Sokwanele : 1 April
2008
These next 23 results bring the total constituencies declared by the ZEC to 89 out of 210 constituencies.
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Mail and Guardian
Chris McGreal | Harare, Zimbabwe
31
March 2008 09:35
Robert Mugabe on Monday was desperately
trying to cling to
power, despite his clear defeat in Zimbabwe's
presidential election, by
blocking the electoral commission from releasing
official results and
threatening to treat an opposition claim of victory as
a coup.
In the first results from parliamentary elections,
Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) took
three seats each, but they were relatively insignificant compared
to the
presidential vote, where Mugabe is facing a stark repudiation as
voters
blame him for bringing economic ruin to Zimbabwe.
In an early-morning broadcast on radio and television, the
deputy chief
elections officer, Utoile Silaigwana, declared the first
parliamentary
results and went off the air saying "We'll be back with you
when we have
more results."
The MDC said that what it regards as the
overwhelming win by its
candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai, is "under threat"
despite growing support from
foreign monitors for its claim of victory. The
party also said it had
"security concerns" after a police raid on its
election offices on Sunday.
Tsvangirai made no public appearances,
apparently out of concern for his
safety,
Mugabe's
spokesperson, George Charamba, warned Tsvangirai not to
declare himself
president because that "is called a coup d'état and we all
know how coups
are handled".
Sources close to the MDC said the party
leadership had put out
feelers to the military and elements of the ruling
Zanu-PF to try to arrange
a peaceful transfer of power.
Independent monitoring groups said returns posted at about
two-thirds of
polling stations gave Tsvangirai 55% of the vote, to Mugabe's
36%. The
monitors said there was no way for the president to win the
election
legitimately. He had even lost in his home territory of
Mashonaland, as well
as other former strongholds.
A third presidential candidate,
Simba Makoni, a former finance
minister who broke with Mugabe, took about
9%.
Zanu-PF also appears to have suffered losses in the
parliamentary election with at least nine members of its politburo losing
their seats, including the vice-president, Joice Mujuru, and the defence,
information and education ministers.
The MDC's secretary
general, Tendai Biti, said the party was
increasingly alarmed at the refusal
of the state-run Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) to issue any results.
"It appears the regime is at a loss
how to respond ... We are really
concerned by this assault on democracy. The
primary point of an election is
a result. We think there is a constitutional
threat to those results," he
said.
The commission has in the past begun issuing results as
soon as
they are posted at polling stations, and collated them by
constituency for
release within hours of the vote.
The
ZEC's chairperson, George Chiweshe, declined to explain why
he was still not
issuing results more than 24 hours after the polls closed.
"This is a
complicated election and we will release the results when we have
them," he
said.
Opposition supporters in some towns, including
Bulawayo, Mutare
and Masvingo, publicly celebrated but generally Zimbabweans
were cautious,
not quite believing that Mugabe will leave office after 28
years in power.
With more than 50% of the vote, Tsvangirai
would avoid a run-off
election although his proportion might yet fall below
the threshold as many
of the remaining results are from rural areas where
Mugabe traditionally has
support.
Biti warned there was
still scope for fraud. He said his party
was encountering new
irregularities, including the sudden appearance of
additional ballot boxes
at polling stations where the count had been
completed.
He also said MDC election agents had been prevented from
attending the count
at several polling stations where the results then
showed Zanu-PF doing
significantly better than in surrounding areas.
South African
monitors said they believed the opposition had won
but would hold off on a
public statement until the official results were
announced. The Pan-African
Parliament observer mission warned against
further delays in issuing the
results.
A British Foreign Office minister, Mark
Malloch-Brown, said it
was "quite likely" that Mugabe had lost despite
"massive pre-election day
cheating". - guardian.co.uk © Guardian Newspapers
Limited 2008
VOA
By Peter Clottey
Washington,
D.C.
