http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010 16:54
PRIME Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T)
has fired 19
senior security officers from its Harvest House headquarters as
factionalism
threatens to once again split the strongest opposition party to
emerge since
the country's independence.
The officers had been on suspension
after they were accused of supplying
vital party information to state
security agents late last year.
They were officially relieved of their
duties two weeks ago amid allegations
that a witch-hunt is intensifying in
the party.
The letters of termination of employment seen by
The Standard were signed by
MDC-T human resources and administration
director Kudakwashe Matibiri.
The officers were neither brought
before a disciplinary committee nor were
they given terminal benefits, some
after working for the party for nearly a
decade.
Authoritative
sources last week said the security officers were victims of
an intense
power struggle between party secretary-general and Finance
minister Tendai
Biti (pictured) and Tsvangirai's advisor Ian Makone.
They said
Tsvangirai wanted the officers reinstated but some members in the
Biti
faction were blocking the move as they had already employed people who
are
allegedly loyal to the Finance minister.
A countrywide restructuring
exercise carried out by the party has also seen
Biti loyalists landing
influential posts, according to insiders.
The Biti faction is reportedly
positioning itself to land key posts at the
party's congress next year, the
sources said.
Last week, the party hastily convened an emergency Standing
Committee
meeting to discuss the issue of the fired officers after they
threatened to
take the matter to the Labour Court for
arbitration.
The 12-member national standing committee is chaired by
Tsvangirai and is
responsible for the day-to-day administration of the
party. It reports to
the national executive.
The meeting resolved
that the officers be reinstated but the party's
administration department
declined to do so allegedly "on orders from above".
"It was discussed at
both the party's standing committee meeting and finance
committee and they
resolved to reinstate them but senior officials in the
administration
department blocked the reinstatement on orders from above,"
said one of the
sources.
Sources alleged Biti ordered the blockage.
"They
(Tsvangirai and Biti) are fighting their own war at our expense," said
one
of the affected officers.
"It is surprising that we are being branded
sell-outs and yet we risked our
lives in all the past elections in which our
colleagues lost their lives."
The officers claimed that MDC-T had been
infiltrated at senior levels
including the Standing Committee and National
Executive because some of the
information they were said to have passed on
to CIO agents included
privileged secrets known by a few people in the
party.
"They claim to be a labour-based party and yet they cannot handle
a small
labour dispute. They are worse than Zanu PF," said one of the
officers.
Repeated efforts to get a comment from Biti were
fruitless.
Matibiri said he was not qualified to comment on the
matter.
"I am not mandated to speak on any party subject. Can you please
speak to
the spokesperson of the party Honourable Nelson Chamisa," he
said.
Chamisa denied reports of a power struggle between Tsvangirai and
Biti. He
also claimed that no security officer was fired.
"We are a
workers' party," said Chamisa. "We just don't fire people.
"Phone me
later. I might not be privy to some details."
The MDC-T has strong links
with the country's largest labour body, the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU), which ironically fights for
workers' rights.
One of
the officers said there were camps among workers at Harvest House
pitting
those from the President's office (Tsvangirai) in 2nd and 5th floors
against
those in the administration department on 6th floor, which is run by
the
secretary-general.
However, what has sent shivers down the spine of MDC-T
is the threat by the
security officers to seek recourse from the courts. The
party fears that
route might result in some critical secrets being laid
bare.
Some of the officers have damaging party information about the
goings-on at
Harvest House and were heavily involved in the MDC-T "rescue
operation
missions" in 2008.
Over 200 MDC-T supporters were killed
during the period between the March
and June 2008 violent
elections.
Sources said the ongoing reshuffles in the party were an
attempt by Makone,
Tsvangirai's most trusted ally to counter Biti's growing
influence in the
former opposition party.
They said Biti is not
directly challenging Tsvangirai but was trying to
close any gap for Makone,
who is said to be determined to take over the post
of secretary-general from
the Finance Minister.
Last week, Tsvangirai replaced his spokesperson
James Maridadi with former
party director of information Luke
Tamborinyoka.
Tsvangirai also reshuffled his cabinet in June in what
insiders in the party
said was a culmination of a witch-hunt against
officials believed to be
aligned to Biti.
The Finance minister
survived the restructuring exercise.
Early this year, MDC-T
director-general Toendepi Shone and security director
Chris Dhlamini were
assaulted by youths allegedly belonging to a faction in
the party allegedly
led by Tsvangirai.
The youths still mill around the party's headquarters
even though they are
said to have been fired.
The case against Shone
and Dhlamini was that they belonged to Biti's
faction.
Dhlamini, who
was suspended in May this year, has since been replaced by
Emmanuel
Chimwanda, a former top police officer.
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010 16:59
AFTER
escaping investigation by the City of Harare over an alleged land scam
involving several Zanu PF officials, Minister of Local Government and Urban
Development, Ignatius Chombo (pictured) is facing a lawsuit from residents,
who accuse him of corruptly allocating himself land.
The piece of
land in question is Number 61 Helensvale, which in 1994 was
declared as
public open space for recreation, but was later allocated to
Chombo's
company Harvest-Net Enterprises (Pvt) Ltd.
Harare residents,
frustrated by the failure of the council probe to reach a
logical conclusion
because of alleged political interference, last week
started a process that
will culminate in class action against Chombo.
The case was
lodged with the Harare magistrates' court on Thursday,
according to papers
seen by The Standard.
Combined Harare Residents' Association (CHRA)
are using part of the evidence
gathered by a special council committee
investigating the alleged corrupt
land deals that had recommended that
Chombo and controversial businessman
Phillip Chiyangwa be
arrested.
In his founding affidavit CHRA chairman Simbarashe Moyo
states that after
the 1994 decree a number of organisations and individuals
applied for the
piece of land and were turned down.
Among these
was World Ablaze Ministries, which applied for the land in
2006.
After the appointment of caretaker councillors, Chombo's
company applied for
the same land the same year.
Documents at
hand show that the application was made on December 13 2006 and
the council
only stamped it more than a year later on December 22 2007.
In the
letter, Chombo sought to change the land from its stipulated use to
allow
him to build residential cluster houses.
Moyo further states that on
March 21 2008, City of Harare urban planning
director Psychology Chiwanga
tabled a report on Chombo's application
recommending that the land be sold
to the minister without going to tender.
This, Moyo says was in
contravention of council policy and section 152 of
the Urban Councils
Act.
"Three days later the caretaker council urgently sat solely to
discuss the
sale of this stand for Z$23 486 800 000 000 without following
procedures and
the Urban Councils Act," Moyo's affidavit
reads.
Council minutes of the day read: "The director of urban
planning services
was recommending that the stand be allocated to the
applicant
notwithstanding council policy to dispose of such stands through
tender."
Three days after the council had approved the sale of the
stand, Chombo's
ministry then approved that the land be changed from public
open
recreational space to a residential area.
"I am pleased to
inform you that the Minister of Local Government, Public
Works and Urban
Development has approved your above application," reads a
letter from an M
Gandiwa, the director of physical planning in Chombo's
ministry.
However, on August 29 the same year Chiwanga wrote to
the finance director
informing him that the stand, which measures 193 716
square metres had been
sold for Z$2 324,68.
It is Moyo's
contention that Chombo connived with the caretaker commission
and abused his
office to acquire and change the stipulated land use to suite
his own
purposes.
In return, Moyo alleges that Chombo turned a blind eye when
caretaker
councilors awarded themselves huge tracts of land.
He
states that Sekesai Makwavarara allocated herself Number 19233 Salisbury
Township, measuring 831 square metres, while Shasha Jogi got stand Number
19280 Salisbury Township, measuring 40371 square metres.
Robson
Mafoti acquired Stand 400 Willowvale measuring 6 420 square metres,
Commissioner T Torongo got stand 405 Willowvale, which is 4 404 square
metres.
Commissioners M Mahachi and C Mhende also got land in
Glen Lorne and Harare
Township.
Moyo claims that these stands
were unprocedurally allocated to the
councilors.
This case is
likely to open a can of worms into how land is bought from the
city council,
after the municipality decided to shelve an investigation into
the minster's
land dealings.
BY NQABA MATSHAZI
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010 18:04
A
staggering US$1,2 million was splashed out to bring in music megastars
Akon
and Sean Paul who were billed to perform at the National Sports Stadium
(NSS) last night, as the government continues with its controversial
celebrity host programme.
The show, sponsored by the Zimbabwe Tourism
Authority (ZTA) and Zimswag, a
promotion company, is part of efforts to
market Zimbabwe as a tourist
destination after years of economic and
political decay.
ZTA has hosted a number of foreign artists, but the value to
tourism is yet
to be ascertained. Critics dismiss the project as a waste of
resources.
In April the tourism authority brought in Jamaican Sizzla Kalonji
and the
ragga star was rumoured to be relocating to Zimbabwe after he was
controversially given a farm.
Zimswag chief executive officer, Prince
Tendai Mupfurutsa revealed that they
had poured in US$1,2 million, although
he would not disclose the sources of
the money.
"We put in U$1,2 million
and we are working with ZTA," was all he said.
Mupfurutsa stated that the
government had waivered some of its strict
requirements for bringing in
foreign artists.
He added that the government had also provided the motorcade
for the artists
in an effort to raise hype for the show.
A storm is also
likely to brew over the involvement of Air Zimbabwe, a
poorly performing
parastatal, which also poured money for the show.
There are reports that the
government company was struggling with its wage
bill and for the past five
months failed to pay its workers.
