Chinamasa blocks UN election assessment team

Jabulani Sibanda threatens widespread violence if ZANU PF loses elections

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Violet Gonda
12 April 2013

Jabulani Sibanda, the leader of the War Veterans’ Association, reportedly
said he “hates whites”, described Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai as an
“agent of the devil” and warned there will be violence in Zimbabwe if ZANU
PF loses in forthcoming elections.

The NewsDay newspaper said the war vet leader made the comments during a
three hour public lecture he addressed at Chinhoyi University of Technology
early this week.

Sibanda is quoted as saying: “Mugabe is a man of God who came to deliver
Zimbabweans from a history of dependence on whites to independence. Mugabe’s
way is the way of God. Stand firm behind Mugabe because the war in our
country is now between God and Satan.

“God has one leader who is Mugabe and one party ZANU PF. These whites who
have imposed sanctions on us have a tendency of dictating to us, but we won’t
budge. I hate whites; I only like them when they are in their own countries.
I am not a racist, but a realist.”

Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC) co-chairperson Elton
Mangoma said he is shocked by the reports but not surprised: “We have had
several complaints about the language used by Jabulani Sibanda. He basically
does not want to preach peace at all. He is a person who wants to intimidate
people and that kind of behavior has no place in Zimbabwe now.”

The notorious leader, who is one of only 10 individuals including President
Robert Mugabe and service chiefs remaining on the European Union sanctions
list, said war veterans will take up arms to defend the country’s
sovereignty.

“Tsvangirai has sabotaged this country. He is an agent of the devil who is
bent on confusing our graduates to become subjects of the devil. If we see
anyone with an MDC-T party card, that person is a sellout and they deserve
to be added to the unenviable list of the devil’s servants. Down with MDC-T,
down with Tsvangirai,” Sibanda added.

Senior Assistant Police Commissioner Rangarirai Mushaurwa and provincial
ZANU PF officials are reported to have attended the public meeting which
Sibanda used to attack other opposition leaders including Simba Makoni and
Dumiso Dabengwa, and National Constitutional Assembly chairman Lovemore
Madhuku.

Mangoma told SW Radio Africa that the monitoring group has no arresting
powers, but cabinet resolved recently that from now on the JOMIC will
present reports every two weeks in which “areas that require cabinet
decisions will now be tabled.”

“That is where we will deal with Jabulani Sibanda – and bring this matter to
cabinet so that cabinet as a whole makes a decision,” Mangoma said.

He said JOMIC is in communication with the Southern African Development
Community, the guarantors of the Global Political Agreement, about these
“unacceptable” issues.

“In most cases some of his intimidation is so blatant that we expect the
police to take action and we have written to the police to take the
necessary action and we wait to see what they will do,” Mangoma added.

An official at Chinhoyi University of Technology confirmed the meeting took
place but referred all other questions to the university registrar who was
said to be out of office.

Sibanda was not reachable for comment.

Zim voters' roll 'in hands of suspect Israeli company'

http://mg.co.za/

12 APR 2013 00:00 - SAM SOLE

A secretive Israel-based firm - accused of manipulating past elections in
the region - is alleged to be involved in managing Zimbabwe's voters' roll.

Eddie Cross, a Zimbabwean opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) MP
who has proved to be well informed on security matters in the past, told the
Mail & Guardian that he had been informed by security sources that the
company, Nikuv International Projects, is working on the roll at Defence
House, the headquarters of the Zimbabwe Defence Force. The MDC also alleged
that Nikuv was a front for the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad, although
it offered no evidence to support the claim.

It is unclear what Nikuv’s involvement in this coming election is but it
specialises in population registration and election systems.

Cross said the source told him that the company is working under the
direction of Daniel Tonde Nhepera, the deputy head of the Zimbabwe’s dreaded
internal security arm, the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO).

Another Zimbabwean intelligence source confirmed to the M&G the allegation
that Nikuv is working on the voters’ roll “with the CIO”.

In the run-up to the disputed 2008 elections, Zimbabwean opposition parties
accused the company of assisting the Zanu-PF government to manipulate the
roll in favour of Robert Mugabe. Suspicions of election-rigging were
heightened when Zimbabwe’s electoral commission took five weeks to release
the results of the election. The MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, calculated
that he had won much more than 50% of the votes in the first round of
polling but, when results were eventually published, he was credited with
47.9% against Mugabe’s 43.2%, forcing a run-off.

A campaign of violent intimidation led Tsvangirai to withdraw from the
second round, leaving Mugabe in power.

The Israeli embassy in Pretoria took the unusual step of issuing a statement
at the time, denying that  Mossad was involved in any way in the elections.

Questionable tenders
But now an amaBhungane investigation has found that top executives of a
Nikuv associate company, ISC International Security Consultancy, have an
Israeli intelligence background  and Nikuv has been linked to other cases of
collaboration with the Zimbabwean security services as well as to
questionable tenders in the region.

On its website Nikuv says that the company focuses on projects for
“governmental sectors” and initiated its activities in Africa in 1994 in
Nigeria. It had “since expanded its activities to Zimbabwe, Zambia, Ghana,
Botswana and Angola in IT and additional areas like agriculture and
 security”.

In Zambia, where Nikuv was brought in to manage and computerise voter
registration, the United National Independence Party (Unip) accused the
ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) of trying to rig the 1996
election with the company’s help. Unip eventually boycotted the poll.

The Zambian opposition also accused Nikuv of landing the contract without
proper tender procedures. The process was allegedly managed by the office of
Vice-President Godfrey Miyanda rather than the electoral commission.

The Zambian High Court found that the registration process was flawed but
that there was no evidence that a majority was built in for the ruling MMD.
Nevertheless, the Nikuv roll was later scrapped.

AmaBhungane understands that Nikuv’s offices in Lesotho were raided in
March, apparently in connection with an identity document contract awarded
last year in controversial circumstances. It had previously won an open
tender to supply passports in Lesotho.

Its first Zimbabwean contract appears to have been a $15-million deal signed
in November 1994, reportedly to computerise the ministry of home affairs,
the census office and the election system. The deal was backed by the Israel
Foreign Trade Risks Insurance Corporation.

Riot control gear
It also appears that individuals linked to Nikuv played a role in helping
the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) obtain riot control equipment and
motorbikes, which would have been difficult for the ZRP to access at the
time, given international sanctions.

On August 2 2001, Zimbabwe’s Financial Gazette reported that, before the
2002 presidential elections, which the government feared that Mugabe would
lose, the ZRP contacted Eli Antebi, who represented a company called Beit
Alpha, about the purchase of the vehicles and water cannons.

The amaBhungane investigation established a web of connections between
Antebi and Nikuv:

• According to its website, nipprojects.com, Nikuv International Projects
Ltd was established in 1994 by Emmanuel Antebi. As far as amaBhungane could
establish, Emmanuel is Eli’s brother.

• A Financial Gazette report of August 9 2007 revealed that the Zimbabwean
State Procurement Board had queried the Zimbabwe police’s insistence on
purchasing 100 quad bikes through “a Netherlands-registered company,
Pedflora”, which operated an account with Credit Suisse in Geneva.

The report said the purchase was eventually approved, despite the ZRP’s
failure to explain why it had nominated Pedflora rather than following
tender procedures.

AmaBhungane has established that Pedflora was registered in the British
Virgin Islands in 2004 and that its the directors were Eli Antebi  and
another Israeli citizen, Dror Jackson.

The Nikuv website lists Jackson as the representative of the company's “agro
division”.

No online profile
The company website says that Nikuv was formed “by a group of professionals
with an accumulated experience of 45 years in the field of population
registration and election systems in Israel”, adding that it was initially a
subsidiary of the Formula Group, one of Israel’s largest software groups. On
its website Nikuv lists offices and numbers in South Africa, Zimbabwe,
Angola and Botswana, but the phone numbers for South Africa and Angola are
out of date and those in Zimbabwe and Botswana ring unanswered.

AmaBhungane managed to contact the man who appears to be running the company’s
project in Zimbabwe, Ron Asher, who has been in the country since 2011. But
he refused to disclose anything about the company’s activities in Zimbabwe,
declining even to give the physical address of its Harare office. He
referred all queries to the Nikuv head office in Israel.

The head office is on the second floor of a large unmarked building of
concrete and darkened glass, buried deep in the industrial zone of
Herziliya, north of Tel Aviv. It is listed alongside about 10 other
companies in the building’s reception area – including Defence Technological
Security Ltd – and appears to have a head office staff of about 20.

When a reporter from the Guardian visited it on amaBhungane’s behalf, the
receptionist said the entire staff were in a “big meeting” and could not be
disturbed.

Nikuv Israel confirmed receiving detailed questions from amaBhungane on
March 7, including a question about whether it is working on the Zimbabwean
voters’ roll under the direction of the CIO. It had not replied at the time
of going to press a month later.

Efforts to get a comment from the registrar general Tobaiwa Mudede were
unsuccessful as his phones went unanswered. A woman who answered the phone
of Shupikai Mashereni, the spokesperson of the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission, said he was unavailable for comment. – Additional reporting by
Thabang Matjama

Politburo dispatches national chair to settle Manicaland infighting

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
12 April 2013

ZANU PF’s top decision making body, the Politburo, has dispatched its
national chairman Simon Khaya Moyo to Manicaland, where infighting has been
on the rise.

The Politburo met on Thursday amid rising tensions in the party, caused by
factionalism and infighting.

The most recent development has been the drafting of a petition by some top
officials in the party, who asked Robert Mugabe to rein in ZANU PF secretary
for administration Didymus Mutasa. Officials from Manicaland accused Mutasa
of causing divisions in the party and have warned that if his behaviour goes
unchecked, the party would be ‘doomed’ come election time.

Among those believed to have signed the petition are Justice minister
Patrick Chinamasa, Deputy Minister of Energy Hubert Nyanhongo, suspended
provincial chairperson Mike Madiro, acting provincial chair Dorothy Mabika,
Buhera North MP William Mutomba, war vets leader Joseph Chinotimba and ZANU
PF Women’s League leader Oppah Muchinguri.