01 April 2008
Zimbabwe’s opposition parties are
reportedly accusing incumbent President
Robert Mugabe’s government of a
calculated plot to declare Mugabe winner of
last Saturday’s elections. The
opposition says it will happen today, when
Mugabe declares himself duly
elected. But government supporters dismiss the
allegations as false and
contemptible. The opposition claim follows what
Mugabe opponents say is a
deliberate attempt to release election results
slowly in order to thwart any
opposition upset.
Results so far released by the electoral commission put
the main opposition
Movement For Democratic Change (MDC) led by Morgan
Tsvangirai ahead of
Mugabe, with independent Simba Makoni trailing as a
distant third. Bucani
Ncube is the director of Logistics for the Bulawayo
Project, a
non-governmental organization. He tells reporter Peter Clottey
that there is
an uneasy calm in the country.
“The latest development
is that there is still confusion. There is still
uncertainty over the
election results. Of course we have received the
parliamentary results.
Senatorial results. But we have not heard anything
about the much-awaited
results of the presidential,” Ncube said.
Ncube cites unconfirmed reports
as suggesting that incumbent President
Mugabe will be declared the winner of
Saturday’s vote.
“I feel that later in the afternoon or in the evening,
President Mugabe
might declare himself the winner because it is clear from
the reports that
are coming from the province, and from the constituencies
and from the MDC,
saying that they have the Zimbabwe Support Network, it was
clear that the
opposition is leading, and the opposition is winning this
election. But we
don’t think Mugabe will announce the results of which he is
defeated. So, we
feel that Mugabe will cook the results and declare himself
the winner,” he
noted.
Ncube said thousands of Zimbabweans will feel
let down if Mugabe wins the
election.
“The ordinary Zimbabweans would
be disappointed. They will lose hope in the
electoral system, and they will
lose faith in the whole process of the
elections. And this is very dangerous
because we fear that this can even
provoke the ordinary people because
people are very angry and hungry. And
people can do anything. But we hope
that we will not be in the Kenya
situation,” Ncube said.
He denied a
lack of unity among opposition parties had a negative impact on
the chances
of the opposition in last Saturday’s elections.
“I don’t believe in that
school of thought because the results that we have
received show that there
is only one strong opposition, which is MDC, led by
Morgan Tsvangirai. The
party has gained inroads in the rural Mashonaland,
which used to be a
stronghold of ZANU-PF. And we have seen how the other MDC
(led by Arthur
Mutambara) has failed to win any seats. They are losing seats
from their top
leadership, so I really do not think it could have done
anything. And
talking about Simba Makoni, I don’t see how the MDC’s
Tsvangirai could have
formed any alliance because as far as I’m concerned,
Makoni does not have a
political party. So I don’t see any contribution that
could have changed any
results,” he pointed out.
Riot police in armored carriers reportedly were
deployed in two of Harare's
restive townships last night amid long delays in
issuing election results,
further elevating tensions. Meanwhile the United
States government has urged
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to put aside
partisan sympathies and
ensure all votes were counted fairly and
properly.
Telegraph
By Sebastien Berger and Byron Dziva in Harare and David
Blair
Last Updated: 1:49am BST 01/04/2008
Zimbabwe's
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai has won the first round
of the country's
presidential polls, according to the first reliable
projection by
independent monitors.
Using results from 435 polling stations,
the Zimbabwe Election Support
Network said the leader of the Movement for
Democratic Change [MDC] was
expected to win 49.4 per cent of the vote,
beating president Robert Mugabe,
who had taken 41.8 per cent.
An outright first round win would require 51 per cent.
Noel
Kututwa, the chairman of the network, said it was too early to
say whether
there would be a second round as there was a 2.4 per cent margin
of error in
his calculations.
"This effectively means that at the top end it is
possible for Morgan
Tsvangirai to get 51.8 per cent. I will leave any
interpretation to you on
that," he said.
Zimbabwe's official
Electoral Commission was under intense pressure
last night after fuelling
public suspicion about rigging by failing to
release the crucial result of
the presidential race.