Tourism minister, Walter Muzembi claimed
that the show was a
privately-funded event and ZTA was just an event
manager.
"They (Zimswag) brought the artists and we are only facilitating,"
he said.
The celebrity-host programme was launched two years ago to help
market
Zimbabwe's tourist attractions after years of bad publicity spawned
by Zanu
PF land grabs and electoral violence.
Akon is a Senegalese RnB
artist based in the United States and while Sean
Paul is from
Jamaica.
Their visit to Zimbabwe comes at a time when ZTA is still trying to
exorcise
the ghost of the Zimbabwe-Brazil match.
Brazil played the
Warriors at the National Sports Stadium on June 2 after
Zimbabwe paid an
estimated US$1,2 million to bring them in.
The deal has been followed by a
number of scandals amid claims some
officials could have helped themselves
to some of the money raised from
gate-takings and
sponsors.
BY NQABA MATSHAZI
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010 18:03
CHILD rights
activist and founder of the Girl Child Network (GCN) Betty
Makoni was among
10 "most respected child rights defenders" who honoured
former South African
President Nelson Mandela (pictured) and his wife Graca
Machel by bestowing
them with the World Children's Prize on Wednesday last
week.
The Mandelas
were elected "Decade Child Rights Heroes" by more than seven
million
children worldwide and Graca accepted the award at a ceremony in
Stockholm,
Sweden.
The couple was honoured in the presence of 10 of the world's most
respected
child rights defenders who included Makoni.
Other Child Right
heroes present at the 10th anniversary included Asfaw
Yemiru, a former
street child who has devoted over 50 years to giving
underprivileged
children in Ethiopia the chance to go to school; and James
Aguer, who has
freed thousands of kidnapped children from slave labour in
Sudan in the last
20 years.
Young Lisa Bonongwe, the first Zimbabwean to be on the World
Children's
Prize jury also shined as the master of ceremonies at the event
attended by
Queen Silvia of Sweden.
"Nelson Mandela and I are very
touched and humbled by being honoured by the
children," said Machel.
"At
the same time we have respect for holding the trust and hope of millions
of
children.
"The mission they have entrusted us with is huge. We have to ask:
how do we
meet the aspirations of these children?"
The ceremony was
conducted by children from 25 countries who are experts on
the rights of the
child through their own life experiences, including as
child soldiers,
slaves and homeless.
Makoni said she was proud of 15- year-old Bonongwe's
performance who has
been empowered by her organisation to speak on behalf of
Zimbabwean girls in
difficult circumstances.
"This is how I want to end
the first decade - with my network of girls
expanding worldwide, with girls
going to school," she wrote on her profile
on the social network site
Facebook after the event.
"I want them educated as this is why I set up the
organisation.
"I want to start another decade and set up a girls' fund and
help girls like
Lisa.
"I want to do my work with friends who support me;
I want every girl to know
they can be leaders and not victims"
At least
24 million children in 53 500 schools in 101 countries support the
World's
Children's Prize for the Rights of the Child.
Makoni was one of the nominees
to the World Children's Prize for the decade
1999 to 2009.
BY OUR
STAFF
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010 18:02
THE case where a
Kadoma-based mining commissioner is suing Mines and Mining
Development
minister Obert Mpofu for defamation opened at the High Court
last
week.
Byl Manyange is claiming US$30 000 from Mpofu and the state-owned
Chronicle
newspaper after the publication of remarks made by the minister at
a
pass-out parade in Ntabazinduna early last year.
Manyange argues that
Mpofu accused him and three other commissioners of
corruption and said for
that reason, they were supposed to be transferred to
other stations.
The
minister is also being accused of claiming that Manyange and his
colleagues
were refusing to be transferred.
Manyange told judge Bharat Patel that when
he returned to work from a
two-months' leave on March 3 last year, he met
police officers who had
accompanied an official from the ministry's head
office in Harare to deliver
a letter advising him to surrender his office
keys as he had refused to
follow instructions.
Patel also heard that a
month later police officers visited Manyange's
office twice to advise him to
surrender the keys and but on both occasions,
they did not locate
him.
The chief mining officer, Fredson Mabhena and the finance director a Mrs
Mwamlowa also visited his offices where they allegedly hired a locksmith
from the street to break down the lock to his office door before replacing
it with one they had brought.
Mpofu's lawyer, Farai Mutamangira will this
week lodge an application
seeking dismissal of the case which he says has
failed to establish a link
between Mpofu's alleged utterances and Manyange's
supposed defamation.
Mutamangira said Manyange brought up the case in an
attempt to scuttle his
proposed transfer.
He said this was the reason the
suit was lodged two months after the
utterances were made.
Mutamangira
also argued that it was in the public interest for Mpofu to
speak against
corruption.
Through his lawyers, Mpofu is also arguing that in the articles
used as
exhibits, he did not specifically mention Manyange's name but simply
said
"some officials."
BY JENNIFER DUBE
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010
18:01
ECONET Wireless Zimbabwe, the country's largest mobile phone
operator, has
been experiencing serious transmission problems for the past
two days making
it almost impossible to make calls and send
messages.
Several people who spoke to The Standard said they have not been
able to
conduct business or get in touch with relatives and friends for the
past two
days because they could neither phone nor use the short message
service
(SMS).
SMSes are either not reaching intended targets or are
delivered several
hours after they are sent.
"It is a serious problem
because I have not been able to carry out my
business transactions since
Friday because of poor service delivery by
Econet," said Chris Mudungwe, an
indigenous businessman who sells motor
vehicles parts in Harare.
"In
cases like this, Econet should make people aware of the problem in
advance
or as soon as possible because now it appears as if they don't
care."
Econet Wireless Zimbabwe corporate communication manager
Rangarirai Mberi
confirmed that the telecommunications provider was facing
transmission
challenges.
He said technicians were investigating the
problem.
"There are challenges on our transmission network and our
technicians are
investigating the matter with a view to resolving the issue
urgently," said
Mberi.
"Usually, the biggest threat to quality of service
is power outages at our
base stations."
In June, Econet Wireless
experienced similar transmission problems which
were attributed to faults in
the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority
(Zesa) grid, which also led to
extended power outages.
The power cuts affected the mobile phone operator's
main switching centre in
Harare's Willowvale area.
Econet had to install
two new high-capacity generators to ensure power
stability at the
communications centre.
The telecommunications provider has been upgrading its
network and
increasing the subscriber base.
Early this year the company
announced that its subscriber base had reached
the four million mark after a
record 233 % increase within a year up from
1,2 million.
The network has
an overall share market of over 61% of the mobile sector.
BY CAIPHAS
CHIMHETE
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010
17:59
ONCE considered to be some of the best preserved wetlands in the
region,
Harare's famed swamplands are slowly losing their lustre.
An
unprecedented demand for land has seen property developers swamping these
areas, totally disregarding the status of these wetlands.
The City of
Harare on the other hand, also stands accused of neglecting
these swamps and
letting them lie idle.
Probably in an effort to redress this, council decided
to lease out one of
the wetlands, so it could be developed and that has
drawn the ire of
residents who have decided to take
custodianship.
Residents of Highlands are up in arms over the local
authority's decision to
lease out Ballantyne Park to Freshpro and it seems
they have persuaded
council to rethink its decision on wetlands.
In
correspondence between Ballantyne Park Conservancy Trust (BPCT) and
council,
the city's director of urban planning services, Psychology Chiwanga
is
reported to have said the city was failing to monitor developments due to
staff shortages.
Council had already drawn up an agreement with Freshpro,
but rescinded it
after opposition from BPCT.
After raising a storm
council rescinded its decision, allowing residents to
take
ownership.
However, the conservancy trust felt the council was dragging its
feet,
taking more than eight months, to award it custodianship of the
park.
They fear that, because of its commercial value, council was not eager
to
let go of the park, without getting revenue from it.
The residents
claimed that the stand was issued to them and could not be
turned into a
commercial area as it was sited as a game sanctuary.
While, on the other hand
council intended to lease the land out, BPCT
challenged the local authority,
arguing that they had not been consulted.
"Further be advised that council
noted your concerns and reiterated that the
park will not be ceded to
Freshpro," a letter by council to BPCT reads.
Adding to that the local
authority has stopped the construction at a wetland
near Dandaro Village,
while efforts to halt developments are underway in
Newlands and Mayfield
Park.
In Mayfield, however, council might be fighting a losing battle, as the
area
is now fully developed.
The wetland near Dandaro has raised
controversy over who the council sold it
to. It is reported that the land
was sold to Philip Chiyangwa, while OK
Zimbabwe, Air Force and an
association of disabled people also claim
ownership of the same
land.
Asked for comment, council spokesman Lesley Gwindi said its policy was
that
construction should not be allowed on Harare's wetlands.
"Wetlands
are always protected and we cannot allow anyone to build there,
that is our
policy," he said.
BY NQABA MATSHAZI
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010
17:41
WE arrive at the majestic offices in Waterfalls more than an hour
late after
encountering some logistical problems on the journey from the
city centre.
But if this is a problem, none of the smiling faces here show
that. As we
enter the elegant boardroom, our elderly host too does not seem
to notice
that we are late.
"Listen, I do not want to be known by anyone
nor am I hungry for any
publicity," he says as he welcomes us. "I have
granted you this interview so
you can sell your paper and not for any
personal benefit.
"Yours is not a good profession, it teaches you to twist
things so do not
forget to leave your contact details so I will know how to
get hold of you
should you twist things about me."
Archbishop Ezekiel
Guti, founder of the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa
(Zaoga) Forward in
Faith Ministries, has every reason to be worried about
scribes.