The Politburo on Thursday resolved to dispatch Khaya Moyo to Manicaland to
look into the problems there. It is understood that the national chairman
will then visit other provinces to assess ‘challenges’ facing the party.

The Politburo meanwhile deferred to a later date discussions on the party’s
election strategy.

Zanu PF scrambles to paper schisms

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

11/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Staff Reporter

ZANU PF'S politburo put off discussions on guidelines for primary elections
Thursday and, instead, dispatched national chairman Simon Khaya Moyo to
resolve deepening divisions in party structures across of the country.

The meeting was meant to come up “rules and regulations” for primaries to
choose candidates for general elections later this year but ended up being
seized with divisions fracturing the party in Bulawayo and Manicaland.

Thursday's meeting deposed Bulawayo chairman, Killian Sibanda, replacing him
with central committee member and former Cabinet minister Callistus Ndlovu.
Sibanda will now deputies the new chair.

Khaya Moyo was tasked with resolving problems in Manicaland where national
administration secretary Didymus Mutasa is accused of fanning divisions.

Party spokesman, Rugare Gumbo, confirmed theBulawayo changes saying “people
were not happy about certain people and personalities and the party was not
connecting well”.

“We received a report on Bulawayo from the national chairman (and) we
resolved that we need to expand the provincial executive. We will have
Callistus Ndlovu as the chairman and Killian Sibanda becomes deputy
chairman,” he said.

He also confirmed that the party’s top leadership in Manicaland recently
petitioned President Robert Mugabe over problems in the region.
The petition reads, in part: “We are aware of some machinations of elements
within Zanu PF, including some holding high positions in the party, to
undermine the unity of the party in Manicaland province, and the leadership
of President Robert Mugabe.

“Given that elections are only three months away, the aforementioned
machinations are only serving to undermine the resurgence of the party in
the province and divide the Zanu PF membership ahead of the crucial
elections. This is tantamount to political suicide if left unchecked.

“Those in Manicaland province aspiring for high offices and fanning the
succession debate should be told clearly that there is no vacancy in the
Presidency and, therefore, no one should cause confusion in the party by
demanding and fighting for positions that do not exist.”

Gumbo said Mugabe had met a delegation from the province to discuss the
problems.
“The President received a delegation from Manicaland and they presented a
petition. (The politburo resolved that) the national chairman will look at
the challenges in (the province),” he said.

According to local media reports, Mutasa is said to be at the centre of
divisions in the region.

He however, denies the allegations, dismissing them as an attempt to
discredit him.

“Every politician has an ambition, but it should be done constitutionally,
not in the middle of the night,” he told Newsday.
“If they had issues with me, why couldn’t they propose an agenda item on the
co-ordinating committee meeting and tell me in the face than stabbing me in
the back?

"This is what causes divisions. Our security should look into the matter.”

Still, Gumbo said the divisions did not mean the party was imploding ahead
of this year's key elections.
“In any phenomenon there are contradictions. We have, as a party,
non-antagonistic contradictions but they are not that serious. We are as
strong as ever,” he said.

Political Parties to Spar in Election Debate Series

http://www.voazimbabwe.com/

Gibbs Dube
11.04.2013

WASHINGTON DC — Representatives of five political parties, including Zanu PF
and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations, are expected to
feature in a public debate in bulawayo tomorrow where people will quizz them
on contentious issues and their parties’ policies ahead of the crucial
elections.

According to Bulawayo Agenda communications director, Mmeli Dube, secretary
general Tendai Biti of the MDC formation of Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, and his counterpart Priscillah Mhisihairabwi Mushonga of the
Welshman Ncube-led MDC, have confirmed that they will spar with their
opponents in the first session of an eight-part national election debate
series.

Dube said Zanu PF, ZAPU and Mavambo Kusile Dawn party will also be
represented by top party officials.

“The debates will be centred on the election dates and what needs to be done
before elections are held,” he said.

The debate series is an opportunity for the candidates to engage the
audience and show what really differentiates them from their competitors.

It will also help the electorate to make informed decisions during the
elections and at the same time, promote a culture of tolerance in accepting
others regardless of political affiliation.

‘Poll funding must be unconditional’

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Friday, 12 April 2013 15:20
HARARE - Zimbabwe has told Denmark to keep its money rather than to expect
the southern African country to compromise on its independence and
sovereignty.

Zimbabwe Foreign Affairs minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi told visiting
Denmark State secretary for Development Policy Ib Petersen that any
electoral funding must be unconditional.

“Even though we appreciate funding for our upcoming elections, the funding
must not compromise on our independence and sovereignty,” Mumbengegwi said.

“Aid must not be conditional; if it is conditional then we will not accept
it. We are not compromising, if the funding is conditional, keep your
 money.”

With the country cash-strapped and relying on donors to fund critical
sectors such as health, Zimbabwe has been looking to organisations such as
the United Nations (UN) to help bankroll a looming plebiscite — but
yesterday Mumbengegwi made it clear that external funding will only come in
line with the country’s demands.

“We are an independent country, we welcome help but if it means compromising
our independence, then we will not accept the money,” he said.

Yesterday Petersen pledged $40 million yearly in aid to Zimbabwe saying the
money will be channelled toward economic revival.

“We are closely working with the African Development Bank, $40 million will
be disbursed yearly and it shall be released on a performance-based
condition,” he said.

Denmark is one of the major donors in Zimbabwe with a long history going all
the way back to the Nordic countries’ solidarity during the struggle for
independence in the 1970s.

After a period of a freeze in relations between the two countries, Denmark
is now seeking to improve diplomatic ties with Zimbabwe — a follow up to the
European Union’s move to relax targeted sanctions on senior Zanu PF
officials.

Petersen, who also met Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday, is
conducting high-level meetings with senior government officials that would
help his government understand the needs of Zimbabwe.

The timing of the visit, shortly after a successful referendum and prior to
elections, will set the framework for bilateral discussions.

Denmark will also, on a pilot basis, launch direct support to the Judicial
Service Commission in their rehabilitation of magistrate’s courts. -
Ndakaziva Majaka

Defectors speak out

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Friday, 12 April 2013 13:12

HARARE - Members of Parliament from the MDC led by Welshman Ncube, who have
crossed the floor to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC, have spoken for
the first time about their bold decision.

In an interview with the Daily News, Thandeko Mkandla MP for Gwanda North
and Maxwell Dube (Tsholotsho), said they were leaving the smaller MDC
formation because of the need to unite under a candidate with realistic
chances of ending President Robert Mugabe’s hegemony.

The two legislators said the wishes of their constituencies were paramount.

“I have joined the MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and discussed
this move with my constituency party members who agreed with me and this is
why I submitted my CV to stand in the primary elections to be considered MP
for the constituency under Tsvangirai,” said Mkandla.

Dube alleged Ncube was difficult to work with, an assertion rejected by his
party.

“We had been having difficulties in working with Ncube and this is why we
decided to re-join our other colleagues in the MDC led by Tsvangiari,”said
Dube.

Three other MPs namely; Nomalanga Khumalo, the Deputy Speaker of Parliament
(Umzingwane) and senators Dalimazi Khumalo (Lupane) and Kembo Dube
(Umzingwane) have also joined the MDC led by Tsvangirai.

Chief whip for Ncube’s MDC, Edward Mkhosi dismissed the MPs who have crossed
the floor to Tsvangirai saying they were rebels that had been dismissed by
his party leadership.

“These MPs were no longer working with us in Parliament as we had dismissed
them from our party.

“They were not adding any value to us as they were working with Tsvangirai’s
MPs. We are not going to miss them,” he said.

Mkhosi said they were legislators who were still with his party, namely:
Moses Mzila- Ndlovu, (Bullilima West) Siyabonga Ncube (Insiza) Patrick Dube
(Gwanda Central) and Senators Believe Gaule (Tsholotsho) David Coltart
(Khumalo) and Lutho Addington Tapela (Bulilima-Magwe).

They are just the latest MPs to be expelled.

In 2010, Ncube expelled Abdenico Bhebhe (Nkayi South), Njabuliso Mguni
(Bulilima East) and Norman Mpofu (Lupane East).

The three have since joined Tsvangirai’s MDC, and their applications to
stand in the primary elections have already been accepted by Tsvangirai.

The three MPs were the first to come out in the open in support of
Tsvangirai.

In total, Ncube has since 2008 lost eight legislators along with 49
councillors from Bulawayo Matabeleland North and South.

Graft impeding justice delivery: Gutu

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Friday, 12 April 2013 15:18
HARARE - Corruption has been one of the major impediments of access to
justice in Zimbabwe, deputy minister of Justice Obert Gutu has said.

Officiating at the opening of a new magistrate court in Murewa on Wednesday,
Gutu said graft had affected the quality of services throughout the entire
justice delivery system.

“I would like to implore all stakeholders in the justice delivery system let
this be a building where true justice is meted out,” he said.

“Let the official opening of this court house usher into the entire justice
delivery system a corrupt free environment and may Murewa stand out like a
beacon and the embodiment of true justice.”

By opening the new court, the JSC was bringing justice closer to the people,
the deputy minister said.

“It is the desire of the Judicial Service Commission to decentralise higher
and specialised courts to all provinces in order to bring justice to the
people. The Royal Danish government is playing a major role in bringing this
dream to fruition,” he said.

The court’s construction was funded by the Danish Embassy.

“The JSC runs 52 permanent courts throughout the country, with more than
half of these courts operating from rented premises. It is indeed a great
privilege for the people of Murewa to have a dedicated court house owned and
run by the JSC,” Gutu said.

According to the JSC, some court cases are still being heard under
disgraceful situations as some share a store divided by a curtain and some
magistrates courts are run at a rented lodge.

The new court, which has two court rooms and seven offices, is part of three
new courts nearing completion in Guruve, Mutoko and Tsholotsho. The
commission is yet to start the construction of two more courts in Esigodini
and Norton, and expect to roll out 10 more courts around the country.