It instead announced a series of partial
results for the separate
parliamentary poll, which by last night showed Mr
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and
Mr Tsvangirai's MDC neck and neck on 30 seats
each out of 210.
No hard conclusions could be drawn from the
trickle of official
announcements, save that the Electoral Commission was
clearly working to a
plan.
Opposition activists alleged that
the commission's slow declaration of
results was intended to create the
impression of a close-run race, before
Zanu-PF would move ahead as later
results were announced.
Tendai Biti, the secretary general of the MDC,
said the country
"stands on a precipice". He said the failure to announce
all results "only
goes to raise tension among the people that is fertilising
an atmosphere of
suspicion".
Speculation about Mr Mugabe, who
has not been seen in public since
polling day on Saturday, was rife in
Harare, the capital.
Intelligence sources suggested that the
84-year-old leader had
accepted he cannot be declared the outright victor of
the presidential
election amid such a groundswell of support for the
opposition.
Members of his inner circle were said to have
confronted him at his
residence on Sunday night to suggest that rigging the
election to the extent
needed was no longer feasible given the inroads Mr
Tsvangirai had made in
Zimbabwe's rural heartlands.
Mr Mugabe
and Mr Tsvangirai could now be officially announced as first
and second
respectively, but with neither taking the 51 per cent needed to
win the
presidency in the first round.
A second ballot would have to take
place within 21 days of Saturday's
vote. There is a third candidate, the
independent Simba Makoni.
In a cafe in central Harare yesterday, a
businessman listened to the
results on his mobile phone, relaying them to
rapt customers.
Beside him, a colleague greeted every opposition
victory by grinning
broadly and waving her hand in the open-palmed salute of
the MDC. Some of
the listeners suspected that the neck-and-neck tally was an
attempt by the
Electoral Commission to give the appearance of a tight
contest.
The businessman, though, insisted over and over again
that, despite
past evidence, "they cannot" rig the election.
"We already know the result," he said. "It is on the internet in
America and
South Africa. Tsvangirai got 58 per cent, Mugabe 30-something,
and Simba
Makoni five per cent."
He added that Mr Mugabe "already knows. He
was very quiet when he
voted on Saturday. This means something. This time
they are ready to accept
defeat."
But others were pessimistic.
A money-changer declared: "They are
already rigging."
Outwardly, Harare appeared normal. No troops or riot police patrolled
streets. Instead of gathering around radios, the vast majority went about
the daily business of survival. The largest groups were in long queues
outside banks, as people tried to obtain a few near-worthless
banknotes.
"We don't know what is happening," said one man. "The
people were
celebrating yesterday but today they are not celebrating
anything, because
they think they have been robbed.
"I just
voted and I'm expecting something. I wouldn't want that to be
stolen from
me."
Mr Kututwa described the mood as "apprehension mixed with
excitement".
"A number of Zimbabweans believe the opposition has
won, but the
results coming in dribs and drabs gives the impression that the
vote could
be tampered with," he said.
Mr Kututwa highlighted
one constituency, Uzumba, where Zanu-PF won
with a turnout of 54 per cent -
far higher than the 40 or so per cent seen
elsewhere and probably caused by
padding the voters' roll.
"This is where we have had the highest
turnout," he said. "It's a
remote constituency up near the Mozambique border
and no one really knows
what goes on up there.
"The difference
is outrageous, it's something like 11,000 votes. That
clearly creates
problems."
If Mr Mugabe is eventually declared the winner, years of
anger and
frustration could erupt.
"There will be revolt," said
the money-changer. "We will go on the
streets. We are ready for the
riot."
But the regime has a proven ability to crush
protests.
One passionate MDC supporter said if Mr Tsvangirai were
defeated he
would simply "give up" and there would be no taking to the
streets.
"We will be shot. It will be total failure," he
said.
Dispatch, SA
2008/04/01
THREE
members of the Young Communist League’s Zimbabwean election observer
team
have returned early because of surveillance by Zimbabwe’s Central
Intelligence Officers (CIO).