They gave
him too much positive coverage during his first days in the
ministry,
contributing to his arrests and hatred towards him by some
sections of
society.
After the warning, the man in a white suit and purple shirt smiles
and
throws a glance at his wife Eunor, who returns the smile but utters no
word.
That is how they will communicate throughout the 30-minute long
interview.
The only time Eunor speaks is when asked to remind her husband
specific
dates when certain events took place.
Our host is now advanced
in age and seems to be forgetting some of the
things, so instead of giving a
specific year, he would rather say 1937/1938
thereabouts and Eunor would
remember the exact year.
It turns out the warning was an aside. So to
formally begin interacting with
us, Guti delves through an expensive looking
briefcase before him.
Everything at this place smells big money - the
building itself, the cars
outside, the couple's dressing, the decorations in
the building and even the
way things are done here, what with all that
American Embassy-style security
at the entrance.
"Wait, I will need help
for me to hear you," he says fetching his hearing
aids which he plants in
his ears and smiles with satisfaction.
I only saw your questions today but
all the same we can still talk.
"First, are you born again, did you accept
Christ as your Lord and personal
saviour?"
He seems undecided about his
glasses, occasionally putting them on and
removing them throughout the
interview.
Unlike his secretary-general who asked the three Standard crew
members where
they fellowship, Guti confines the question to the
reporter.
That is when we first hear his little cough-like laugh which is
going to
punctuate most of our exchanges.
He explains that healing is a
major component of his ministry.
During the first days, he would fail to go
out and look for piece jobs as he
would wake up to long queues of people
wanting to be prayed for.
Women would contribute to his problems by later
testifying publicly that he
healed them and their children.
"You women
like kupupura (testifying)," he said. "That got me into a lot of
trouble
with the missionaries from whose churches I operated during those
first
days.
"They would hear the testimonies and chase me from their
churches.
"At one point, I went for six months worried, crying, failing to
eat and
growing thin not knowing what I should do to continue with God's
work as
people used me like a ball to start their churches and chase me once
those
churches flourished and they felt Ezekiel Guti was getting too famous
with
the people."
To answer most questions, Guti gives this reporter a
number of books on his
life and discloses that he is buying them for
her.
The problem with Africans, he says, is that they do not read.
His
story has been told in so many books, some authored by him and others by
other people.
Born to peasant farmers in rural Chipinge, Guti was the
eldest in a family
of three.
He had a lot of responsibility in the family
as his polygamous father was
not always at home, juggling among his three
wives.
As a teenager, he went to work near Mutare and one day, when he
visited
home, his mother told him about a sermon she had heard in which a
missionary
said everyone was a sinner and would go to hell.
On that
night, he did not sleep, pondering over the missionary's words and
wondering
what one should do not to go to hell.
This drove him to the bush where he
prayed to God to save him.
As he prayed one day, God spoke to him, advising
him to "fear not, sin not".
This was the first of many encounters he was to
have with God to date.
All this happened around 1937/8 when he was about
15.
He went to Chipinge and listened to missionaries' gospel of all sinners
going to hell but not getting an explanation on what he should do to avoid
that.
He later travelled to Harare where he met a man he had been shown
in a dream
who explained and baptised him. He started to speak in
tongues.
This happened around 1947/8.
He preached in Mbare but was to be
chased from the church after getting
extensive press coverage. In 1958, he
ministered in Highfield, in a church
started by a South African pastor who
had been chased from his own church.
Guti too was later to be expelled from
that pastor's church as the leaders
the pastor had left on his return to
South Africa had not liked him.
He says God "advised" him to go to Bindura
where no one was to follow him
and on May 12 1960, the Zaoga church was born
under a gumtree.
The church is now a big empire, operating in 106 countries
worldwide.
It has diverse investments, including 120 dressmaking schools in
Zimbabwe,
bible schools, colleges and vocational training centres, hospitals
and
clinics, primary and secondary schools, and so many other properties in
various countries.
The church is building a state of the art hospital in
Waterfalls and plans
are in place to build a university in Bindura.
The
church's fleet of vehicles in Zimbabwe only is worth $1,5 million.
Some of
the money for these projects comes from members' tithes and Guti
says unlike
some churches, Zaoga's tithes are based on net salary as the
church
understands that gross includes taxes and other deductions which do
not
necessarily belong to the member.
He says there is a misconception that Zaoga
is rich so much that when the
church wants to purchase something, the price
always balloons.
The misconception can be traced to the inception of the
church whereby at
one point its books were taken away by the police and for
three months, he
was investigated on allegations of spending people's
money.
He remembers 1972 when he was about to graduate from college in
America when
God "stopped" him from accepting funding from a man who had
offered to
sponsor the church if he agreed to work with him.
He says that
shaped the church's policy not to seek any external funding but
survive on
members' contributions which have grown into big investments.
Before being
whisked away to meet some visitors from Israel, Guti tells of
the pivotal
role played by his wife who has supported him in his ministry
from the time
he remarried on his return from America in the early 1970s.
Eunor was the
first woman marriage officer in Zimbabwe and as an evangelist
she has
ministered across the world and helped groom many pastors' wives
from across
denominations.
She has won recognition for her work, including an Esther
Award received
from the prime minister of Bahamas.
Guti says he draws
knowledge gained from the "painful result" of his first
marriage in
counselling couples and in his teachings on Christian marriage.
His children
are also members of Zaoga, serving as administrative officers
and pastors
among other duties.
BY JENNIFER DUBE
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010
17:21
"Please may you give me money to buy some buns," pleads a shabbily
dressed
little girl along Harare's busy Angwa Street.
Tied to her
leg is a long string attached to her visually handicapped mother's
arm so
that she does not wander too far away.
Alongside the mother is another child
wailing for attention.
People casually turn a blind eye and go about their
business as if
everything is normal.
This is a common sight on most of
Harare's busy streets although recent
observations by Streets Ahead - a
Harare based welfare organisation -
indicate that the number of "street
kids" in the capital is on the decline.
Shaibu Chitsiku, the Streets Ahead
programmes coordinator said they have
seen a marginal decrease in the number
of children living on the streets
this year.
But the organisation
believes the seemingly positive trend cannot be
attributed to the economic
turnaround in the country following the formation
of a unity government last
year or parents becoming more responsible.
"The number of children goes down
greatly during the rainy and winter
seasons as they go home and cannot
endure these extreme weather conditions,"
Chitsiku said.
"However more
children are heading to South Africa and Mozambique as the
going is now
tough for them."
Chitsiku said although the number of children jumping the
borders to
neighbouring countries could not be easily verified, a clear
trend was
emerging.
"The World Cup which ended in South Africa in July
was an attractive money
making destination for a great number of children
who used to frequent our
drop-in centre," he said.
"We saw less children
coming and a couple of them informing us upon
returning that they had
travelled and left their companions in South
Africa."
The drop-in centre
run by Streets Ahead offers rehabilitation, food and
counselling for the
street kids during the day and after the sessions they
return to the
streets.
Last year in August, Streets Ahead carried out a census on the
number of
children living and working in and around the streets of
Harare.
Of the 705 children discovered to be living in and around the
environs of
Harare about 43,5% of them had found a home in the central
business
district.
For several years during the protracted impasse
between the Zimbabwe's main
political parties Zanu PF and the MDC, the
country witnessed an economic
breakdown, which also had its fair share of
social problems.
Millions of Zimbabwe settled in neighbouring countries
especially in South
Africa after escaping the almost decade long economic
crisis in the country.
Although there are signs that the economy is on the
rebound, the migration
of adults and children has not abated because
unemployment and the cost of
living remains high.
Early this year, the UN
Children's Fund regional protection advisor for East
and Southern Africa was
quoted as saying the movement of unaccompanied child
migrants from Zimbabwe
was one of the biggest problems confronting
humanitarian agencies in the
region.
He said between 3 000 and 15 000 Zimbabwean children were known to
move into
and out of their country every month.
Meanwhile, Public
Service, Labour and Social Welfare minister Paurina
Mpariwa said government
will continue to support programmes aimed at taking
children off the
streets.
"We worked with Streets Ahead last year as part of our programmes to
alleviate the plight of street children," Mpariwa said.
"We have also
encouraged other child welfare related organisations and well
wishers to
continue working with us to provide accommodation and
rehabilitation for
these children."
Rights groups say other than the health hazards associated
with living on
the streets, the children were more vulnerable to child
abusers who take
advantage of their poverty.
Girls living on the streets
have not been noticeable because they are caught
up in the sex
industry.
During daytime they appear well nourished and clothed.
Michael
Bourdillon, a Streets Ahead board member, points out in a 2001
research
paper that girls living on the streets needed more support because
of the
traumatic sexual abuse that they go through.
Areas such as Sports Diner, Fife
Avenue, Fantasy Land and toilets near the
Harare Central Police station are
the most popular with street children.
Some members of the public in the
streets of Harare expressed mixed feelings
on the reduction of children
living in the streets.
"I just believe that most of these children are
troublemakers so they should
stay at home.
"Right now the streets are
peaceful," said a young woman who wanted to
remain anonymous.
A variety
of factors have been cited for the increase in the number of
children taking
to the streets.
They include pressure to supplement family income, being
orphaned and the
desire to get pocket money.
But Abuse in its various
forms by step parents has been cited by Streets
Ahead as the biggest
driver.
BY KUDZAI CHIMHANGWA
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:19
SON of
long time Libyan ruler Muammar Gaddafi, Al-Saadi, nearly caused
diplomatic
fallout between Harare and Tripoli recently when he turned up at
the airport
with a delegation of “businesspeople” who had no visas.