Ambassador Ib Petersen–Danish Foreign ministry secretary said constructing
the new court building was a reflection of good cooperation between Danida
and the JSC “but it is more than that.”

“Justice is a fundamental pillar of any democratic society — the new
constitution of Zimbabwe clearly underlines that,” Petersen said. “And
neglected infrastructure does hamper access to justice.

“But justice is off course not only dependent on a building like. In fact,
the building is a bit like a cooking pot. Without it, it is difficult to
make proper food. But what really matters is what you add to the pot and how
it is cooked. So in this case what goes on inside the building is even more
important than the building itself,”he said.

Meanwhile, Denmark has said it will increase aid to Zimbabwe in a bid to
help the country in its economic recovery.

Petersen said his country is eager to reengage the country.

“Our countries have relations dating as far as the struggle by this country
for independence, after the referendum which was successful we see no reason
to isolate this country,” Petersen said.

The State secretary’s visit is for high-level political consultations with
ministers from all parties in Zimbabwe covering a wide range of issues.

“This visit is also an opportunity to launch the first case of direct
support from a traditional donor to the Government.

Petersen said Denmark is planning to launch a new development programme in
mid-2013 with a substantial increase in budget. He did not disclose the
exact amount.

Denmark is undertaking various interventions to also strengthen the
commercial ties between the two countries. - Bridget Mananavire

Zim adopts new HIV treatment guidelines

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Friday, 12 April 2013 12:51
HARARE - Zimbabwe is scaling-up HIV treatment, with all infected sex
workers, discordant couples and pregnant women set to be initiated on
antiretroviral (ART) treatment regardless of their CD4 count.

Speaking during a National Aids Council (Nac) workshop in Chinhoyi, Aids and
TB Unit director in the Health ministry Owen Mugurungi said this was in line
with new World Health Organisation (WHO) Guidelines to be published midyear.

Mugurungi said many countries felt that the proposal (in the new guidelines)
to put minimum CD4 count at 500 has an unbearable cost implication beyond
the reach of many governments.

“So we have agreed that if you are pregnant and have a CD4 count above 350,
we put you on ARVs,” Mugurungi said.

“Discordant couples and sex workers independent of their CD4 counts, we will
also put on drugs because we believe that prevention is better than cure.”

Mugurungi said the initiative will aid the country’s efforts in reducing new
HIV prevalence and mother-to-child transmission.

According to WHO, countries should get to zero new infections,
mother-to-child transmissions and Aids-related deaths by 2015.

However, for years now Zimbabwe’s cash-strapped government has struggled
with availing universal access of ARVs resulting in about half of the 1, 2
million infected people without treatment.

According to latest ministry statistics, about 107 000 children and 595 000
people are in urgent need of ART. Out of those around 46 000 children and
500 000 adults are accessing the service.

Most of the funds currently being used to procure drugs for initiated
population are coming from development partners.

Egpaf technical director Batsirai Makunike Chikwinya said the benefits of
enrolling surpass the cost hence partners should be weary of defaulting.

“Though they are challenges, we are more concerned about the good outcome.
There are a lot of unknowns now, take for instance a woman coming to a
health facility because she is pregnant but may not like to be kept on ART
because she feels she is not sick.”

Chikwinya said Malawi and Rwanda have already availed universal access for
the cluster.

However, earlier initiations means more people in urgent need of treatment.

Statistics from the number in urgent need of ART increased from 343 000 in
2010 to 593,000 in 2011. With the new guidelines the figures are set to rise
again.

The cost of treating people living with HIV currently stands at an estimated
$150 million a year but only $33 million is expected to be collected in Aids
Levies. - Wendy Muperi

Bailed Bulawayo youths ‘humbled’ by support from city residents

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Nomalanga Moyo
12 April 2013

Members of a combined youth lobby group on Friday expressed gratitude to
Bulawayo residents who supported them, following their arrest on allegations
of holding an illegal protest.

Speaking two days after all the youths were bailed from Khami remand prison,
leaders of the Mthwakazi Youth Joint Resolution (MYJR) told the press Friday
that they were humbled by the massive support from the city’s residents.

The youths said contrary to police allegations, they were peacefully making
their way to the offices of energy supplier ZESA, to hand in their job
applications.

“It is our culture to travel in groups, especially as unemployed people with
no money or jobs. Our aim was to hand in CVs of hundreds of Bulawayo
citizens desperate for work,” the group’s spokesman Mqondisi Moyo told the
gathering.

Speaking to SW Radio Africa after the conference, Moyo said their trip to
ZESA’s Bulawayo offices was in response to reports that the national energy
firm had already employed people from ‘outside’, while ignoring the region’s
thousands of unemployed youths.

“We are failing to even pay our electricity bills to the company and yet
ZESA brings in people from Kwekwe to do jobs that do not even require
special skills,” Moyo said.

He added: “We are saying ZESA should have given employment priority to
residents of Emganwini, Nketa and Nkulumane suburbs who reside near the
Insukamini sub-station (where the positions are based) before even
considering wider Bulawayo.”

Moyo denied that the youth group’s grievances against ZESA had ethnic
undertones, and explained that the youth outfit was composed of members from
all ethnic backgrounds who wished to see the concept of devolution (as
outlined in the recently adopted constitution) being practised.

Moyo said their members will be intensifying engagements with other
companies including the Zimbabwe National Roads Administration (ZINARA)
which is understood to be in the process of recruiting tollgate tellers for
its recently-opened plaza in Ntabazinduna, just outside Bulawayo.

Twenty-three members of the combined youth group spent two nights in custody
this week despite being bailed by a magistrate on Tuesday, after they failed
to raise the $50 per person bail fee.

They were finally released after well-wishers intervened, and SW Radio
Africa is reliably informed that a well-known local politician provided the
bulk of the money.

The youths were bailed to appear at Bulawayo Magistrates’ Court on April
23rd, to face criminal nuisance charges, which they all deny.

Bid to end Zim report saga

http://mg.co.za/

12 APR 2013 07:38 - GLYNNIS UNDERHILL

The Constitutional Court has been asked to step in over 'delaying strategy'
on election document.

The Mail & Guardian has filed an unprecedented application to the
Constitutional Court as it attempts to expedite its almost five-year legal
battle to gain access to a critical report on the 2002 Zimbabwe elections.

In February, President Jacob Zuma and the presidency were ordered by Judge
Joseph Raulinga in the North Gauteng High Court to hand over the report to
the M&G within 10 days.

The report contains the findings of justices Sisi Khampepe and Dikgang
Moseneke, who were sent to Zimbabwe by then-president Thabo Mbeki to observe
the elections.

After taking a "judicial peek" at the report, Raulinga confirmed the report
cast doubt over the legality of the elections. "Without disclosing the
contents of the report, I can reveal that it potentially discloses evidence
of substantial contravention of, or failure to comply with, the law,"
Raulinga wrote in his judgment.

The presidency has filed a notice of an application for leave to appeal the
judgment to the full bench of the North Gauteng High Court.

However, Dario Milo, a partner at Webber Wentzel law firm, has filed an
application on behalf of the M&G, seeking an order that the presidency file
its application for leave to appeal the judgment to the Constitutional Court
"in order to obviate any further delay or abuse of process".

"I submit that the relief sought is well within the court's power to ensure
a just and equitable result in the interests of justice, and the
circumstances militate strongly in favour of the directions sought," wrote
Milo. The respondents' application for leave to appeal, he claimed, was a
"delaying strategy".

Delaying strategy
"In my experience, bona fide litigants typically seek the expedient
finalisation of litigation in the interests of saving time and costs. This,
however, does not appear to be the position adopted by the respondents [who]
have … succeeded in delaying the granting of access to the report for nearly
five years, despite having failed to convince a single court thus far that
their refusal to grant access to the report is justified."

The respondents' application had necessitated this course of action to
prevent any course liable to obstruct "the expeditious finalisation of this
matter".

Because the presidency had "again" lost in the high court, it was now
seeking to appeal to a full bench of the high court, wrote Milo. "Implicit
in this approach is the tactic to pursue an unmeritorious appeal through
every conceivable tier in the appeal hierarchy."

The application has also requested that a copy of the report be given to the
members of the Constitutional Court and to the M&G legal representatives so
they can prepare for the application for leave to appeal, as well as for the
appeal itself.

The legal battle began after the M&G lodged a Promotion of Access to
Information Act request with the presidency. This was refused and the matter
went to court, where it was ruled that the full document had to be released.
The presidency appealed this and a subsequent judgment in the Supreme Court
of Appeal, and the matter went before the Constitutional Court, which sent
the matter back to the high court.

Raulinga found that there was enough public interest to trump the
presidency's argument that the report contained privileged information that
was given by Zimbabwean officials, and releasing it would damage diplomatic
relations. The M&G's request is lent further relevance by the forthcoming
Zimbabwe election. – Additional reporting by Sipho Kings

Tsvangirai bets on clear MDC victory

http://mg.co.za/

12 APR 2013 08:29 - JASON MOYO

A fair election with Morgan Tsvangirai party the outright winner is the most
probable scenario, prime minister says.

Zimbabwe's prime ­minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, believes he would garner 65%
of the poll in a free vote and plans to offer Cabinet posts to Zanu-PF
politicians should he win the elections.

This is according to the notes from a meeting he held recently with Standard
Bank's head of Africa research, Stephen Bailey-Smith.

The prime minister expected elections to take place by September 13,
Bailey-Smith said in a note sent to Standard Bank clients on Tuesday.

The prime minister put forward three ­possible scenarios for the outcome of
the poll.

"His first and favoured scenario, and the one on which he placed the
greatest probability, was an MDC victory, which was accepted by all
stakeholders.

"Based on the latest opinion polls, Tsvangirai suggested that the MDC would
win about 65% of votes in a free and fair election," the report said.

