabwe are empowered to do nothing
other than
carry out functions of an administrative nature and to serve as
quasi-post
offices in forwarding issues to their head offices for
consideration,
determination, and processing.
In all our government
ministries the personnel of those ministries in
locations other than Harare
are devoid of any substantive determinative
authority, and all too
frequently are even barred from effecting routine
processing of
documentation.
A like circumstance exists within most parastatals,
including those
concerned with energy generation and distribution,
telecommunications, air
travel, and other essential elements of economic
activity, development and
growth.
This cataclysmic, excessive,
concentration of authority and action upon the
capital city severely
constrains timeous resolution of key issues, as well
as mandatory compliance
with the law by almost all commercial and other
economic entities and
activities in the diverse cities, towns, and rural
areas which prima facie
are key components of the Zimbabwean economy.
Moreover, the excessive
concentration of decision-making (within the
boundaries of prevailing laws
and policies) and of much administration, on
head offices does not pertain
only to governmental bodies, but also to many
private sector institutions
with a national presence.
These include banks, building societies pension
funds, insurance companies,
retail chains, and many others. Branch managers
(with a few notable
exceptions) are accorded miniscule decision-making
jurisdiction, they being
obliged to refer almost all matters necessitating
decision to their head
offices, national credit committees and the
like.
A primary negative consequence of the intense concentration of
decision-making authority is to demotivate investment beyond the environs of
Harare or in close proximity to that city, and often, motivate existing
enterprises to relocate to the capital.
Moreover, most enterprises
that remain situated in the diverse centres
outside Harare are either
subject to greater than necessary operational
costs, due to having
executives or other personnel all too often commuting
to Harare, or
suffering considerable operational prejudices due to the
delays involved in
referring issues to head office, awaiting responses
thereto, and often
having to make additional and supplementary submissions
or
representations.
Yet another consequence of the appalling great retention
of total
determinative authority (no matter the degree of importance or
unimportance
of the issues) on a centralised basis is that many, and
especially the
skilled, seek to be employed or economically operational in
Harare,
depriving other centres and their inhabitants of recourse to such
economically or socially essential skills, save and except if resorted to by
costly and time-consuming travel, or other communication to
Harare.
Since 1980, government has recurrently and dogmatically declined
any and all
requests by any of the international embassies functioning in
Harare for
consent to establish consulates or other representative
facilities anywhere
beyond the boundaries of 40km of the capital city (with
the sole exception
of Mozambique having been granted consent to have a
consulate in Mutare).
Undoubtedly the motivation for this constraint is
to enable government to
maximise its monitoring of the activities of
international diplomats, but
the consequence is a massive prejudice to those
of Zimbabwe’s populace in
general, and those possessed of foreign
nationalities in particular,
including recurrent needs to travel to Harare
and consequently being
subjected to generally substantial costs, as well as
their attendant loss of
valuable productivity time in their centres of
residence.
This policy is in sharp contrast to that of many other
countries worldwide
and within Southern Africa, as evidenced by the extent
that many diplomatic
missions have a presence in both Pretoria and Cape
Town, as well as some
also having such presence in Johannesburg and
Durban.
Within the private sector there are many comparable examples of
absence of
devolution. Almost without exception, any application for loans
or other
funding facilities to banks and other financial institutions must
be
referred to centralised credit committees.
There are no such
regional committees (even if they would be constrained to
determinations
within pre-prescribed criteria and constraints) nor any
substantial vesting
of authority in branch managers.
This applies similarly to the
purchasing, marketing and merchandising
divisions of many national chains
within the distributive trade.
And these are but a few examples of the
absence of administrative devolution
in Zimbabwe, and of the related
economic prejudices therefrom.
Referendum
Zec test case
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Opinion
ZIMBABWEANS are expected to
vote in a constitutional referendum next week on
Saturday to adopt Copac’s
flawed draft constitution in an event which would
be a test case of the
Zimbabwe Election Commission (Zec) preparedness ahead
of crucial general
elections in July or later this year.
Zimbabwe Independent
Editorial
Zec was established in 2005 and later that year a
constitutional amendment
was passed which, among other things, abolished the
Electoral Supervisory
Commission and institutionalised the new entity as a
constitutional body.
Zec’s main function is to “prepare for, conduct and
supervise elections and
referenda and to ensure they are conducted
efficiently, freely, fairly,
transparently and in accordance with the
law”.
The referendum — a curtain raiser before the watershed elections — is a
litmus test for Zec.
While Global Political Agreement principals
managed to resolve all
outstanding issues on the new draft constitution,
clearing the path for the
referendum, new problems have arisen mainly
relating to financial,
logistical, legal and technical issues.
Zec
had initially drawn a budget of US$220 million for the referendum and
elections, but the amount was later revised downwards to US$192 million
after the scrapping of the delimitation of constituencies.
ZEC now
says at least US$85 million is needed for the referendum, while
elections
would require US$107 million. Government is scrounging US$250
million for
the referendum and elections.
After United Nations Development Programme
recently said it would take long
to release funds to Zimbabwe due to
bureaucratic procedures, government
approached private sector companies to
look for money.
Although some companies have contributed, the reality is
government is
struggling to finance the referendum and elections.