In a statement on Monday, the league
said three members returned and one
member, based in Bulawayo, had been
interrogated by the CIO.
“This shows the level of intimidation that is
still prevalent in Zimbabwe,”
the statement said.
However, the league
said it was pleased the Zimbabwe government had allowed
its delegation to
enter and leave the country without any major
interference.
The
league said it had found that conditions for a free and fair election
were
not evident.
It also noted that people had voted in areas where
they did not live and
that the country’s electoral commission was run by
senior leaders of
Zanu-PF.
The league said there was a fear of
rigging the presidential vote as
electoral results displayed outside various
polling stations showed that the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had
won the election in all four
categories of polling.
“The remaining
result for the presidential contest is reported to be in
favour of Morgan
Tswangirai,” it said. “There is fear of rigging the
presidential leg, thus
the delay of the announcement of the results.
“And there is the fear
about the army and police staging a coup if the
opposition takes the
presidency.”
The YCL therefore called for the immediate deployment of
SADC and United
Nations peace keeping forces to avert any attempt towards
“sinking” Zimbabwe
into violence.
“This should serve as a
post-election process undertaken by all the parties
involved in the
elections and all the countries in the region,” the league
said. — Sapa
Dispatch, SA
2008/04/01
WHEN
our children learn the history of post-colonial Africa, they will be
confronted with a case history: Zimbabwe.
They will learn how the
bread basket of Africa descended into chaos, with
the highest inflation rate
in the world.
They will learn that about four million Zimbabweans fled
hunger and
political persecution.
They will learn about a kleptocracy
that lined its pockets while the poor
died.
This will not be a
history lesson. It will be a dissection of a massacre.
By the elections
of March 29, 2008, our children will read, the average life
expectancy of a
Zimbabwean woman was 34 years and that of a man, 37.
Television footage
of that day will show women with babies on their backs
crawling under
barbed-wire fencing into South Africa in the hope of finding
food, safety
and a life for their children.
Election day 2008 will be a slice of
tragic history.
Our children will learn that, in a country with one of
the highest literacy
rates in the developing world and blessed with a
vibrant press for more than
two decades, only two daily newspapers inside
Zimbabwe reported on these
elections.
Both were owned by the state
and neither published a single positive story
about the opposition in the
run-up to elections.
On that day, election observers from Europe and the
US were banned from the
country. Only SADC observers were allowed
in.
Our children will learn that during the previous election the South
African
observers were beaten up by police.
And that those bandaged
heroes declared as free and fair an election
universally condemned as
rigged.
Election day 2008 will be remembered for the fact that
broadcasters such as
Sky News filed their stories from Beit Bridge in South
Africa because they
were banned from entering Zimbabwe. Independent stations
such as South
Africa’s e.tv were also banned.
Our children will learn
that police inside the polling booths “assisted”
Zimbabweans to vote. They
will read that these same police had, for 10
years, put a stop to any kind
of democratic activity by the opposition or
civil society.
They will
learn that, only a year before these elections, the same police
officers
destroyed the homes of thousands in President Robert Mugabe’s
inhumane
“Operation Murambatsvina”.
Our children will learn that these same police
beat opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai to within an inch of his life only
a year earlier, forcing him to
seek medical treatment in South
Africa.
At this point our children will ask the teacher (perhaps a
Zimbabwean who is
a naturalised South African): “But what did our parents
do? What did South
Africa say when all this was happening?”
And our
children will learn that for nine years the president of South
Africa
pursued a senseless, immoral policy of “quiet diplomacy”.
In essence, the
policy meant that South Africa chose to be friends with
Mugabe, aiding and
abetting the dictator while desperate Zimbabweans fled
torture and
imprisonment.
They will learn that Nelson Mandela, the iconic first
president of the new
and democratic South Africa, spoke out about leaders
who clung to power at
the expense of their people and was told to shut up;
that Archbishop
emeritus Desmond Tutu spoke up and was vilified by the
dictator Mugabe, the
South African presidency and its acolytes.