Tsvangirai is quoted as saying he would "be willing to run a coalition
government, giving Cabinet places to Zanu-PF politicians".

Growth, rather than redistribution
A Tsvangirai government would change the slant of economic policy "towards
growth, rather than redistribution", a reference to President Robert
Mugabe's central policies of land reform and indigenisation.

Reiterating his party's position, Tsvangirai told Bailey-Smith that his
policy would be based on creating jobs instead. "Participation via
employment creation was seen as the best mechanism for redistribution. He
agreed to disagree with Zanu-PF on the present policy of indigenisation."

Tsvangirai would also embrace an International Monetary Fund-backed reform
package, although the former trade unionist was "wary of adopting a
one-structural-adjustment-package-fits-all approach". "He confirmed that the
Washington institutions had already actively re-engaged with the government
and were working on medium-term policy goals," the report said.

There was little chance that any new government would reverse the currency
regime any time soon by reintroducing the Zimbabwe dollar, Tsvangirai was
quoted as saying.

A second and "far less favoured" scenario was possible, in which Zimbabwe
once again would have to establish a coalition government similar to the one
that had led the country for the past four years.

Zimbabwe's new Constitution abolishes the post of prime minister, which
meant "the present lack of clear executive authority" would be less likely
in such a new coalition, according to Tsvangirai.

Disputed election
"In this scenario policy direction is less clear, economic recovery slower
and political stability harder won. Re-engagement with the international
community takes longer than in the first and favoured scenario.

"A third scenario, in which a disputed election would lead to violence and
instability, was unlikely for a number of reasons.

"First, such an alternative would foster an immediate government financing
crisis. Second, there was broad cross-party and wider popular support for
the idea of moving the country forward and away from the political paralysis
that has fostered so much economic hardship in recent years.

"Third, the cross-party agreement on appropriate political process is now
laid out in the Constitution, which is widely accepted by all sides and
brings considerably more structure to proceedings."

President Tsvangirai to launch MDC victory rallies on Saturday

Friday, 12 April 2013

President Tsvangirai will on Saturday launch the MDC victory rallies at Tshovani Stadium in Chiredzi before thousands of party supporters on Saturday.

The rallies are meant to celebrate the milestone gains made by the party since its formation with the latest being the people of Zimbabwe voting yes in the referendum for a new Constitution in March.

The new Constitution is part of the MDC’s roadmap to give the people of Zimbabwe a new Charter that will lead the country to holding elections in a free and fair manner and the dawning of a new Zimbabwe under MDC government with a new President in office.

President Tsvangirai will be accompanied by the MDC national leadership, MPs, Councillors from all the country’s provinces.

After the launch on Saturday, the rallies will cascade to all other provinces as the MDC celebrates its victories.

There will also be advance celebrations for the party’s unavoidable victory in the coming elections and that of President Tsvangirai as the new President of Zimbabwe.

The only game in the country now and that is to take President Tsvangirai to the State House.  These well attended advance celebrations are being popularly dubbed by MDC members as; “Baby Showers”.

During his address, President Tsvangirai will encourage the people to register to vote in the next elections that the MDC is guaranteed to win with a wide margin. 

The voter registration exercise is currently underway at all the Registrar General’s offices across the country while the mobile voter registration exercise is expected to start soon.

President Tsvangirai is expected to popularise the MDC’s Jobs, Upliftment, Investment, Capital and the Environment (JUICE) policy.

JUICE is the MDC’s answer to Zimbabwe’s long standing economic problems of high unemployment, deepening poverty, inequality and lack of infrastructural development through implementing coherent, effective and forwarding looking policies.

President Tsvangirai will also touch on the New Zimbabwe Vision 2020 blueprint that will be launched soon.  The well crafted blue print is an indication of what the next MDC will be like as it touches on major policies including economic development, good and accountable governance.

Chibebe predicts Tsvangirai win

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Friday, 12 April 2013 13:12

BRUSSELS - International Trade Union Confederation(Ituc) deputy
secretary-general, Wellington Chibebe has tipped Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai to win the forthcoming general elections.

In an interview with the Daily News at the sidelines of an Ituc youth
meeting at his International Trade Union House offices in central Brussels,
Chibebe, the former ZCTU secretary-general said Tsvangirai still has the
urge to beat Mugabe resoundingly if free and fair elections are held.

“Given the space covered so far and the axis in Zimbabwe, I personally
believe the MDC and its leader will win the elections,” Chibebe said.

“The party may have its disappointments and differences but I believe that
it has tabled a very special programme in the hearts of Zimbabweans and the
people need it.”

He said MDC would win because people know what Zanu PF has done to the
country and their lives over the past years.

Chibebe however, said for the MDC to win elections and get into power and
govern, they was need for international monitors and observers to be invited
three months before the elections.

“MDC will win but the challenge is that will that translate into
announcement. If you do a microscopic analysis of the events from 2000, it
is common knowledge that MDC has been winning the elections but they would
lose power and announcement, therefore, there is need for international
observers three months before the elections and a month or so after the
elections,” he added.

He said the government needs to make sure that elections were free and fair
but he ruled out the possibility of a non-violent election.

“I doubt if the elections would be free from violence as I have been
following some incidences of political violence and the targeting of certain
individuals,” he said.

“This has been the strategy by Zanu PF to target individuals and perpetrate
violence to demobilise followers of democratic forces.”

Chibebe however, warned MDC against relaxing considering that it is the
majority party in Parliament.
“Any political party worth its salt should not relax and put its leg off the
peddle whether it is in power or not. It should be careful not to assume
what was there in 2008 March is still the same, actually it should strive to
perfect and improve their art to win the elections,” he said.

The former ZCTU secretary-general however, warned some MDC leaders against
abandoning the workers in the process of democratising the country saying
the move would be detrimental.

“They are some visitors who were not there when we formed MDC and want to
divert from the fact that the party was formed by workers for workers and
the generality of the country. The workers are the spokespersons of the
down-trodden and they must not be forgotten in elections as they have a role
to play in determining the political discourse of the country,” he said.

Chibebe dismissed the notion that the trade union movement in Zimbabwe was
no longer vibrant to determine the political course of the country. -
Godfrey Mtimba in Belgium

Zimbabwe overhauls major tourist airport on Chinese loan

http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/

(Xinhua)
08:36, April 12, 2013

HARARE, April 11 (Xinhua) -- A Chinese construction group will officially
start the massive overhaul of a major Zimbabwean tourist airport near the
Victoria Falls on Friday, a two-year project aimed at raising the airport's
passenger handling capacity and ushering in long-haul international flights.

The overhaul of Victoria Falls Airport, estimated to cost 1.25 billion yuan
(202 million U.S. dollars), is financed a loan from the Export-Import Bank
of China. It includes extending the current runway, building a second
4,000-meter-long runway, a 100,000-sq- meter tarmac, a 20,000-sq-meter new
terminal, and car parks, said Zhu Haifeng, the project manager of the
builder -- Jiangsu International Economic and Technical cooperation Group.
Ltd.

David Chawota, chief executive of Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe, on
Thursday said after completion, the airport's runway can accommodate
wide-body aircraft like BOEING B747-400s and Airbus A340s. The airport's
passenger handling capacity will also surge from 500,000 to 1.5 million
annually and airlines like KLM and Emirates both expressed intention to
launch long-haul international flights to Victoria Falls, instead of
commuting via Harare, he added..

The airport's operations won't be affected during the two-year overhaul, the
official said.

Victoria Falls, on the Zambezi River at the border of Zimbabwe and Zambia,
is one of the world's largest and most spectacular waterfalls. Referred to
as "the cloud that thunders" by locals, the waterfall is also a major
tourist attraction in southern Africa.

But over the recent years the tourist inflow has increasingly been affected
by transportation bottlenecks -- it is more than ten hours drive from the
Zimbabwean capital Harare and the tiny Victoria Falls airport serves only
small regional jets from Harare and Johannesburg.

The government of Zimbabwe expects tourism to become a booster of its
economy, now largely sustained by mining and agriculture. Zimbabwe and
Zambia will co-host the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO)
summit this August at Victoria Falls. Organizers say it will be a rare
chance to showcase African tourism.

Zimbabwe Power Company plans to build $100m solar power plant

http://solar.energy-business-review.com/

EBR Staff Writer
Published 12 April 2013

Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC) is outlining plans to construct a $100m solar
PV plant in the Midlands Province of the country.

The electricity generated from the 100MW plant in Zvishavane would be fed
into the national transmission line, The Financial Gazette reported.

Confirming the construction of plant, ZPC business performance manager
Bernard Chizengeya stated that the company had recently completed the
feasibility test for the plant.

"We are already done with the feasibility studies and the project will
require about US$100 million. We are going to tender soon to get a
contractor who can provide part of the funding," elaborated Chizengeya.

The new plant is expected to cater to the country's energy demand of
2,200MW, of which the power generation capacity is reportedly at 1,000MW.

Meanwhile, ZPC also has five energy projects in the pipeline across the
country.

Zimbabwe cash transfer service growing in South Africa

http://www.bdlive.co.za/

BY TAWANDA KAROMBO, APRIL 12 2013, 05:30

HARARE — Standard Bank says it has processed more than R1m in cash transfers
to Zimbabwe since launching a money transfer service in partnership with OK
Zimbabwe in December.

South African banks are expanding their product portfolios to capitalise on
the growing number of expatriate Zimbabweans working and living in South
Africa who have to send most of their earnings back home to support their
families.

First National Bank (FNB) this week launched a mobile-based money transfer
service in partnership with OK Zimbabwe, the biggest retail operator in
Zimbabwe.

Banks and telecom firms in Zimbabwe are also rapidly developing
technology-based ways of transferring money using smartphones. Analysts told
Business Day that this is geared at mopping up the money in the informal
sector in a country that has an unemployment rate of about 80%.

"The real-time money transfer (to Zimbabwe) solution was introduced in
December last year, and since inception we have processed transactions with
a value of over R1m," said Standard Bank South Africa head of channel design
and development Itumeleng Monale.