The incident that
saw the Libyans being detained at the Harare International
Airport for
several hours marked the beginning of a tour of the country by
the former
professional football player whose real purpose remains a
mystery.
Sources said the delegation was only released by immigration
officials
following the intervention of the Libyan embassy and the Minister
of Tourism
Walter Mzembi.
“It could have caused a major diplomatic
fallout between the two countries
had government not immediately intervened
because Libya is very particular
as far as its citizens are concerned,” said
a senior government official.
“You remember sometime in 2008 Libya threatened
to halt oil deliveries to
Switzerland and to withdraw its funds from Swiss
banks in protest at the
brief detention of Hannibal.”
Hannibal, Gaddafi’s
fifth son was arrested in Switzerland in 2008 along with
his wife Aline
after two servants claimed they had been abused by them.
Mzembi, who says he
invited Gaddafi as part of his ministry’s so-called
celebrity host programme
told The Standard the issue of visas was resolved
amicably.
He however
added that there was need to change the current visa regime which
was
“friendly to European countries but hostile to brotherly nations such as
Libya and China.”
“We need to prepare a new dispensation of a new visa
regime,” declared
Mzembi.
“Friendly countries to Zimbabwe such as Libya
and those in the East must be
upgraded so that they fall into category A and
not C as is the current
state.”
Visitors from countries in category A,
which are mostly European, do not
require visas, those from category B
countries get visas at the point of
entry while those whose countries are on
category C obtain the visas in
their home countries.
Mzembi said African
countries must adopt a single visa system to enable
smooth travel and
trade.
He said they should take a cue from the European Union (EU) which
adopted
the Schengen system that allows visitors entry into several
countries using
a single visa.
“In any case, all these boundaries we want
to respect were imposed on us
during the partition of Africa in Berlin.
Africa must go for single visas,”
he said.
Efforts to get a comment from
chief Immigration officer Evans Siziba were
fruitless last week.
Mzembi
declined to disclose if Al-Saadi had made any firm commitments to
investment
in the country except to say he showed interest in agriculture
and tourism
sectors.
Water Resources Development and Management Minister Samuel
Sipepa-Nkomo also
confirmed that Al-Saadi never made any firm
commitment.
“There was nothing firm but he expressed interest in Tokwe-Mukosi
project
and he said we should talk more,” said Sipepa-Nkomo. “He seems to be
a real
business person.”
But Mzembi was optimistic Al-Saadi would be able
to lure investors to
Zimbabwe because of his influence as a businessman and
former football star.
Al-Saadi once played for Al Ahly Tripoli and Italian
Serie A team Perugia.
He only played one match for the Italian team before
failing a drug test.
He was formerly on the board of the Italian team
Juventus, of which 7,5% was
owned by a Libyan consortium.
On the business
front, Al-Saadi and the Libyan government in 2006 launched a
project to
create a semi-autonomous city similar to Hong Kong in Libya,
stretching for
40 km between Tripoli and the Tunisian border.
The proposed new city would
become a high tech, banking, medical and
educational centre.
The city
would have its own international airport and international visitors
will not
require any visas.
Economists and political analysts said Gaddafi’s visit was
more of a social
adventure and also to show political solidarity with
President Robert Mugabe
than an investment scouting mission.
Independent
economic analyst Daniel Ndlela said no investors, even the
Libyans, would
invest in a hostile investment climate.
He said several investors, including
the much-talked-about Chinese, have
developed a wait-and-see attitude as far
as investing in the country was
concerned.
He said Al-Saadi, like any
other potential investor, would also first
consider issues such as the
controversial indigenisation law and respect for
property rights.
“The
indigenisation law is an albatross hanging over Zimbabwe,” said Ndlela.
“Investors have permanent interests in their investment and have no
permanent friends.”
“If we are failing to safeguard Malaysian and South
African investments,
which are protected by bilateral agreements, I wonder
what will happen to
Libyan investment.”
Ndlela’s sentiments were also
echoed by Prosper Mutambara, a development
economist with the Labour and
Economic Development Research Institute of
Zimbabwe (Ledriz) in
Harare.
“I don’t see much coming from Libya,” said Mutambara. “Without
wanting to
sound unpatriotic, the country risk premium is very high in
Zimbabwe so the
cost of doing business here is very high.”
Harare and
Tripoli have in the past tried to enter joint business deals
involving the
importation of fuel to the landlocked Zimbabwe.
However, most of the deals
have fallen through because Zimbabwe has not had
enough money to meet its
part of the bargain.
Nine years ago, Gaddafi senior’s convoy of at least 80
vehicles snaked into
Zimbabwe from neighbouring Zambia where he had been
attending a summit of
African leaders.
His mission was to discuss the
possibility of Libya, a major oil producing
nation, providing petroleum
products to Zimbabwe.
But no concentrate trade deals emerged from the
visit.
Mugabe is a long time friend of al-Saadi’s father who has been ruling
the
North African country for the past four decades.
There has been
speculation in the past that the two leaders share business
interests.
In
2002, Mugabe’s wife Grace reportedly sold a mansion in one of Harare’s
plush
suburbs to Gaddafi for an estimated $5 million.
“Sons and daughters of
presidents are part of the first family and this is
why he met the
president,” said Mzembi.
Al-Saadi also met the ministers of Agriculture,
Economic Planning and the
Zimbabwe Football Association board and
executive.
There is little known Libyan investment in Zimbabwe at the
moment.
It only emerged last month that Libyan had invested in transport and
property sectors after a man Stanely Musendo, tasked with overseeing the
investment allegedly converted US$4 million to his use.
There were also
reports that Gaddafi had been given commercial farms in
Zimbabwe in exchange
for fuel.
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010
17:02
FOR many men, maternal and children’s health matters are usually a
preserve
for women.
As a result men’s participation in national health
programmes, whose success
depends on the level of buy-in by communities, has
been very low.
But a group of men from Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe (UMP) in
Mashonaland Central
who have joined a team of mostly female volunteer
village health workers are
determined to change the mindset.
The group
works under the Community and Home Based Care programme for
mothers and
newborns that seek to reduce the neonatal and maternal deaths by
bringing
primary health care closer to the people.
The programme is supported by the
Ministry of Health and Child Welfare
together with the Community Working
Group on Health (CWGH) with the support
of the United Nations Children’s
Fund (Unicef).
At least 15 out of the 300 volunteers are men.
Paradzai
Manyande from Mutswe village said he ignored advice from friends to
train as
a village health worker.
“When I heard about the programme I submitted my
name without even thinking
twice because I don’t believe in gender
prescribed roles,” Manyande said.
“We must all be allowed to play a part in
developing our communities.
“Why should I sit back and watch women and
children dying because of lack of
knowledge all in the name of being a
man.”
His colleague, Edward Zimondi from Kademo village says volunteering for
the
programme has already earned him a nickname from neighbours.
“Many
people now call me mbuya utsanana (elderly woman health advisor) in my
village each time I arrive at their homestead to do my checkups,” Zimondi
said.
“For the women I know they are genuine when they call me that
because they
appreciate my work.
“But I know for my male counterparts
it’s sarcastic and they are mocking me
because they think I am doing work
meant for women.”
Zimondi said he does not mind the name-calling because most
people were
brought up believing that there were some jobs that were
naturally reserved
for women.
“However, I am glad to say that there is a
new generation of men like us
coming up who are more enlightened,” he said.
“Gender roles shouldn’t limit
us in our contribution to society.”
Zuze
Mapfumo from Marongo village said what mattered for him was that he was
passionate about his job.
“I think at the end of the day that is all that
matters,” Mapfumo said.
“I know that secretly these men admire me for being
brave enough to stand up
against wrong perceptions and doing the work I
do.
“I don’t get paid for it and what I do is from my heart.”
The three
were among the 300 village health workers who graduated from the
training
programme at Mutawatawa growth point in UMP a fortnight ago.
Their role will
be to help mobilise communities on the importance of
maternal and child
health and seeking treatment for illnesses early to avoid
early
death.
BY BERTHA SHOKO
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Saturday, 04 September 2010 17:17
FINANCE
minister Tendai Biti on Tuesday said critical sectors such as
electricity
supply need to be addressed before substantial increases can be
made on
civil servants salaries.
"We will review everything in the budget including
labour. This will not
just be in the context of labour and wages.
"A wage
increase per se is meaningless unless you address other
fundamentals," he
said, launching the 2011 national budget consultative
process.
"We will
not push for populist things that don't benefit the worker at the
end of the
day," he said.
The civil service has been agitating for a salary increment to
cushion them
against the rising cost of living.
Government workers are
currently earning monthly salaries of between US$165
and US$250, figures
which are below the poverty datum line of around US$500.
Biti said next
year's budget would be around US$2 billion although he had
anticipated
double the amount on the back of revenue from diamond sales.
He said Treasury
is collecting an average of US$140 million per month and to
reach the Gross
Domestic Product levels of US$9 billion in 1996 it has to
collect an average
of US$400 million per month.
Biti said the 2011 budget would be premised on a
democratic consultative
process with an outreach programme in all provinces
of the country.
However, he said the budget would be based on a "hard
constraints"
perspective that leaves government with little room to manouvre
in its
fiscal policy owing to limited financial resources.
"We don't want
the budget to amount to an unrealistic wish list like the
situation last
year.
"The list (of requirements) from line ministries came to US$12 billion
when
government could hardly raise US$1 billion in revenue collections,"
said
Biti.