And
they will learn that most South Africans expressed neither outrage nor
shame
at what was happening just across their border; that they went about
their
business without a care.
Our children will learn that a good man, Father
Paul Verryn, gave refuge to
hundreds of Zimbabweans in his church in central
Johannesburg.
And they will learn that police raided the church and
arrested refugee
children as young as five months old.
By the time
our children ask what South Africans did about this outrage,
Zimbabwe will
be just another African country paying off massive debt to the
World Bank
when it could have been a beacon of peace, prosperity and hope.
The
silence of your parents, the history books will say, was
deafening.
Justice Malala is a columnist and political analyst on our
sister paper, The
Times
SABC
March 31, 2008,
12:30
Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF party has conceded defeat in Bulawayo
with the
opposition MDC making a clean sweep in the province. Official
results of the
weekend's poll are however still being being verified by the
Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC).
In other developments,
Zimbabwe's justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa, lost
his seat today, and
first election results showed the opposition level with
President Robert
Mugabe's party, but delays to most results fuelled
opposition suspicions of
rigging.
Results of the parliamentary election began trickling in today,
36 hours
after polls closed but no official details were available on the
presidential vote, in which Mugabe faces his most formidable political
challenge after 28 years in power. The latest results showed the opposition
MDC and Mugabe's Zanu-PF running neck-and-neck.
They have 12 seats
each from a total parliament of 210 constituencies,
according to figures
issued by the electoral commission. Riot police
appeared on the streets of
the capital overnight and this morning, people
waited anxiously, to learn
the official results.
New York Times
By HEIDI
HOLLAND
Published: April 1, 2008
Johannesburg
WHILE Zimbabwe’s
opposition party is claiming victory in its effort to
unseat President
Robert G. Mugabe, it would be a mistake to count him out.
And if Mr. Mugabe
prevails, it would be a mistake to continue to isolate
him, as Western
governments have done for the last decade.
Mr. Mugabe is bad, but he could
get worse.
•
“My granny was a heathen,” Mr. Mugabe muttered from
behind his big wooden
desk at his office in Harare, the capital. It was not
the sort of comment I
had expected to hear from the 84-year-old dictator,
but during our 2 ½-hour
interview late last year, some of my assumptions
about the most enigmatic
figure in modern Africa were crumbling.
As
soon as I entered the room I realized that the awkward man wearing a
finely
stitched white shirt and an elegant dark suit was apprehensive of me,
just
as I was of him. Mr. Mugabe stared hard, and then cleared his throat
nervously. I had expected to meet someone exuding power — an older version
of the steely freedom fighter I encountered over a secret dinner at my home
30 years ago.
Instead I saw a mild and diminished figure, his
rumbling but faint voice
often barely audible, his head at times lolling
forward self-consciously as
if he wanted to hide away. As the interview
progressed, he slumped and then
slid down like a gangly teenager in his
threadbare swivel chair, his long
limbs dangling. What I eventually realized
from Mr. Mugabe’s earnest efforts
to justify his actions to me was that he
is more vulnerable than his
outlandish public posturing
suggests.
Certainly, Mr. Mugabe is no feeble recluse — we have seen him
campaigning
with sudden bursts of vigor at staged rallies before busloads of
supporters
of the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front —
yet he almost never grants interviews to
journalists. To obtain mine took
two years of requests, the persistent
intervention of Mr. Mugabe’s priest
and then a five-week wait in
Harare.
Early on I had assumed that he was too busy to spare the time.
Only later
did it dawn on me that he might be fearful of the independent
press.
That fear is understandable. Zimbabwe’s once booming economy is in
tatters.
Inflation has soared to fantastical levels, unemployment is near
universal,
starvation looms. And Mr. Mugabe, for all his protestations about
the wicked
West and for all the sycophantic comments from the yes-men who
surround him,
must know that he is to blame.