Economists say these earnings from relatives and friends in South Africa are
"sustaining the Zimbabwean economy in some way", although it is difficult to
measure the effect of such earnings as most of these are repatriated using
informal channels.

FNB said this week that research showed that about 1.9-million Zimbabweans
living and working in South Africa remit about R6.7bn a year back to
Zimbabwe.

"The growth we have seen in the four months since introducing the product
shows that it is clearly meeting an important need.

"There is good growth in first-time users, but what is even more encouraging
is the high proportion of repeat users, in excess of 70%, who are making use
of Instant Money International to regularly send money to Zimbabwe," Ms
Monale said.

However, nearly 20% of this amount is spent on getting the money into
Zimbabwe, a cost that is considered high.

Nonformal channels of sending money to Zimbabwe present risks and the costs
are even higher.

"This solution is incomparably safer and more reliable than most informal
methods, such as using a friend or taxi driver, to carry money in cash on
their behalf," Ms Monale said.

Standard Bank said transfers cost R50 per transaction, with users able to
send up to R1,000 per transaction.

FNB said its money transfer service from South Africa to Zimbabwe costs up
to R45 for R100-R1,000, and R70 for R1,001-R1,500.

Zim asylum seekers face ‘hostility’ in SA

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
12 April 2013

Zimbabwean asylum seekers are said to be facing increasing hostility across
the border in South Africa, where the authorities are accused of
re-implementing ‘draconian’ immigration policies.

Refugee rights group PASSOP has warned that the South African department of
Home Affairs is “closing down space for asylum seekers” by closing refugee
reception offices across the country. This campaign has been ongoing for
over a year, and there are now only two offices in the whole of South Africa
where asylum seekers can register.

Rights groups in that country have been fighting to have the offices
reopened, warning that the closures have serious consequences for refugees.
PASSOP has now accused the authorities of being in contempt of court
rulings, ordering the reopening of the refugee centres.

Langton Miriyoga, PASSOP’s head paralegal officer, explained that the
Western Cape High Court last month ruled that the decision to close the Cape
Town refugee office to new asylum applicants was unlawful. He explained
that, in contempt of this ruling, “Home Affairs has not accepted any new
applications.”

“we have been told that they (Home Affairs) is going to appeal which is
annoying and disappointing because the court was very clear that Home
Affairs had no case,” Miriyoga said.

He explained that PASSOP has been “inundated” by asylum seekers who are
“living in fear of deportation,” because they cannot afford to travel to the
only open refugee offices in the north of the country. He added that even at
those offices, the situation is “desperate” because of overcrowding,
corruption and abuse.

“It is difficult to understand why South Africa is acting in this way. They
are closing down the space for asylum seekers and making immigration laws
draconian,” Miriyoga said.

The PASSOP official continued that, while there are asylum seekers from
across the continent seeking protection in South Africa, the numbers of
Zimbabweans crossing the border is again on the rise.

“At the moment we see there are mostly Zimbabweans, especially at this
juncture with elections in that country. One again there is politically
motivated violence on the rise and Zimbabweans are panicking. They are
seeking protection in South Africa, but instead they face hostility,”
Miriyoga said.

Save River in trouble

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/

10.04.13

by Pamenus Tuso

Save River, one of Zimbabwe’s biggest perennial rivers, is on the verge of
collapse due to soil erosion and siltation.

The development was revealed last week during a stakeholders meeting, which
was attended by village heads and villagers from Chipinge, Chimanimani and
Chiredzi. The river is the main source of water to these areas.

The meeting coordinator, Joseph Mutsvaidzwa, said one of the major concerns
was the cutting down of trees to facilitate brick-moulding along the river
bank. This is causing soil erosion and siltation.

Headman Lovemore Mahachi accused the Chipinge town council of placing its
dumpsite five metres from the river, which led to waste being washed into
the water. “It was stressed during the meeting that instead of using wood
for brick moulding, villagers should mould bricks using cement,” said
Mutsvaidzwa.

Other stakeholders expressed concern over toxic affluent from diamond mining
companies in Chiyadzwa in Manicaland province, which was polluting the
river.

Zim soccer star not guilty of homicide

http://www.iol.co.za/

April 12 2013 at 08:36pm
By SAPA

Harare - Former Zimbabwe international and Coventry City striker Peter
Ndlovu has been found not guilty of culpable homicide after a car accident
last year killed his brother and a family friend, his lawyer said Friday.

“He has been found not guilty,” Harrison Nkomo, Ndlovu's lawyer told AFP,
adding that the star “broke down when the magistrate read out his verdict”.

Ndlovu, who was the driver of the car, suffered serious injuries in the
crash that killed his elder brother Adam, and family friend Nomqhele Tshili
in December 2012.

The accident happened as the brothers were travelling near Victoria Falls,
876 kilometres west of the capital Harare.

Ndlovu, 39, was taken to a hospital in the country's second city Bulawayo
and took weeks to recuperate.

He played 100 times for Zimbabwe while featuring for Coventry, Birmingham
City, Huddersfield Town and Sheffield United during a 13-year stay in
England.

He is currently the assistant coach of the Zimbabwe national team and was on
the bench for their match against Egypt recently.

Last year Ndlovu's former club Coventry said they were “saddened” about the
tragic accident involving their former striker.

Ndlovu scored 39 goals in 176 appearances for Coventry.

Adam Ndlovu, 42, spent seven seasons playing in Switzerland and was also a
former Zimbabwe international, scoring 34 goals for the national team. -
Sapa-AFP

Zanu-PF is all a Twitter

http://mg.co.za/

12 APR 2013 00:00 - JASON MOYO

Zimbabwe ruling party "goes all out" on the internet.

Slightly more than a year ago, a Zanu-PF report called for curbs on social
media to stop the "bombardment" against it.

Last week, presumably after much deliberation in the Politburo on the 14th
floor of the party's headquarters, the party finally discovered Twitter and
Facebook.

Zanu-PF is desperate to reach the youth, which is a tough job when you are
led by an 89-year-old and if the head of your youth wing is Absolom
Sikhosana, a man believed to be in his 60s.

Zanu-PF has never liked technology. The party is currently on a crusade to
ban shortwave radios and there has been much grey hair loss in the Politburo
about cellphones "fitted with GPS functionality". One report in state media
suggested it was a "military-style function". The party says the radios spew
hate speech about President Robert Mugabe.

Previous attempts to appeal to young voters have included appearances by
Mugabe in music videos and even naming a fashion label, Gushungo, after
Mugabe's totem.

Naming and shaming the MDC
Now, according to a younger member of the party's information department,
Zanu-PF is "going all out" on the internet. Psychology Maziwisa, who is
Zanu-PF deputy director for information, said "this would be an election
like no other" and Zanu-PF is "going all out and we would particularly like
the young generation who are the most active on social media to take charge
of this election".

Long used to controlling media, Zanu-PF has been annoyed by the social media
and in 2011 a Bulawayo resident, Vikas Mavhudzi, was arrested for trying to
"subvert a constitutional government" for suggesting on Facebook that the
protests that ousted Egypt's Hosni Mubarak showed a "unity of purpose worth
emulating".

But Zanu-PF has perhaps realised it cannot control the internet and so it is
joining it. And there is no question of the party resisting the urge to
shovel the dirt. It will talk about "some of the biggest scandals of our
time", such as "Mr [Morgan] Tsvangirai's shameful personal scandals".

Without a hint of irony from a party that has been power for 33 years,
Maziwisa said Zanu-PF would also debate how the Movement for Democratic
Change had failed to "create a single job in the four years they have been
in government".

A day after the European Union lifted sanctions on most party officials, a
Zanu-PF account, @ZANUPF_Official, announced its arrival with this tweet:
"An assault against President Mugabe is an assault against the whole of
Zimbabwe. Sanctions must go entirely and unconditionally".

Zanu-PF's arrival on Twitter confused some users who had thought an existing
unofficial account was legitimate. The fake account, @zanu_pf, has stacked
up more than 8 000 followers, with tweets ranging from tantrums about "white
idiots" and prayers for "the starving children in the West" to threatening
to kill dogs to retaliate against pet-loving Europeans.

Zanu-PF hankers for Thatcher era

http://mg.co.za/

12 APR 2013 00:00 - ANALYSIS JASON MOYO

Despite being called 'terrorists', Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe and his
party enjoyed a strong bond with the leader.

Zanu-PF's warm words for Margaret Thatcher would appear surprising for a
party she once described as containing "terrorists".

But it shows the old guard's respect for her role in Zimbabwe's transition
to independence – and also its nostalgia for the Thatcher years, when it
enjoyed the affections of the West.

To Zanu-PF, there are two distinct eras in its relations with Britain;
before and after Tony Blair. The first was one of warm relations – state
visits and tea at Downing Street – whereas the other has been one of spite
and sanctions.

President Robert Mugabe, himself a model of old-school conservatism, still
sees better chances of mending relations with Britain under the
Conservatives.

In an interview with the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation in 2010, Mugabe
said: "We have always related better with the British through the
Conservatives than Labour. Conservatives are bold. [Tony] Blair and [Gordon]
Brown run away when they see me."

Despite changes of leadership in the Conservative party, Mugabe still
believes they have a better appreciation than Labour of the history of
British colonialism, and its impact on former colonies such as Zimbabwe. A
letter by Clare Short, Blair's international development secretary,
renouncing all British responsibilities to the land question in Zimbabwe is
frequently quoted by Zanu-PF as an example of how Labour is to blame for the
breakdown in relations.

Zim and the West
For Zanu-PF, Thatcher is a throw-back to a time when they had access to
Britain and Europe, and none of the close scrutiny and animosity of the
current regimes there.

"We met at a conference of parliamentary associations in London, and I
thought she was a very likeable person," said Zanu-PF secretary for
administration Didymus Mutasa, who was speaker of Zimbabwe's Parliament
during the Thatcher years.