Biti said the budget consultative process would adopt a
medium-term
perspective based on a macro economic framework, also taking
into account
that the country may or may not go to elections next
year.
He said the bickering among the principals in the Global Political
Agreement
would act as a constraint to the effective execution of the
budget.
"The uncertainty in the Global Political Agreement and a lack of
common
vision is a challenge.
"The failure to depoliticise the management
of the economy is a hindrance as
politics is weighing down the economy," he
said.
This year's budget was forecast at US$2,25 billion.
Of that amount
revenue was supposed to contribute US$1, 4 billion with the
remainder coming
from the vote of credit.
However, the vote of credit has performed dismally
and US$207 million has
come in from cooperating partners.
Biti said there
were expectations that money from diamond sales would give
Treasury fiscal
space but the results so far have not been pleasing.
"We have to be realistic
and the philosophy that we will have to eat what we
have hunted is still
going to be correct but as shown by that sale (diamond
auction) even the
hunting itself is proving to be difficult," he said.
BY KUDZAI
CHIMHANGWA
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Saturday, 04 September 2010
17:12
TWP Investments, a South African company, is exploring
opportunities to
invest in Zimbabwe's mining industry in a major boost for
the sector that is
crying out for funding.
Mining requires huge capital
outlays and has a long gestation period meaning
that investors have to wait
longer to recoup their investments.
Dean Cunningham, TWPI chief executive
officer said the company has a
specific interest in gold, rock phosphate,
chrome, coal and nickel projects.
He said they were inviting submissions from
interested parties who are
either involved in active mining or who require
capital for expansion
strategies or brownfield projects.
Brownfield
projects are those that have been abandoned, idle or under-used.
"We are
inviting any interested parties requiring funding for viable
processing
projects, specifically gold dumps.
"Processing of these dumps will not only
have the benefit of extracting the
available ore, but it will also address
the environmental risks these dumps
pose, especially in areas where
agriculture and mining co-exist," Cunningham
said.
Asked how much they
had earmarked to invest in Zimbabwe, Cunningham said:
"The economics of the
project will dictate the investment and the amount.
"Should the project be
significantly appealing then we would look at it and
the risk return"
He
said the ventures would "be backed by the Export Credit Insurance
Corporation, a South African state-owned export credit agency that provides
foreign investment insurance cover against political and commercial
risks."
The proposed investment comes at a time when other investors are
giving
Zimbabwe a wide berth over empowerment laws which say that businesses
worth
over US$500 000 should be 51% owned by locals in five
years.
Cunningham said it was generally accepted by the global investment
community
that empowerment must take place within exceptable
structures.
"Deviation from these acceptable norms would then be
negative.
"Both partners must add value to the table; it should not just been
seen as
a pure free carry, but value adding and the start-up capital repaid
first
before dividends are paid," he said.
"In the greater scheme of
things, it's about building a country, creating
employment and having a
sustainable business opportunity that is legally
secure."
TWPI's
financial and technical professionals specialise in project
evaluation and
funding across the full spectrum of resources and
commodities, from
exploration and development, through to beneficiation and
processing of
metals and minerals.
The company is a wholly-owned subsidiary of engineering
and infrastructure
consultancy TWP Holdings, which provides engineering,
procurement and
construction management services to the mining industry via
its biggest
subsidiary, TWP Projects.
In December 2009, TWP merged with
construction giant Basil Read, enabling
TWP to also offer engineering,
procurement and construction /turnkey
services to its clients.
BY OWN
STAFF
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Saturday, 04 September 2010 17:04
THE
country's risk profile has contributed to the low uptake of
public-private
partnerships (PPPs) according to deliberations at an ongoing
seminar on
infrastructure development in Harare.
Paul Mavima, the principal
director in Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara's office said Zimbabwe
has been facing substantial challenges in
accessing funding for its
infrastructure development programmes partly
because the country does not
have resources to take up PPPs, as well as
prevailing political
risks.
"There has been a low uptake for private-public partnerships largely
due to
political risk.
"For instance the African Development Bank has
billions of dollars in its
coffers but due to Zimbabwe's unique situation,
resources have not been
forthcoming," Mavima told a week-long PPPs seminar
organised by the
Development Bank of South Africa and the Infrastructure
Development Bank of
Zimbabwe.
Siyanga Malumo, the Africana Finance and
Investment director and facilitator
at the workshop said it was imperative
for African governments to note that
due consideration is given by investors
to the political situation before
they consider funding infrastructure
related projects.
"A change in government policy can have a huge bearing on
the success or
failure of a project, for instance nationalisation is a case
in point as a
potential risk," said Malumo referring to Zimbabwe and other
African
countries with controversial empowerment policies.
Malumo said
investors place importance on a country's degree of political
risk before
engaging in PPPs.
He said the general consensus was that government does not
have sufficient
resources to take up PPPs and there is need to engage
stakeholders from the
private sector.
However, the general agreement
among participants was that the government
was too bureaucratic in
processing PPPs as the whole activity can take up to
three years before the
project commences.
"Why should the government be so bureaucratic in
processing these projects?
"In South Africa, the whole process is transparent
and efficient that's why
you find that the country's infrastructure is so
well developed," said a
participant who refused to reveal his name.
The
country's infrastructure needs repair after being neglected for over a
decade and funding for such projects is limited by current credit
crunch.
The treasury is constrained as revenue generating measures are raking
in an
average of US$140 million per month.
Mavima said the DPM's office
was exploring new methods aimed at
rationalising PPPs in terms of
infrastructure development.
The absence of a regulatory and policy framework
was cited as a key area
that needs critical attention so that the success of
PPPs is not hindered by
personal interests.
"The major problem
surrounding these public-private partnerships are that
they do not have an
institutional or policy framework therefore you find
that in previous
agreements made, the engagement was on an individual's
personal interest in
the project.
"If the project did not benefit the signatory individual (in
government), it
would be thrown out of the window so lots of good projects
were thrown
away," Mavima said.
BY KUDZAI
CHIMHANGWA
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010
17:16
The appointment of Justice Simpson Mutambanengwe earlier this year
as the
new Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) chairperson has been welcomed
by
progressive people in Zimbabwe. The three parties in the inclusive
government endorsed his choice and the nation expects much of him.
This
is in the backdrop of the much-criticised performance of Justice George
Chiweshe during his tenure at the head of the ZEC.
Chiweshe's conduct led
Zimbabweans to conclude that the elections body was
an appendage of Zanu PF
and Chiweshe himself was seen as Mugabe's instrument
who was supervising the
conduct of elections on behalf of his master.
Zimbabweans wondered whether it
would ever be possible for them to again
hold a credible election with
Chiweshe in charge.
Mutambanengwe has had an illustrious career at the bar
spending the last
decade presiding over the justice system in Namibia. This
should stand him
in good stead.
Recently at a Zimbabwe Electoral Support
Network workshop he vowed to break
with past practices that made Zimbabwe's
elections an exercise in futility.
He emphasised that under his stewardship
ZEC would regain the respect of all
parties by providing a level playing
field for all political contestants to
square-up without
complaining.
Unlike his predecessors, Mutambanengwe is only too aware that
disputed
elections were of no use to a country that is desperate for
stability. At
the workshop he was forthright in his determination to
disentangle ZEC from
the past where it was seen as Mugabe's rigging
machinery.
Reacting to analysts' grim assessment of Zimbabwe's readiness for
elections
next year Mutambanengwe did not have time to defend ZEC for its
past
misdeeds. He said provided there was national will, ZEC could succeed
where
it failed in the past.
He also made it clear that his commission's
brief was simple: to deliver a
free and fair election acceptable to all the
contesting parties.
But this would all be wishful thinking if the retired
judge does not have
the iron will to resist the pressure from political
parties that would
rather see him pander to their whim.
He should make it
clear to all and sundry that ZEC was not ready for the
elections since the
voters' roll was in a shambles. Past elections have
lacked credibility for
this reason, among others.
But with Justice Mutambanengwe at ZEC, the era of
Zanu PF patronage may be
over.
The new ZEC boss should clearly preach the
gospel of equal application of
justice so that perpetrators of electoral
violence know from the word go
that no one is above the law and his body
would treat all contesting parties
equally.
While Justice Mutambanengwe
has good intentions, it is however important to
note that without the
support of the inclusive government, his good
intentions may just be wishful
thinking.
ZEC is in dire need of resources to carry out its mandate. It
requires
several millions of dollars to come up with a clean voters' roll.
The
current one, kept at the Registrar-General's office, is replete with
ghost
voters and is as good as useless. The Ministry of Finance should
loosen its
purse strings and release funding for ZEC's operations.
In the
meantime, we applaud Justice Mutambanengwe for starting on a positive
note.
We need to see more officials charged with steering the various
commissions
that are mandated to turn around the fortunes of Zimbabwe making
similar
commitments to carry out their work without fear or favour.
Among
these commissions are the Human Rights Commission, the Zimbabwe Media
Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission. The time for figureheads who
think their allegiance lies with those who appointed them is
over.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September
2010 17:14
This week we conclude our series on fringe parties which we
began by
profiling Job Sikhala of the MDC99 party. We had a chat with Simba
Makoni of
the Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn formation; we also featured Dumiso
Dabengwa of the
revived Zapu and Welshman Ncube, the secretary-general and
heir apparent of
the contraption called MDC-M.
This week, to regulate the
anomaly we feature its president Arthur Mutambara
who seems to enjoy talking
to Violet Gonda of SWRadio rather than local
scribes. We would have featured
Zanu Ndonga but no one knows if it still
exists. We haven’t heard anything
from Vurayayi Zembe of the Democratic
Party in a long time. Any party we
haven’t featured is, therefore, not
worthy of its salt.