So why talk about his
heathen grandmother? I wanted to understand the Robert
Mugabe who had been
obscured amid the chaos and misrule. The one described
by his classmates as
shy, bookish, a loner deeply attached to his mother and
resentful of his
absent father. The one who was at first remarkably
forgiving of white
landowners when he came to power in 1980. (For instance,
Mr. Mugabe allowed
his predecessor, Ian Smith, who led the white minority
government that ran
Rhodesia, as Zimbabwe was known, to live on in Harare
without harassment,
even when Mr. Smith embarked on a campaign against him.)
But bitterness
had clearly welled up within him. When I first met him at
that dinner in
1975, he seemed to be a considerate man, asking after the
health of my
toddler son even as he fled into exile to a neighboring country
shortly
afterward. By the end of 2007, as we sat together again after 28
years of
his rule, he exuded the air of a lost and angry man.
Why? Part of the
answer came to me in our interview, as Mr. Mugabe expressed
almost tearful
regret at his inability to socialize with the queen of
England. He feels
that the West — and Britain in particular — has failed to
recognize his
“suffering and sacrifice.” As someone who by his own
estimation is part
British, this rejection has taken on the intensity of a
family
quarrel.
Much of the quarrel centers on the vexed issue of land
redistribution. As
part of the pact that created Zimbabwe’s independence,
Britain promised
financial aid to help the young country redistribute land
from white farmers
to blacks.
When this money was misused, the
British government under Prime Minister
Margaret Thatcher began to withhold
it. Mrs. Thatcher’s successor, John
Major, agreed to restore the money. But
before he could do so, his
successor, Tony Blair, reversed course, taking
the aid off the table, where
it remains today. It is this grievance against
Britain for short-changing
him on the land redistribution issue that Mr.
Mugabe craves understanding.
I left Mr. Mugabe’s office with an uneasy
sense of the futility of the West’s
punitive diplomacy toward him. It was my
feeling that he was going to stop
at nothing to prove that he had been
wronged. Indeed, he told me that he was
prepared to sacrifice the welfare of
his country to prove his case against
Britain.
That a precariously
balanced individual like Mr. Mugabe is in charge of a
country and willing to
destroy it to score points against an enemy is a
tragedy in itself. That he
has an arguably justifiable complaint against a
major Western power — namely
the repudiation of the land reform pledge — is
doubtless an embarrassment in
the West. But that Britain and others choose
to shun Mr. Mugabe rather than
attempt to settle these differences is quite
frankly reckless.
The
West needs to change its approach to Mr. Mugabe. Years of isolation and
ineffective sanctions, with which he has fueled his propaganda campaign,
have only driven Mr. Mugabe downward. More of the same will backfire. A
strategy of engagement — whether Mr. Mugabe wins re-election and stays in
office or whether he achieves his ends through fraudulent means and needs to
be talked out of power — is the only viable option.
The belief that
the situation in Zimbabwe cannot get worse has proved an
inadequate strategy
for ending the country’s plight under Mr. Mugabe. More
important, the
current Western standoff might in itself imperil Zimbabwe as
things go from
bad to worse and as Zimbabwe’s president becomes a great deal
nastier. Every
effort should be made internationally to set up a
conversation with the
dictator.
Heidi Holland is the author, most recently, of “Dinner With
Mugabe.”
Business Day
01 April 2008
Karima Brown
IN A country where there are very few
certainties, the only thing
Zimbabweans know for sure is that their country
will never be the same after
today , no matter who wins the
elections.
Judging by reports from there, the next few days and weeks
will challenge
not just that country, but also civil society and the
Southern African
Development Community (SADC) region as a whole. The
reaction from Zanu (PF)
and the armed forces to the possibility of the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) winning not just the
parliamentary elections but
also the presidential vote, puts Zimbabwe on the
cusp of fundamental change.