Thatcher pledged to meet the cost of land reform at Lancaster House in 1979,
in exchange for a tough concession from the nationalists; there would be no
forced takeovers of farms for 10 years.

What followed were years of warm relations with Western nations. In 1982,
Mugabe made his first official visit as Zimbabwe prime minister to Britain
and seven other European countries, a privilege that he no longer enjoys.

Thatcher visited Zimbabwe in 1989, praising the land resettlement scheme
funded by her government as "extremely good in every way".

In March 2004, a coup plot in Equatorial Guinea threatened to shake Mugabe's
respect for Thatcher. Zimbabwean officials arrested 70 men at Harare
International Airport over arms and immigration charges. It turned out the
men, led by Simon Mann, were mercenaries on a mission to overthrow the
government of Teodoro Obiang Nguema.

Mark Thatcher, son of the former British prime minister, was arrested and
charged with funding the plot. Mann was later handed over to Obiang – he was
flown to Guinea under cover of darkness despite court action by his lawyer.

It emerged that Mark Thatcher already had interests in Zimbabwe: he had been
co-owner of a gold mine in the country, an interest he later sold, and also
imported diesel from South Africa.

But it seemed none of this diluted Zanu-PF's view of Margaret Thatcher.
Mugabe and Thatcher appeared to have built a bond strong enough to withstand
the mercenary controversy.

According to author Richard Dowden, Mugabe once called on Thatcher at
Downing Street while visiting London with his late wife, Sally. "He asked if
he could come to visit Mrs Thatcher. She agreed, and on a Sunday evening at
Downing Street the two sat and talked ­informally about the world and like
old friends – she sipping whisky, and he water. It was not the only time
that happened."

Secret letters made public in 2009, however, showed Thatcher had not always
seen Mugabe as the "friendly and open" gentleman she later described him as.

Not talking to terrorists
In 1979, Thatcher barred her envoy Lord Harlech from meeting Mugabe, vowing
she would not talk to terrorists. Britain was at the time weighing support
for Abel Muzorewa, who had become leader of "Zimbabwe-Rhodesia" after a
discredited internal settlement reached with Ian Smith. A foreign office
official had suggested in a letter to Thatcher that Baron Carrington
"considers that the emissary should offer to meet the co-leaders of the
Patriotic Front".

Thatcher responded, in underlined notes on top of that letter: "No – please
do not meet leaders of the 'Patriotic Front'. I have never done business
with terrorists until they become Prime Ministers! MT". Carrington persuaded
Thatcher that backing Muzorewa would be seen internationally as "a device to
perpetuate the white man's rule behind an amenable and unrepresentative
black front".

At a Commonwealth meeting in Lusaka in 1979, Thatcher was ­persuaded to host
a new round of negotiations at Lancaster House. It was a tough task; Smith
was ­digging in, and Zanu-PF was sure it was ­winning the war, having
declared 1979 "Gore Gukurahundi/The Year of the Storm".

"Firm hand"
Thatcher's "firm hand was felt throughout the negotiations", says Simba
Makoni, who was Zanu-PF's representative in Europe during the struggle. The
early years of a free Zimbabwe were marked by good relations with the West –
so good that allies turned a blind eye to rights abuses. It all ended when
Zimbabwe began ­taking land from white farmers, with Blair and Europe
responding with sanctions.

Since then, Zanu-PF measures all British leaders against Blair. Years after
he left power, Blair's name is still frequently flogged by Zanu-PF. Zanu-PF
chairperson Simon Khaya Moyo said: "At least Thatcher showed [more] maturity
and direction while in power than Blair."

In a recent interview, Mugabe described how, even when there was
disagreement, "we shook hands with Thatcher. Blair would not do that".

Laugh at your own risk in Zimbabwe

http://mg.co.za/

12 APR 2013 00:00 - CHENJERAI HOVE

Cracking a joke about the president or circulating a photoshopped picture of
him is hazardous business.

Laughter is the best medicine, wisdom says. But not necessarily in all
places at all times. In Zimbabwe, laughter might actually be the worst
poison, depending on who or what you are laughing at.

A Zimbabwean man living in the east of the country near the belly of the
rich diamond fields drinks a few quaffs of his frothy beer,
the ­semi-traditional Chibuku. It is President Robert Mugabe's birthday. And
the 2012 presidential birthday party is in the eastern province's capital,
Mutare.

The man, who is stubborn in the wholesome traditional personality of that
region, does not go to the stadium where the party is being held. He has
probably attended many in the past and has come to the conclusion that
standing in the queue for hours for a small cup of his favourite drink was
not to his liking.

So, the man goes to his favourite bar, which is screening the festivities.
As if to torture him further, the national broadcaster is airing the lavish
birthday party live. The birthday cake is a crocodile-like monster of a
sugary thing weighing 88kg — a kilogram for each year. A massive affair with
88 lit candles fluttering in the wind like tiny butterflies blown around by
a soothing breeze.

The half-drunk man chats with a stranger sitting next to him: "At the age of
88, where does this old man have the breath to blow out 88 candles? Did he
ask for some assistance?" He is referring to Mugabe.

The stranger walks out of the bar with a stern look on his face and shortly
returns with two aggressive-looking men at his heels. "Secret police!" the
boozer whispers to himself, recognising them by their dark glasses and
familiar, wrinkled suits.

A serious crime
The court trial about a pub joke lasts for weeks and weeks, and people all
over the country sympathise with the offender. They feel inspired to make
more jokes about the president, despite the risks.

In Zimbabwe, joking about the president is a serious crime, and many
citizens have lost their freedom for having the courage to laugh at the
president. If the South African artist who painted President Jacob Zuma's
privates had been a Zimbabwean, he would probably now be languishing in
Chikurubi Prison.

The crime: insulting the president. The punishment: months behind bars in a
dingy prison cell, or, if the magistrate feels pity for you, a sentence of
hundreds of hours of humiliating community service in a public place in the
scorching sun.

But one man seems to have gone too far in the southwestern part of the
country. He supports Mugabe's Zanu-PF party partly because it gives him free
T-shirts every now and then. Unfortunately, he did not like the president's
portrait on the front of the T-shirt, so one day he laboriously erased the
portrait with white paint. When the secret police saw him wearing the
stained shirt, they asked him what he had done to the presidential portrait.

As honest as the people from that part of the country are known to be, he
declared: "I removed the face of Mugabe. I like the ruling party, but I
don't like the leader of the party." He says this with a straight face, not
knowing what he's getting ­himself into — which turns out to be the mouth of
a lion of a magistrate, who sentences him to many hours of community
service.

The commandment: thou shalt not deface the picture of the president on a
party T-shirt.

In the extreme south of the country, near the border with South Africa, an
agitated man speaks to himself in a bar. "I am well educated, but have been
unemployed for a long time. It is this Mugabe madness. The man has ruined
our country."

He promptly finds himself in a police cell for the common crime that is now
called "insult" by the police. Later when they arrest a journalist, they say
he is in a police cell for "the crime of the pen".

The crime: thou shall not introspect maliciously about the president. The
thought police are everywhere, you know, the law seems to say. It is already
past George Orwell's 1984! Life gets worse.

A viscious magistrate
Zimbabweans fight in many different ways for their freedom, including the
fight for the right to giggle or laugh. But the law instructs other­wise in
the area of what or who not to laugh at. It seems the secret police have a
secret manual on guidelines to Zimbabwean laughter.

In another incident, a man was walking home during the day. He came across a
herd boy who was taking care of the animals in the open valley near the
village. The boy was wearing an over-sized T-shirt with Mugabe's portrait
emblazoned on it. The man was annoyed and called the child to come to him.
The boy obeyed, as decent African children are always expected to do.

"Why are you wearing a T-shirt with the face of this old man with a wrinkled
face? Take it off!" The man then broke a small branch of a tree, whipped the
boy and then let him go.

The following day, the man was in front of a vicious magistrate. The
practical joker was sentenced to a year in jail with labour. The offender
was not charged for whipping an innocent boy. He was charged for protesting
about Mugabe's portrait.

But then, the area is renowned for its traditional voodoo power; mysterious
things originate in the area, including the ability to create lightning.
Lawyers arrived to defend the culprit for free so they could make a good
legal reputation for themselves. While the case was still in the court, the
magistrate collapsed and died in his courtroom.

The new magistrate, probably in utter fear, decided to fine the culprit a
few dollars, perhaps just in case his magical powers could be summoned with
more potent and fatal force.

And one thing to learn from Zimbabwean public transport is never to mention
the name of the president in an argument. Two brothers learnt this the hard
way. In their argument about domestic issues during a bus ride in Harare,
the elder brother, rather fed up with the younger one's stubbornness,
shouted: "Don't be as hard-headed as Mugabe, young man."

Silence during the bus trip
All of a sudden, the bus changed its route and stopped outside a police
station. One passenger pointed at the joker and said: "That one, he insulted
the president." Soon, the whole country knew the president was
"hard-headed", and they laughed in subdued ways in isolated places.

The law: be silent on your bus trip if you don't want to arrive at a prison
cell instead of at your house. Although technology is the new miracle in
human relations, it can cause much heartache. Case in point: a Zimbabwean
woman sent a friend an SMS containing a Photoshopped picture of Mugabe in
the nude. Imagine, an 88-year-old man in the nude!

She soon realised the gravity of her offensive joke when her friend appeared
with a troop of police officers in tow to arrest her. Poor woman, she is
still in the courts, waiting to know when the doors to a dirty prison cell
will swallow her. The law: thou shall never imagine the president naked
under any circumstances.

In Zimbabwe, insulting the president can simply mean complaining about the
way the man has ruined the country politically, economically, culturally and
academically, or in any sorts of other ways.

I had a share of it myself when a secret agent asked me what I thought about
the president's academic achievements. "Seven academic degrees," he said.
When I said I was neither impressed nor amused, the agent was burning with
fury. "Why?" he shouted, spraying my face with his spit.