Many readers may
question the use of the word “fringe” to describe these
parties. The MDC-M
for example is part of the inclusive government running
our country today so
its members might argue that they are not a fringe
party. But we all know
that its leadership is where it is by dint of
fortune — none of those
fronting this party in government was elected into
office and many in local
government councils are quitting it to join MDC-T.
The MDC-M’s luck is likely
to run out sooner rather than later. In its
present form it can hardly be
compared to the Liberal Democrats of the UK
who after many years on the
fringe made an impact in this year’s general
election forcing a coalition
government for the first time in living memory.
The question to ask is: Out
of these fringe parties, which one is likely to
have an effect on the Zanu
PF/MDC-T political matrix in the next elections
which are likely to be held
next year?
In this regard Zapu is going to be very interesting. Two things
are likely
to happen to this resurrected party. Either it will go the way of
Zanu
Ndonga — that is fade quietly into oblivion — or it will reclaim Joshua
Nkomo’s “20 seats”. Zapu under Nkomo never really became a national party in
the strictest sense of the word — except perhaps in the 1960s — but no
matter what happened, come an election it would always win its 20 seats in
the Matabeleland provinces where Nkomo originated.
For many years Zanu
Ndonga also just existed on the strength of the Chipinge
vote. No matter
what happened the Chipinge constituencies would always vote
Zanu Ndonga.
Chipinge was the home of its founding president, the
charismatic Ndabaningi
Sithole.
Nkomo and Sithole were stalwarts in the liberation struggle and
their
charismatic leadership styles ensured that their parties thrived. But
with
Sithole’s death Zanu Ndonga’s fortunes plummeted; besides an
occasional
press release no one knows if the party still has any structures
to talk
about.
Nkomo was forced into an unholy alliance with Zanu PF
after gukurahundi and
his party was swallowed totally by Robert Mugabe’s
party. Eleven years after
his death some former members of Zapu led by
Dabengwa have decided to revive
it. If Dabengwa et al also manage to revive
the party’s regional appeal then
Zapu can reclaim its 20 seats and that will
likely change completely the
political picture in Zimbabwe.
Paradoxically
the 20 seats will not be Zanu PF seats but MDC-T ones. With
the demise of
Zapu, the majority of the people of Matabeleland, who have
never loved Zanu
PF, swung to Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC. In 2005 when the MDC
split the
majority still stuck with Tsvangirai while a small minority clung
to
Welshman Ncube and the late Gibson Sibanda. The party head-hunted for a
leader and came up with Arthur Mutambara. They have almost totally lost
their grip on Matabeleland.
If Zapu reclaims its 20 seats what will this
mean for Zimbabwe? We are
likely to have a situation in which Zapu will have
20 seats in parliament
while the MDC-T will have maybe 40 and Zanu PF 50.
None of the three parties
will be able to govern on its own, so a coalition
government would be the
very likely outcome.
Zapu will become the Liberal
Democrats of Zimbabwe but who would they rather
coalesce with?
The fact
that they snatched their chunk of seats from MDC-T means they are
unlikely
to want to have much to do with Tsvangirai’s party. The natural
choice would
therefore be Zanu PF.
Many people as we speak think that the revival of Zapu
is a Zanu PF project.
Their thinking is based on the very scenario just
described. Dabengwa and
other senior members of the new Zapu such as
Thenjiwe Lesabe are former
members of the Zanu PF politburo. Their political
fortunes had waned because
the people who had supported them all along had
become disgruntled with the
Unity Accord which put them in the same bed as
their archenemy Zanu PF. Very
few, if any, of the top old Zapu leadership
who were now in Zanu PF were
winning elections. Dabengwa himself was being
beaten by mere children in
general elections and was surviving through
Mugabe’s largesse.
There are several members of the old Zapu who have
remained in Zanu PF whose
lives are intractably linked to their
comrade-in-arms Dabengwa. They are not
winning elections either and are
therefore also surviving on Mugabe’s
magnanimity.
Mugabe sees a lot of
advantage in the revival of Zapu hence we have not
heard anything from the
Zanu PF information department disparaging this
project. Zapu will deliver
Mugabe’s long-wished-for life presidency.
Zimbabweans are faced with a grim
scenario of a perpetual Zanu PF
suzerainty.
Nevanji Madanhire
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 05 September 2010 17:04
Most of
the problems that are encompassing the world today are a result of
unprincipled leaders and societies that have no morals to stand their
ground. As the saying goes, "In order for evil to triumph, it only takes the
silence of good men". In some cases it also takes "good men" to misinterpret
the truth to the people to destroy the truth. It is usually the case where
men and women who are revered in furthering certain causes start moving in
the wrong direction and even demanding that all followers should trail
behind without asking questions.
To drive the point closer home, when
Zanu PF took the reins of power in
1980, thereby becoming the first
democratically elected government of the
land, the hopes and aspirations of
the majority of the people were soon
shattered. The illusion of independence
soon turned to one of the scariest
of all nightmares.
As society tried to
come up with solutions, it was necessary first to come
to terms with the
root of the problem. The problem was found to lie in human
nature; goodwill
is too weak to be trusted. The culture that was instilled
in people was that
the government was the master of the people not the
servant of the people.
The norm of the day was that only faithful supporters
would get something
from the government hence all those with different
points of views were
sidelined and pushed to the periphery of development.
Zanu PF, which is known
for its anti-imperialist rhetoric was soon found to
be enjoying the
imperialist (Lancaster) constitution and in some cases even
making it more
repressive. The constitution allowed the government to
flagrantly violate
human rights and destroy justice willy-nilly in the name
of maintaining
peace.
Civic society traced the problems of misgovernance to the adopted
constitution. The majority soon realised that fighting the monarchical
government of Robert Mugabe was doomed to fail as long as there was no
people-driven constitution. The people-driven constitution was therefore
seen as the panacea to the problems of the country.
It was against such a
background that the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA) was formed to
fight for a people-driven constitution in the late
1990s. Morgan Tsvangirai
becoming its first chairman.
The milestone success of NCA was to force Zanu
PF to heed the demands of a
new constitution. Zanu PF soon found out that
without a repressive
constitution it would be vulnerable. It therefore came
up with a new
constitution which was rejected in the referendum in
2000.
With the people also pinning their hopes on MDC in parliament, in 2005
Zanu
PF connived with MDC to bring about the Kariba draft.
The issue of
the new constitution was so hot that every civic society
organisation spoke
with one voice for a people-driven constitution. Even as
late as just the
before the 2008 harmonised elections the MDC seemed to
believe in a civic
society-led constitution. With the formation of the
inclusive government,
goal posts started shifting. It became one of the
greatest blows to civic
society when parliament-led Copac was formed. The
division in civic society
came in the form of "take part" or "take charge"
factions. The first faction
believed that contributions could only be made
from within whilst the second
believed that any process led by Zanu PF was
likely to be flawed. At that
time it was proven that those who do not know
where to stand and what to
stand for would fall for anything. It was
surprising to see how the majority
of civic society organisations fell for
the bait. It was The NCA, ZCTU, MISA
and Zinasu and a few other
organisations that remained demanding a
people-driven constitution not a
government-imposed one. It was so
surprising to hear some civic society
organisations are not even tolerating
pluralism and castigating NCA and Dr
Madhuku as misguided. It may be true
that Dr Madhuku is not always correct
but on the issue of Copac being flawed
he has been vindicated. Copac divided
the civic society which had long been
united.
BY MLUNGISI DUBE
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by PSYCHOLOGY
MAZIWISA
Friday, 03 September 2010 14:38
While everyone else
concentrates on putting into effect the so-called
'implementation matrix',
salvaging the now doomed constitution making
process and considering the
feasibility of holding an election next year
among other things, Zanu (PF)
needs to preoccupy itself with one thing- and
one thing alone- namely the
completion of the succession debate within that
party.
To tiptoe
around the issue and pretend it is of no consequence is to
deliberately put
the future of this country and its people in harm's way.
Mugabe's health is
swiftly deteriorating and his journey into the unknown
has noticeably begun.
Time is of the essence.
The moment has come for Zimbabwe to attain its
political maturity, with
power changing hands and life going along. After
all it is not the state of
the leader that matters, but the state of the
nation. As a matter of urgency
Zanu PF needs to make up its mind. Only then
can the voters remember them
and have a clear picture of their
intentions.
Guaranteed instability
As it stands Zanu (PF)'s
conservative old guard remains intact, and they
fight amongst themselves not
over policy but purely for power and prestige.
They have an enduring desire
to maintain the status quo at any cost.
The fact is that the upheavals of the
past will continue so long as these
dinosaurs remain in charge of
operations.
Here is the crux of the matter though: Our country's political
instability
is guaranteed to worsen should President Mugabe die in office
-especially if
there is no succession plan in place acceptable to the two
well-known
factions within Zanu (PF). The decision must be made without
delay. Everyone
who cares about this country knows it.
It is cause for
considerable heartache, therefore, that there seems to be
such a striking
lack of preparation for a Zimbabwe after Mugabe. Not enough,
if anything at
all, is being done by the relevant people to show that they
understand what
could befall Zimbabwe if the President dies before the
succession debate in
Zanu (PF) has been completed.
The reality is that no one lives forever and we
are witnessing the effects
of old age compounded by ill health and the
exacting demands of public
office as Mugabe approaches the
inevitable.