It will have to address daunting challenges as
it tries to recover from the
ravages of President Robert Mugabe’s madness of
the past two decades. The
millions of Zimbabweans who have fled will now
have to be convinced to
return to rebuild their devastated homeland.
However, as news reports of one
MDC victory after another, particularly in
former Zanu (PF) strongholds,
came trickling in yesterday, so too came the
ominous threats from sections
of the Zimbabwe military, which have
apparently threatened to declare Mugabe
the winner no matter
what.
The threat of intervention from the armed forces has always loomed
large
over the political process in Zimbabwe. This possibility often formed
the
subtext of backroom discussions and negotiations between power brokers
in
Zimbabwe and elsewhere about how important it was for the army to be
placated and accommodated in whatever settlement was eventually negotiated
between the MDC and the ruling party, lest the whole place go up in
smoke.
But in reality the outcome of the elections — no matter how
fraught and
imperfect, and no matter how the fallout is managed by the
political elites
in Zimbabwe and the region — is the beginning, not the end,
of the reform
process.
This brings me to the point made by MDC
economic adviser Eddie Cross, who
attempted to answer his own question about
what made this election so
different from previous ballots. “What turned
this election from a silent
surge of feeling in mid- ocean, into a tsunami?”
Cross asked. “For a start,
it was the (President Thabo) Mbeki factor. Right
from the start of 2007,
Mbeki played a crucial role in persuading his SADC
colleagues to recognise
the MDC and to back reform of the electoral process.
They forced Zanu (PF)
to come to the negotiating table and in nine months …
got a number of
concessions agreed and implemented.
“Frustrated at
the very end of the process, Mbeki then turned to (Simba)
Makoni and sent
him in to joust with Mugabe. It was a clever and fatal move
and sunk the
Mugabe ship in mid-ocean. But even Mbeki could not have
anticipated the size
of the subsequent MDC victory,” he says.
Cross’s acknowledgement of
the efforts not only of Mbeki, but also of the
SADC, underscores the
correctness of Mbeki’s insistence that Zimbabweans
themselves had to drive
the process of political reform if change was to be
genuine.
It also
means that the MDC has to grow up and cut its teeth on the
realpolitik that
characterises postcolonial Africa if it is to become a
significant player,
not just the crude replacement of a regime that no
longer has anything to
offer its people.
The slow process of reform made possible by the
concessions won on electoral
reform was therefore not a waste of time, as
detractors have argued it was.
As Cross states, these reforms formed a
crucial part of the overall
democratisation of Zimbabwe’s political
landscape. Shifting the electoral
power from the registrar-general’s office
to the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission provided much-needed democratic space,
notwithstanding Mugabe’s
efforts to gerrymander the process.
The MDC
also matured as a political force after a steep learning curve and
was
forced to put organisational muscle into getting the support of
Zimbabweans.
Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC has finally come of age. Its real
challenge has only
just begun.
a.. Brown is political editor.
Washington Post
Editorial
With the help of its
neighbors, a country could be rescued from autocracy.
Tuesday, April 1, 2008;
Page A16
ZIMBABWE IS at a familiar tipping point. There is growing
evidence that a
presidential and parliamentary election held Saturday was
won by the
opposition -- mandating, at long last, the retirement of
84-year-old
President Robert Mugabe. But there's been a suspicious and
prolonged delay
in the announcement of the voting results: By late yesterday
the official
election commission had reported tallies from only 66 of 210
parliamentary
districts, and none from the presidential election. It seems
pretty clear
that Mr. Mugabe, whose misrule has all but destroyed Zimbabwe
during the
past decade, hopes to steal the election and enforce his decision
with the
police and army.
Yet history suggests that this is a moment
when the combination of popular
pressure and international intervention
could spell the end of an autocracy.
From the Philippines in 1986 to Ukraine
in 2004, dictators have been undone
when they held elections, lost, then
tried to fix the results. Mr. Mugabe
need look no farther than Kenya for an
example of what could happen if he
tries to proclaim himself the winner of
the presidential vote; a similar
maneuver by incumbent President Mwai Kibaki
there in December led to violent
upheaval and forced him to accept a
power-sharing agreement.