"They are all undergraduate degrees. Didn't someone tell him to advance to a
master's degree?" I retorted as I wiped the new washing liquid from my face.

The man then threatened me with the possibility of disappearance: "We will
not arrest you. That will make you more famous. We have other ways,
disappearance, accidents, many more," he warned.

Cruel, beloved homeland, deprived of the permanence of laughter, but allowed
only to cry with wrinkled faces of sadness, or dance with commandeered joy.

Even our balancing rocks of the Matopos Hills have given up the hope of
teaching us to balance life in all its aspects.

Chenjerai Hove is a Zimbabwean writer living in exile in Europe

Zimbabwe Wall of Shame: Saviour Kasukuwere

http://nehandaradio.com/

on April 12, 2013 at 1:55 pm

By Lance Guma

Youth and Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere has been anything but a
‘saviour’ for Mount Darwin South, where he is an MP. A comprehensive dossier
exposes him as a violent thug who from 2000 to 2008 beat up opposition
activists using an iron bar, while hunting them down using militia gangs.

Kasukuwere led and sponsored the terror gangs that operated mainly in the
Mashonaland Central province.

On the 5th May 2008 for example he organized and ferried (using his lorry) a
group of over 300 youths to Chaona, Mazowe. The youths beat up perceived
opposition supporters, killing 6 and injuring dozens.

Those killed included Tapiwa Meda, Alex Chiriseri, Joseph Madzuramhende,
David Tachiwa Mapuranga, Patson Madzuramhende and Joseph Jemedze. The youths
were wearing Kasukuwere’s campaign t-shirts and were assisted by uniformed
soldiers under the command of Major Cairo Mhandu.

Eight days later the same mob led by Kasukuwere went on another rampage,
killing MDC-T supporters Fischer Chitese, Bright Mafuriro and Sairiro
Kamufuto. On the 19th May the group struck again, killing activist Phanuel
Mubaira.

Unlike many of his colleagues who simply directed the violence, Kasukuwere
actually took part.

On the 25th March 2000 Kasukuwere, then still a ZANU PF candidate for Mount
Darwin Constituency, organised a 200 strong gang of youths and war vets at
Madondo Hotel. Armed with a list of addresses of known MDC-T supporters they
went door to door beating up their targets.

After this raid many victims showed wounds and bruises on the face and all
over the body. Assisting Kasukuwere in launching these raids was a war vet
known as Jacob Juma. The next month in April the gang plotted to kill an MDC
chairman in Mount Darwin known as Taurai from the Nembire ward.

Under the cover of darkness, Kasukuwere’s youths went to Taurai’s homestead,
surrounded it and set it on fire. Taurai tried to escape but fell into the
hands of the waiting arsonists who used an axe to hack him all over the
body. Although they left him for dead he was saved by a neighbour who took
him to hospital.

On the same day Kasukuwere led a large group of youths he had ferried into
Mount Darwin from Chitungwiza and directed them to attack another MDC
chairman known as Tawanda, who was badly beaten and had to be rushed to
hospital.

Not satisfied with beating Tawanda up, the following day Kasukuwere’s gang
destroyed Tawanda’s home and burnt his car to ashes. Although the matter was
reported to the police, officers at the camp said they could not do anything
because Kasukuwere was involved.

On the 13th April 2000 a group of 300 MDC supporters tried to hold a rally
in Mt Darwin. Kasukuwere ordered the police to mount roadblocks and turn
back everyone attending. The defiant MDC supporters fought their way through
the roadblock set up by police who were being helped by hundreds of ZANU PF
youths and war vets.

Having gone through the first roadblock and the tear gas fired by police,
the MDC supporters ran into a second ambush, this time mounted by Kasukuwere
and a gang of CIO operatives.

Four pick-up trucks and a maroon Mercedes belonging to Kasukuwere blocked
the road. The CIO’s, including Kusukuwere, pulled out their pistols and
began assaulting people while police officers looked on.

A testimony from one activist called Albert said:

“Kasukuwere took an iron bar and began hitting my windscreen. He broke
through the window and then the bar hit me on the face and when I got out of
the car he hit me in the eye. I have now lost an eye. He then went to the
next car and with the others they were hitting them. The windscreens and all
the lights were broken.”

Kasukuwere was said to be determined to attack the MDC candidate for
Bindura, but an army helicopter arrived at the scene. Some MDC supporters
ran into the hills but not before one of them was assaulted with an axe and
later had stitches in the head.

But sometimes even the best laid plans go wrong and ironically the army
ordered everyone at the scene to lie down on the road, and that included
Kasukuwere.

Despite protestations by Kasukuwere that he was the ZANU PF candidate, the
soldiers disarmed him and beat him up.

Some 80 MDC supporters were also injured in the attack. According to the
testimony given the soldiers ordered Kasukuwere to be locked up at the
police station in Bindura, but he was set free when his identity had been
verified.

A number of reports credit Kasukuwere with setting up ZANU PF torture bases
in Mashonaland Central in the run up to the 2000 parliamentary elections.

He initially funded 28 youth militias who lived in a building owned by his
campaign manager Terry Marodza. Showing how the violent streak runs in the
family was the fact that the gang was also partly sponsored by his sister,
Sarah Kasukuwere.

Kasukuwere is also nicknamed ‘Paraquat’ for encouraging his mobs to rub the
poisonous herbicide into the torture wounds of MDC activists. This makes it
almost impossible for the wounds to ever heal and causes enormous suffering,
and many deaths long after the attack.

Despite claims that Kasukuwere was fired from the CIO over corruption
allegations we understand he actually still has an office at the CIO
headquarters at Chaminuka Building.

What he does there remains a mystery. What we know is that even with a
coalition government in place he is still directing ZANU PF violence.

In February 2011 he was fingered as the man behind the mob that engulfed
Harare in chaos. He hosted a meeting at his house where a plan was hatched
to send party youths onto the streets to demand ‘empowerment’. With the help
of a police escort they went on the rampage, looting and pillaging downtown
Harare.

We have also exposed how despite being used as the ‘poster boy’ for ZANU PF’s
so-called indigenisation drive the same Minister has helped himself to nine
farms. This is despite claims by Mugabe’s regime that they seized white
owned land to give to landless blacks.

Confidential documents show Kasukuwere owns part of Pimento Farm in
Mashonaland Central, South Bamboo Creek in Shamva, Cornucopia Farm Orchard,
500 hectares of Harmony Farm in Mazowe, Bretton Farm, Allan Grange Farm,
Auchenburg Farm, Bamboo Creek Farm and Bourne Farm.

Pimento was seized from white farmer Oliver Newton, South Bamboo Creek from
farmers N. Richardson and R. Morkel, while Kasukuwere reportedly seized the
Cornucopia Farm Orchard from Interfresh in 2006.

His brother Donald Kasukuwere also helped himself to two farms, Usaka in
Mazowe, Mashonaland Central and Sangokwe North in Mwenezi.

In addition to the farms Kasukuwere is also involved in oil procurement and
distribution. He owns ComOil (Pvt) Ltd and also the United Touring Company
(UTC) which has been so run down it is in serious financial difficulties.

Additionally he has substantial shareholdings in Genesis Bank and Interfresh
(Pvt) Ltd. In 2009 he was accused of trying to block fresh investment in the
energy sector to force companies like BP and Shell to sell their assets to
his oil company, ComOil.

In government Kasukuwere has run his ministry like a mafia organization. He
illegally smuggled more than 11,000 youth militia onto the civil service
payroll and deployed them countrywide, to intimidate opposition activists.

In a single day, on the 26th May 2008, his ministry hired 6,861 youth
militias. This was just a few weeks away from the bloody one man
presidential run-off in June 2008.

A breakdown in communication between leadership and the ordinary members of Zanu PF

http://www.cathybuckle.com/

April 12, 2013, 1:17 pm

There was a report last week of Zanu PF MPs complaining that they had been
sidelined by the ‘Old Guard’, the top chefs who benefit from deals in
mining, agriculture and indigenisation. The MPs were not just whinging about
not getting a place on the gravy train; they had a much more serious
political point to make: that Robert Mugabe, the leader of the party, never
engages with the rank and file members. He only talks to cabinet ministers
or politburo and central committee members the MPs complained. Coming as it
does from the party’s own MPs, it gives an intriguing insight into the
internal workings of the party and in a separate report from Manicaland came
the news that Mugabe’s old comrade and Deputy President, Didymus Mutasa is
in trouble with Zanu PF in the area for his ‘dictatorial practices’.

What both reports highlight is a breakdown in communication between
leadership and the ordinary members of the party. And that’s a danger signal
which should tell those at the top that all is not well in Zanu PF. Troubles
never come singly, for then came a report that the President of the Zimbabwe
Economic Empowerment Committee, Temba Mliswa is not happy with the way the
Indigenisation policy is being executed. Mliswa says that Saviour
Kasukuwere, whose brainchild it is, should make the policy clearer. At
present indigenisation only benefits individuals whereas, Mliswa believes it
should benefit specific groups such as students, war veterans and disabled
people. But, it was Mliswa’s attack on the Chinese that put him directly at
odds with Mugabe’s ‘Look East’ policy. And Mliswa did not mince his words:
“They have literally come here and taken over our tobacco sector through
contract farming and other methods. The plant, reap, cure, grade, process
and buy the tobacco. How then does the economy grow. The Chinese are obliged
to comply with the indigenisation policy so that indigenous people can be
directly empowered. They have virtually taken over the country’s economy and
resources.”

The same could be said of many other African countries; over the last ten
years China has increased its involvement in Africa to the point where they
are currently involved in fifty African countries and their presence has
provoked heated discussion about their motives for being there. They have in
effect taken the place of the hated colonial regimes that once ruled the
African roost but to be fair not all their enterprises are about profit.
There are over 1000 Chinese doctors in Africa but their inability to speak
the local languages constitutes a big barrier. Interestingly, the Chinese
seem more interested in spreading the Chinese language than in learning the
languages of the countries they occupy. More that 1.600 companies have
invested in Africa and there seems little doubt that Africa is more than
happy to have Chinese involvement – possibly because the Chinese policy of
non-interference means they do not question the regimes’ systems of
government or criticise their human rights record. A dictator like Robert
Mugabe need have no fear that the Chinese will condemn him if - or when - he
rigs the forthcoming elections. His ‘Look East’ policy is not the result of
democratic consultation with the people but a hangover from the Liberation
War when he had the support of the Chinese while the late Joshua Nkomo was
supported by the Soviet Union as it was then.