Saluting Tsvangirai
Zanu PF has had plenty of time to
think about it but still bears a stark
resemblance to Ethelred the
Unready.
Let me not be misconstrued as condoning or in anyway seeking to
entrench the
dictatorship and the now irretrievably damaged legacy of Mugabe
and Zanu
(PF). Far from it! I beg instead to be regarded as a realist and a
peace-loving Zimbabwean democrat who loves his country too much to foresee a
potentially devastating political crisis without alerting his fellow
citizens to it.
Nor can the MDC be relied upon to single handedly avert
what could easily
develop into an aggravation of our political woes. It is a
matter of public
record, for instance, that some of Zanu (PF)'s notorious
Joint Operations
Command members have stated unequivocally that under no
circumstances will
they salute Morgan Tsvangirai should he attempt to wield
any kind of
authority as Commander in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence
Forces.
Whereas Mugabe was sensible enough to invite the MDC- by all accounts
the
outright winners of every election this country has held since 2002- it
can
be assumed that neither Mujuru nor Mnangagwa will be willing to
recognise
them as the people's party of choice or even their very existence
as a
political player.
Absurd though it may seem, therefore, the reality
is that with the right
ingredients the MDC stands a much better chance of
forming a substantive
government while Mugabe is still in politics than
after his exit.
There is a better chance of Zimbabwe becoming a democratic
country, a
prosperous nation and a land of limitless opportunities with a
living and
breathing Mugabe still around than when his body lies at what has
become the
Zanu (PF) Heroes Acre.
Succumbed to temptation
If you
sense, dear reader, that I am fed up with the MDC you are dead right.
Of
course I am! Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC loudly proclaimed all sorts of
policies and promises before joining the inclusive government. Every right
thinking Zimbabwean looked to him and his party to make things
better.
Alas, MDC officials, like their Zanu (PF) counterparts in the
inclusive
government, have quite evidently succumbed to the temptation that
comes with
power and the greed that can accompany bureaucratic
privilege.
Consequently, they have killed whatever momentum was gathered
against the
tyranny of Mugabe. By so doing they have afforded him and his
men with much
needed time to re-group.
In the circumstances, if the MDC
is not going to realise and correct the
mistakes made during the tenure of
the inclusive government. If it is not
going to insist on genuine and
lasting political reforms. If they are going
to ignore the lessons of the
past in shaping the future. If they choose to
continue to put faith, and so
responsibility, on SADC and not themselves,
then they ought to go to hell
and stop wasting our precious time. The
future does not belong to the
timid. They do not deserve it.
Meanwhile, and in the interest of averting a
possible civil war after Mugabe's
demise, Zanu (PF) needs to urgently
conclude any further debate and set a
succession strategy in place. If in
the process of doing so Zanu (PF)
officials see the benefit in reforming
their outmoded movement to become a
relevant and credible political party
then that will truly be a huge step
forwards.
As the country anxiously
waits for the MDC to regain its old self and for
Zanu (PF) to stop fudging,
we all must welcome and enjoy Akon and hope that
he finds our otherwise
beautiful country as 'free and uplifting' a world as
the United States of
America.
Psychology Maziwisa is a member of the Union for Sustainable
Democracy.
Professor Welshman
Ncube included in his article in Sundayview on August 28, 2010, on the
great legacy of Gibson Sibanda, an historical account of one of the many
meetings held by various individuals, provinces, civil society organisations and
others prior to the MDC founding Congress in January 2000. His account about my
position distorts our sincere efforts at that time to push the democracy agenda
forward and appears to use his brilliant tribute to our Organ co principal
Gibson Sibanda to divide me from our President Morgan Tsvangirai. At this time,
MDC was preparing to deliberate on selecting
the best team to win the 2000 Parliamentary elections, and then to successfully
negotiate a peaceful transition out of the one party state politics.
Prof Ncube wrote that
Priscilla Misihairabwi Mushonga was present at this meeting. Grace Kwinjeh and
I talked. We agreed that there were three women present; that our colleague
Priscilla was not present in that meeting. The position I articulated was not my
personal one but that of the MDC Midlands South Provincial Executive Committee
(PEC). The Trade Union based PEC was chaired by the late Hon. Bethel Makwembere,
succeeded by James Gondo with Lucia Matibenga as Secretary and others. I had to
get their consent to stand in Midlands South Province for Mberengwa East. On
signing my papers they briefed me on how our province would vote at the
inaugural Congress leadership line-up.
The New Politics -
focusing on new structures not personalities
Their logic was that
civil society gave the task of facilitating the birth of the new political
formation MDC to the ZCTU, the main Trade Union centre in the Zimbabwe, because
the unique partnership between the ZCTU President Gibson Sibanda and its
Secretary General Morgan Tsvangirai had stabilised the Trade Union movement
nationally for 10 years improving workers’ lives. This leadership structure was
the magic formula to be kept intact, to give time to everyone in Zimbabwe to
work towards stabilising the political environment for new inclusive structures
of democracy to be established to take the struggle further and open more
democratic space - a sentiment shared by many Zimbabweans then.
The transitional
period was to give Gibson Sibanda, Morgan Tsvangirai and the new political class
from civil society entering politics, time to mature in the new politics of
their own creation. Sibanda would be the titular president for two terms while
Tsvangirai was executive Prime Minister. Both would retire in 2010 for
Tsvangirai to move onto to the Presidency for his two terms. This plan would
give Zimbabweans twenty years to complete the enormous transitional work of
structural transformation to take the country from the old one party state
politics to the new Zimbabwe. I believed this to be the ZCTU position. Unfolding
events threw up other suggestions, one of which won the day. We accepted
defeat.
This idea and other
suggestions were put for discussion and amendment.
For example the PEC
hoped that the new party would go for the tried-and-tested formula of a titular
President - Gibson Sibanda - and an executive Prime Minister - the SG Morgan
Tsvangirai. They saw Gibson Sibanda handling the required negotiations with
ZANU/PF and achieving a smooth transition, as he was a brilliant mediator
especially of difficult situations. On the other hand, they saw Morgan
Tsvangirai, the gifted natural organiser working on the ground with the people
to create the conditions conducive for democratic change over ten
years.
Strategic placement
of Party and Parliamentary Candidates
The MDC strategy was
to search for local talent to voter confidence-build and establish the new party
at grassroots and throughout the country. Based on this the PEC sent a
delegation to Prof Ncube to invite him to take his Parliamentary seat in his
home province - Midlands South. The general agreement at that time was to send
the strongest candidates to stand in their rural homes. Professor Ncube rejected
the offer, explaining to the emissaries that he had already been invited to take
a seat in the Bulawayo Province. That PEC was convinced that Professor Ncube’s
presence in the Midlands as leader would stabilise the new MDC in the province
as the new party spokesperson (his old job in the National Constitutional
Assembly) in the new top party leadership to include women, other interest
groups and reflect all the regions.
The PEC was convinced
that the partnership between Gibson Sibanda as President and Morgan Tsvangirai
as SG with Professor Ncube and other new blood from civil society, entering
politics for the first time, strategically placed in the MDC leadership, was the
new structure required at that time to take Zimbabwe to the new transition –
moving from the past one party state to the future - which should have begun in
2000, start of the new millennium. These suggestions were thrown out; we
accepted the majority decision without question.
Since that first MDC
Congress elected its leaders, I have fully supported President Tsvangirai as our
leader, despite the many painful and dramatic events our internal struggles have
encountered on the path to democratic change. Based on my own political
convictions I remained in MDCT after the split. I have been and continue to be a
vocal and passionate MDCT member by choice.
As Organ co
principals we discussed our brief until we agreed on an inclusive process.
Through open and honest dialogue between and among all Zimbabweans at home and
abroad we have the capacity to build together the foundations of the new culture
of Peace. Now Gibson Sibanda has gone. Our immediate past - indeed our distant
past - can teach us all a lot if we as a people learn to hear one another’s
voices with empathy, learn to dialogue honestly together for positive answers
from ourselves on the way forward, use the opportunity created by the GPA to get
our country moving on.
Gibson’s final
contribution was his work in the Organ to establish with everyone the
foundations of that process to bring lasting Peace to our country. Some of us
from that beginning of MDC used the space created by the GPA to look at these
past eleven years with Gibson Sibanda. We sought his account of what really
happened when critical decisions were made while we were one party. His calm
detailed responses helped us to appreciate much better these past situations and
energized us to work for change for a better Zimbabwe. Many remain hard hit in
our hearts by the passing of our highly esteemed colleague Gibson Sibanda. The
best way to honour his memory is for us to fulfill his unfinished work. May his
soul rest in the Peace that he worked so hard throughout his life to establish
in Zimbabwe and on our fragile earth.
Senator Sekai M
Holland
Minister of State; Co
Organ Principal;
Organ for National
Healing, Reconciliation and Integration.
Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Please
send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
jag@mango JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM - No..zw with "For
Open Letter
Forum" in the subject line.
To subscribe/unsubscribe to
the JAG mailing list, please email:
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=================================================
1.
Cathy Buckle - Load shedding
2. J.L Robinson - Sanctions
3. Nick
Meikle - Land Truths
4. J.L. Robinson - Commercial
Farming
=================================================
1.
Cathy Buckle - Load shedding
Dear Jag
We've had an electricity
crisis of major proportions this past week
which has bought the routines of
everyday life to a standstill.