As
things stand, Zec is struggling to put together preparations for the
referendum largely because it was not given enough resources and sufficient
time.
That is besides its own lack of capacity and instability shown
by the
quitting of its chairman retired Justice Simpson Mutambanengwe who
was
replaced with Justice Rita Makarau whose appointment some stakeholders
say
was unprocedural as it did not follow due process.
Zec is
currently under immense pressure to perform because if it bungles the
referendum before elections its credibility would be in tatters.
The
referendum is a major test of competency and credibility for Zec whose
image
was thoroughly damaged during the 2008 general elections after it
spent five
weeks holding onto the results of the first round of the
presidential poll
which President Robert Mugabe had lost.
Zec also had problems with
parliamentary election results in some
constituencies, besides running
Mugabe’s one-man charade during the June
presidential election
runoff.
Given all this, Zec must successfully run the referendum to gain
experience
and establish its credibility as an independent and impartial
body.
If it botches the referendum that will affect its integrity and
reflect
adversely on its capacity to competently handle its next big test —
elections.
Already it is facing problems of hiring of polling staff,
dealing with
postal votes, ensuring transparency on processes and how to
count votes and
communicate results, among other things.
The
referendum date was rushed because principals are now short-circuiting
processes to stampede the nation to elections, without realising this might
cause serious chaos and disputed results.
Mugabe
‘lonely’ admission revealing
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
March 8, 2013 in Opinion
PRESIDENT Robert
Mugabe for the first time made an unwitting yet stunning
admission he
belongs to a bygone generation and era when he said his
colleagues in
government are “children” during an interview with state media
last week on
the eve of his birthday celebrations in Bindura.
Editor’s Memo with
Dingilizwe Ntuli
“Why is it that all my friends are gone and my relatives
are gone and I
continue to linger on?” Mugabe told ZBC TV. “Then I say to
myself, well, it’s
not my choice, its God’s choice. This is a task the Lord
might have wanted
me to fulfill among my people. I read it as a bidding of
God… The bidding
says you move forward ever.”
Quite apart from
increasingly absurd claims which Mugabe and his loyalists
are now repeating
with disturbing frequency that he has a divine mandate to
continue ruling,
the president made an interesting and revealing disclosure
that he feels
lonely because his real contemporaries are now gone, leaving
him to deal
with “children”.
He says his cabinet colleagues are “children” in terms
of longevity,
knowledge and experience.
Mugabe cited Presidential
Affairs minister Didymus Mutasa as being closest
at 77 years old. He also
lamented not being able to reminisce with
colleagues about chasing girls and
riding bicycles in the 1930s and 1950s.
Mugabe’s true contemporaries were
the likes of Simon Muzenda, Joseph Msika
and Herbert Chitepo. Nationalists
such as Joshua Nkomo, Ndabaningi Sithole
and Leopold Takawira were slightly
older than him.
All of them are gone and he is the only high profile
political leader
remaining from that generation.
So for that reason
Mugabe’s remarks are understandable, but very revealing.
While Mugabe might
have been expressing his genuine feelings and nostalgia,
he in the process
finally admitted, albeit unwittingly, that he is now too
old and belongs to
yesteryear’s generation.
Put differently, Mugabe confirmed inadvertently
that he now needs to go and
rest. There has never been such a compelling
call for Mugabe to go than the
one he made unintentionally.
For years
now, Zimbabweans have been urging Mugabe to quit, partly because
he has
played his part, ruined the country, and also on age and health
grounds.
Indeed, in the same interview he admitted as much that he
has suffered so
much “wear and tear” that he is now feeling the impact,
especially given his
hectic schedule as head of state and
government.
Surely calling Media minister Webster Shamu (67) a child is
ludicrous, a
reflection of Mugabe’s old age and the generation gap with his
colleagues.
Officials of Shamu’s age, whom Mugabe is describing as kids, are
the
generation in power across Sadc and around the world.
Putting
aside United States President Barack Obama who was born in 1961 when
Mugabe
was already in politics, nearly all Sadc leaders are not in Mugabe’s
generation in terms of age and years in power. Only Angolan President José
Eduardo dos Santos belongs to Mugabe’s era in some respects. He has been in
power for 34 years, compared to Mugabe’s 33, but is 19 years younger at
70.
Outgoing Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki is the only regional leader
closest to
Mugabe’s age at 81. South African President Jacob Zuma is 71,
Botswana’s Ian
Khama (60), Namibia’s Hifikepunye Pohamba (77), in other
words Mutasa’s age,
Zambia’s Michael Sata (76), Mozambique’s Armando Guebuza
(70) and Tanzania’s
Jakaya Kikwete (62).
Look at the gap in
government –– Vice-President Joice Mujuru is 57 years and
her main rival for
the Zanu PF leadership Defence minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa is 66, at least
officially. If their generation cannot rule now,
then at what age must they
come in?
Mugabe is the world’s second oldest head of state after Shimon
Peres of
Israel who turns 90 in August.
The only other octogenarian
heads of state are Saudi Arabia King Abdullah
bin Abdulaziz (88); Ethiopian
President Girma Wolde-Giorgis (88), Italian
President Giorgio Napolitano
(87), Britain’s