It seems that African rulers today are only too willing to accept foreign
investment regardless of the donors’ human rights record.

Yours in the (continuing) struggle Pauline Henson.

Zimbabwe's Upcoming Elections: Do Tsvangirai and the MDC-T Stand a Chance?

http://thinkafricapress.com/

The MDC-T's popularity appears to have plummeted. To avoid being a mere
footnote in history, it will have to win back the hearts and minds of its
once core supporters.

ARTICLE | 12 APRIL 2013 - 10:54AM | BY SIMUKAI TINHU

In 1999, Zimbabwe’s now main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), took to the political scene with widespread domestic and
international fanfare. Considered different from previous opposition
parties, the MDC championed a new understanding of Zimbabwean politics – an
understanding that sought to expose the limitations of President Robert
Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF). Not
since independence from British rule in 1980 had an opposition party played
such a significant role in the nation’s politics. Zimbabwe was treading in
uncharted waters.

Indeed, in the 2008 elections, ZANU-PF went on to lose a majority in
parliament for the first time, and its octogenarian leader, President
Mugabe, was beaten by the MDC’s Morgan Tsvangirai in the first round of the
presidential race. Violence marred the run-up to the second round and
Tsvangirai pulled out leaving Mugabe to stroll to victory. Amidst the unrest
left by the wake of the disputed elections, a power-sharing government
between ZANU-PF and two factions of the MDC – MDC-Tsvangirai (MDC-T) and
MDC-Mutambara (MDC-M) – was eventually agreed. ZANU-PF managed to remain in
power, though many predicted that this was the beginning of the end of its
domination and that the MDC juggernaut would sweep to victory in the next
elections scheduled for the summer of 2013.

Fast-forward four years, however, and analyses, voter surveys and
poorly-attended MDC political rallies (in comparison to those around the
2002 and 2008 election campaigns) suggest this optimism has waned. In
particular, the most recent surveys by Afrobarometer and Freedom House
indicate that the support of President Mugabe’s ZANU-PF appears to have
steadily grown at the expense of its coalition partner.

A dwindling support base
Some analysts have pointed to various corruption scandals that MDC-T
politicians are alleged to have been involved in. This may have led voters
to cast doubt on the party’s ability to run the country any differently from
ZANU–PF’s mismanagement. Others contend that ZANU-PF’s populist policies
such as the indigenisation of foreign-owned companies have won sympathy – at
the same time, the MDC-T’s opposition to this policy has been painted by
ZANU-PF as evidence the MDC-T is against black empowerment.

The rejuvenation of the Zimbabwean economy since 2009 has also proved to be
a double-edged sword for the MDC-T. The party has argued that with the
Finance and Industry ministries in the hands of the MDC-T and MDC-M
respectively, they have successfully transformed the economy from an
inflationary nightmare to one that has recorded consistent growth. However,
restoring the economic fortunes of the country has meant that there are
fewer food shortages and inflationary problems to talk about, and the
message of mending Zimbabwe’s economy now has a smaller audience.

Lastly, the opposition has been destabilised by personal attacks on Morgan
Tsvangirai. ZANU-PF has successfully been able to turn nasty rumours into
political currency. Several incidents have seen Tsvangirai caricatured as
indecisive while others have pointed to sexual misdemeanours, leading some
to doubt his qualities.

Losing the core
These dynamics perhaps explain why many fringe or potential MDC-T supporters
have been driven away, but why do the MDC-T’s core supporters also seem to
be deserting it? The majority of the MDC-T’s votes have traditionally come
from urban areas and the Matabeleland and Midlands regions, spaces in which
it has had an undisputed monopoly since its formation. Why have the
attitudes of voters from these areas changed?

One important – and largely unnoticed – factor could be that within the last
five years there has been a mushrooming of urban Pentecostal churches. These
organisations target young urbanites doing well economically or the poor who
aspire to do well – groups that were traditionally the core of MDC-T
support. Whereas ten years ago, the MDC-T was capable of attracting 60,000
young urban dwellers to a political rally, today it is Pentecostal church
leaders who attract the same crowds.

Under the charismatic leadership of Emmanuel Makandiwa and Hubert Angel,
these churches have built a strong following of mostly young urbanites who
would otherwise vote for the MDC-T. This group of followers is characterised
by apathy towards politics, particularly as a product of the religious
teachings, and a tendency towards a sort of puritanism that politics cannot
provide. These young born-again believers feel a moral repulsion towards
politicians, and it is hardly surprising that a promiscuous presidential
aspirant will struggle to get their vote. Failure to recapture this
constituency could prove more damaging to the MDC-T than they realise.

Another reason behind the MDC-T’s dwindling support could be that ZANU–PF
has seized upon heightened anti–Western sentiments (especially amongst the
youth) to intensify its portrayal of Tsvangirai as a puppet of the
imperialist West. President Mugabe has used this as his central message
against the MDC-T and, buoyed by the ‘Africa Rising’ meta-narrative, the
message appears to be resonating amongst groups of young and educated
Africans.

Finally, the MDC also seems to have alienated some voters from the
Matabeleland and the Midlands regions. This has been precipitated by a
number of factors. First, people from these regions say they are
dissatisfied with the MDC-T’s failure to secure decentralisation of the
state, both politically and constitutionally.

Second, these predominantly Ndebele-speaking voters accuse Tsvangirai of not
doing enough to ensure that the Gukurahundi massacres in the 1980s – in
which an estimated 20,000 mostly Ndebele civilians were killed by the
state – are resolved or at least kept in the limelight.

Third, some of Tsvangirai’s personal behaviour – such as impregnating a
23-year-old girl from Matabeleland and denying involvement with her before
later admitting that he is the father – seems to have reversed the inroads
that the MDC-T had made in the area over the last 10 years.

Fourth, the Matabeleland and Midlands regions have become key battlegrounds
for the resurrected Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU–PF), a party that
was once led by the late Joshua Nkomo before he was forced into a political
union with ZANU–PF, and the smaller MDC-M formation led by Welshman Ncube.
Tsvangirai’s tactic of accusing both parties of being merely provincial has
not helped his case.

ZANU–PF challenges
However, ZANU-PF is not without challenges too. Most obviously, President
Mugabe’s age and health are a liability to the party. It will be interesting
to see how much campaigning the 89-year-old leader will be capable of in the
run-up to the elections. Traditionally a fan of long, drawn-out campaigns,
it remains to be seen whether Mugabe will have the strength to do the same
this time round. Meanwhile the Global Political Agreement (GPA) – the
political arrangement that governs the coalition and transitional period –
means the MDC has more room to manoeuvre than ever before, and the younger
and energetic Tsvangirai should be able to outdo Mugabe on the campaign
trail.

ZANU-PF also faces its own problems of maintaining popularity. Until
recently, ZANU–PF had the overwhelming share of Zimbabwe’s most talented
politicians. These chilly political entrepreneurs who often pursued power at
the expense of democracy have masterminded ZANU-PF’s domination of
Zimbabwean politics since 1980. However, some of these leaders have either
recently died (such Solomon Mujuru and Stan Mudenge), are now old and frail
(such as Nathan Shamhuyarira and Herbert Murerwa) or have deserted the party
(such as Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa). Those who have remained have
either been thoroughly discredited (such as Tafataona Mahoso and Jonathan
Moyo), or fatigued and have withdrawn to the backstage of politics.

What options remain for the MDC-T?
As the summer 2013 elections approach, there are three possible options for
the MDC-T.

The first is to join a ‘coalition of the opposition’ and formulate an
effective ‘grand’ campaign strategy that would articulate the parties’
policies using nationalist rhetoric. A ‘coalition of opposition forces’ with
ZAPU–PF and the MDC-M would mean a better chance of retaining votes from
Matabeleland and the Midlands. However, this might be problematic given the
enmity that exists between Tsvangirai and the MDC-M’s leader Ncube.

The second and more realistic option is to scale back ambitions. Tsvangirai’s
party has to decide if it wants to win the presidency or a majority in
parliament, or both. The prospects of capturing both look gloomy, and
winning the presidency in the forthcoming elections might prove an
impossible task considering Tsvangirai’s tainted reputation. Recent surveys
suggest his chances are considerably slimmer than in the last two elections.
This leaves the MDC-T with one option – recapturing the majority in
parliament, this time with much wider representation in order to give the
party a chance to enact reformist legislation. It seems the party will have
to wait for Tendai Biti, Tsvangirai’s Svengali and probably a more capable
leader, to take over if they want to win the presidency.

The third option is simply to ignore the polls that show ZANU-PF support
increasing and conduct business as usual. This ‘strategic denial’ appears to
be the course that the MDC-T has opted for so far. Such counter–productive
calculus, it appears, is based on the premise that these polls are in most
cases wrong.

The MDC-T’s long shot
The eventual demise of authoritarianism in Zimbabwe is inevitable. But there
is little reason to think that this day is near, and even less reason to
think that the MDC-T will be the party to end Mugabe’s domination. Today,
the MDC-T’s problems have mounted, and the party is more dysfunctional and
commands less support than ever before. It shouldn’t come as a surprise
therefore if the party that initially promised so much loses in a free and
fair election.

If the MDC wants to rewrite the nation’s history books, and not end up as a
footnote like Edgar Tekere’s Zimbabwe Unity Movement, it needs, sooner
rather than later, to win back the hearts and minds of those Zimbabweans who
had so much hope and belief in them. Whether they can do this in the few
months before the upcoming elections remains to be seen.