Businesses without computers, offices
unable to access records, machines
that cannot be operated and of course, no
electricity means no water
which makes things even harder still. Repeated
calls to electricity
supplier ZESA have yielded nothing: no explanation,
apology or excuses
just two little words spat contemptuously at you for
daring to ask: load
shedding they say. 12, 15, 18 and even 22 hours a day
we've been
subjected to load shedding at a time when the country is desperate
for
business, production and growth. One man home businesses have come to
a
complete standstill. Small businesses without the means to provide
their
own electricity are complaining that they've been losing about
five
hundred dollars a day. Bigger businesses estimate lost income of
around
five thousand dollars a day, not to mention employees sitting
around
doing nothing who will all have to be paid at the end of the
month.
Employees who came to work in the morning without having had a
proper
meal and will go home to much the same: a smoky fire outside and no
water
to bath or wash with.
Every outlet that can afford to run them,
have resorted to generators. In
all shapes and sizes the machines clutter
pavements and alleyways and
pedestrians have become adept at picking a safe
path through the wires
and conducting their business over the clattering,
thumping and roaring
of the engines. The power cuts have become so ridiculous
this week that
even the petrol stations have resorted to using generators to
pump fuel
into customer's vehicles.
It's a slow process if you happen
to be in a car though because
there is a steady line of people on foot
jumping the queue as they wait
to fill plastic bottles with a litre or two of
petrol for generators.
Craziest of all about this week's nonexistent
electricity is the
sure and certain knowledge that come the end of the month
our electricity
bills will be as high as they always are. First world bills
for fourth
world service or even no service at all.
The knock on
effects of these extended power cuts is having a devastating
impact on the
environment. From early in the morning to last thing in the
evening the sound
of wood chopping is all around.
Emerging from bush and woodland all the
time is a steady stream of women
carrying huge piles of newly cut wood on
their heads. Some is for their
own use but more is for sale, a small bundle
of half a dozen pieces of
indigenous wood costing five US dollars ^S enough
to cook perhaps two or
three meals.
Despite it all, Zimbabweans really
have become masters of ingenuity when
faced with adversity so now, if you
know where to go and have a few
dollars, you can have a haircut or charge
your cell phone on
someone's generator. What a shame it is that ZESA
aren't
blessed with a similar ingenuity. Until next time, thanks for
reading,
love
Cathy.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.
J.L Robinson - Sanctions
Dear Jag
The Minister of Education
recently commented on BBC Hardrive that he
believes that Sanctions - on the
few hundred Zanu heavies should
now actually be lifted.
This might be
commendable, but I do believe that it would need to be done
as trade off for
those same Zanu heavies lifting the political and
economic sanctions that
they have inflicted on the people of Zimbabwe.
For thirty years they have
imposed their very own Zanu sanctions on:
an independent
judiciary,
a professional Police force,
human rights -
Matabeleland in the eighties and today,
more recently a further repeat of
the destruction of suburban homes
(Borrowdale),
the murder of
civilians in the diamond fields
the murder of MDC supporters and farm
workers
new or on going sanctions on business through recent sabre
rattling
on the national legal tender (Zimbabwe Dollar) by printing
"free
money" for Zanu cronies to buy hard currency to bank externally
-
the very issue of the sanctions!
sanctions on agriculture and title
through discriminate theft and
patronage of both fixed and movable assets
from around 4 000
agribusinesses
job sanctions precipitated by their
policies - 90% unemployment
resulting in residence, citizenship and
voting sanctions - on some 4 to 5
million citizens leaving the
country
economic sanctions on the entire country and populace -
except
themselves
I do believe that the Honourable Minister needs to
not only "smell
the roses" but also "smell the sewerage" of
these
sanctions.
Has he perhaps forgotten who and where his electorate
are? I do not
believe that he was voted in by a flock of jongwes.
We
must not forget that "what is good for the jongwe is good for
the
goose."
Millions of Zimbabwean "geese" have worked, and continue
to
work hard to lay the golden eggs for the country - as against a
few
hundred jongwes who continue to crow and strut around the place
thinking
that the sun came up to hear them squawk - and then watch them
loot
anything that might tickle their tail feathers.
The Honourable
Minister needs to remember that today with the GNU it has
to be a two way
street for a goose and a jongwe - not a one way
street for jongwes
only.
A one way street with a sign saying "Jongwes Only" is
called
APARTHEID.
J.L.
Robinson
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3.
Nick Meikle - Land Truths
Dear Jag
Ian Brown and Chris Lightfoot's
thought-provoking contributions
refer.
ZANU PF has been very
successful in creating gross misconceptions about
land tenure in Zimbabwe -
in essence that the white farmer owned a
grossly disproportionate amount of
land. In fact the 70% number (70% of
"arable" land) was a Trojan horse. The
repetitive use of that
number in speeches and articles by the political
establishment and press
has, over the years, persuaded people to believe that
the white farmers
owned the majority of the land in Zimbabwe. In the process
it managed to
isolate the knowledge of the true statistics like a virus had
removed key
data from a computer. Its impact was such that even a debate on
land in
Zimbabwe in March of this year in the House of Commons suggested that
the
minds of the MP's in this debate in the UK had accepted this number
as
a valid statistic. Hugh Bayley Lab. MP, when leading a debate on the
All
Africa Group report on "Land In Zimbabwe", is quoted from
the report on
24.03.10, saying:
"One matter that we examined in some detail in our
report was
Zimbabwe 's dual land ownership law. Roughly 70 per cent. of
land
was originally commercially farmed, with a system of title, which
brought
with it the sort of benefit that the hon. Gentleman describes. Owners
can
use the equity in the land title to borrow for the purchase of
inputs
such as seeds and fertilisers and to pay for irrigation; when good
legal
title is lost, such benefits disappear. However, on the remaining 30
per
cent. of the land-the so-called communal lands used largely by
African
farmers.."
"The correct values were quite simply - at
Independence,
white farmers (large scale commercial farmers) owned 30% of the
land; by
2000 this had contracted to 17.5%.See
linkhttp://cfuzim.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=460:fact-sheet&c
tid=49:land-facts&Itemid=89
It's heresy that the House of Commons
should be so grossly
misinformed.
Chris raises some good points. However everything ZANU PF
have done
withers in the face of two undeniable facts:
1. For 20
years the law of Zimbabwe made all the land the nasty
whites owned legal.
During this time the Government of Mugabe was largely
sovereign expressing
the will of the people and surely then one can argue
that the political
establishment had embraced the current tenure.
It's rather like the law of
precedent, and all the legal transfers
and certificates of no interest
re-enforced that fact. The fact that
Mugabe and his government didn't exploit
the opportunities to buy
up more land and advance the cause of
re-distribution, as Chris points
out, was their failure and nobody else's.
What ZANU PF did purchase
with British aid was soon exposed to predictable
flaws when subjected to
an audit, as the chefs benefited, and not the
povo.
2. The 13 February 2000 Referendum on the draft constitution
rejected
Mugabe's proposals to increase his executive powers and
most
importantly to seize the farms belonging to the white farmers. This
was
the most sovereign vote that Zimbabwe has ever had before or since.
And,
Mugabe said he would abide by the wish of the people!
Logically
then, everything that has been promulgated since that vote to
advance
Mugabe's political agendas, was rendered "null and
void" by that vote! Yet no
one, I say again, no one advocates this
as a platform for the way forward on
the land issue. Everything can be
defaulted to that point in time as a
reflection of the wish of the people
currently prevailing. Yes, there would
be numerous obstacles; however
that does return us to a point where the law
that governed life in
Zimbabwe was overseen by an Independent judiciary when
Mugabe's
presidency largely reflected the will of the people.
It's
pertinent to note there appears to be a gathering opinion even
within some
Government circles that the land seizures were illegal. This
sentiment has
some currency even on the streets here and in South Africa
where as many as 3
to 4 million Zimbabweans live in economic exile. There
is a strange irony
here - dispossessed farmers have convinced
themselves that they must
surrender to a land reform programme, yet black
folk and MT's vice-PM
disagree. There goes that Trojan horse again.
There is evidence to
suggest that ZANU PF created the expectation that
tenure would be awarded
outside the commercial areas, but never followed
it up. The reason was simple
- ZANU PF and specifically Mugabe considered
control of the land as his most
powerful political tool. Wresting control
of the land from the farmers
effectively gave him control of all land in
the country which was in-keeping
with the absolute role of a chief of
old.
Awarding tenure to the small
holders in the communal areas would
transform that sector, and stimulate
small scale farming. But that would
require oversight by an effective system
of law and order which remains a
dream at present as the political
establishment cannot bring themselves
to relinquish the control they have
enjoyed these last 10 turbulent and
destructive years.
In conclusion,
why, I ask, is it so hard for us not to demand that all
title should be
should be re-instated as per the sovereign vote of
February 2000 Referendum?
And, at the same time advance with equal
determination land tenure within the
communal areas - that would be
a massive victory for the rural population. If
successful, that would be
the ultimate insult to Mugabe - the very thing he
promised the
povo, being delivered by the people he accused of stealing the
land in
the first place!
Thank you.
Nick
Meikle
Bulawayo.
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4.
J.L. Robinson - Commercial Farming
Dear Jag
The Zimbabwean has
reported that a War Veteran who claimed 95% disability
form the War Veterans
Compensation Fund has succumbed to the remaining 5%
disability and passed
away "on his farm."
The article goes on to say that the "95% disabled
War
Veteran" forced the previous owner off his property, then reaped
$35
million worth of crops and claimed the $200 million property
for
himself.
This makes for most entertaining reading in the broader
world - about law
and order, and property rights and get rich quick in
Zimbabwe.
J.L.
Robinson.
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All
letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the
submitters,
and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice for
Agriculture.
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