In Zimbabwe, the need for change is far more
urgent. Mr. Mugabe has turned
what was once an African breadbasket into a
starving land where store
shelves are empty, the annual inflation rate has
reached 100,000 percent and
millions of refugees have fled to neighboring
countries. Once widely admired
for leading the struggle against minority
white rule, Mr. Mugabe has
resorted to systematic thuggery to preserve his
28-year-old hold on power.
As Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice sharply
but correctly said Sunday,
his "regime is a disgrace to the people of
Zimbabwe, and a disgrace to
southern Africa and to the continent of Africa
as a whole."
Whether Mr. Mugabe succeeds in imposing a fraudulent
election result will
depend on whether other governments in southern Africa
accept Ms. Rice's
judgment -- and resolve, at last, to do something about
the situation. For
years, South African President Thabo Mbeki and other
leaders of the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) have tolerated
Mr. Mugabe's crimes; at
most they have gently nudged him to stop repressing
his opposition and
accept modest reforms. (One of those changes may prove
the dictator's
undoing; thanks to a law mandating that polling stations
publicly post their
results, the opposition has collected tallies from more
than half the
districts that show Mr. Mugabe losing to challenger Morgan
Tsvangirai by a
margin of more than two to one.) If SADC members insist that
Mr. Mugabe
release and accept the known results, and if they tell him that
he will be
isolated if he uses force against peaceful opposition protests,
they
probably can nudge their neighbor into a historic and desperately
needed
change. If they tolerate another fraud and another entrenchment by
Mr.
Mugabe, the disgrace will be theirs.
Business Day
01 April 2008
Wiseman Nogothere
HARARE — Embattled Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe appeared briefly in
public yesterday, only to ignore questions
about the country’s most fiercely
contested election since independence and
announce the planned construction
of a world-class cricket stadium to be the
centrepiece of his country’s bid
to host the 2015 Cricket World
Cup.
Brushing aside questions about the delayed announcement of
election results,
Mugabe said a reconstructed Harare Sports Club ground
would help the country
win the right to host the next ICC tournament up for
grabs.
Speaking at a press conference at his Munhumutapa offices in
Harare, the
84-year-old Mugabe, a self-confessed cricket lover, looked
tired. He had not
been seen in public since casting his own ballot on
Saturday.
Mugabe declined to answer questions about how he regarded
his progress in
the polls, only saying he was looking forward to leading his
ruling Zanu
(PF) party “on to the field” for its next innings in power, but
hinted at a
more conciliatory tone as he talked about a “bridge building”
tournament.
“We will show the world that there is more to our country
than the lies they
peddle about us,” he said. “The great cricketing
countries will come and we
will welcome them and we will beat
them.”
An official said work on upgrading the Harare Sports Club,
site of the
country’s first Test-level match against India in 1992, would
begin as soon
as possible, at a cost of about $50m. The ground, buttressed
by the
Presidential Palace and Royal Harare Golf Club in the centre of the
city,
accommodates only 10000 spectators. This will be increased to
50000.
One stand at the renovated ground would be named after the
disgraced former
South African cricket captain Hansie Cronje, Mugabe said.
He did not say who
the other stands would be named after, nor did he give
any further details
about the planned reconstruction.
Mugabe, in a
2000 interview with Johannesburg’s Star, after Cronje’s fall
from grace,
said that Cronje was a “marvellous” captain, despite being
banned for life
from cricket for his attempts to fix matches that saw him
take more than
$100000 from bookmakers. Cronje died in a plane crash in June
2002.
“What a marvellous captain he was,” Mugabe was reported as
saying. “What is
even more sad is that it wasn’t even much money. It’s a
pity, a real pity."
The 2011 world cup will be hosted in Asia.
Zimbabwe’s bid for the 2015
tournament could not immediately be confirmed
with the Dubai-based
International Cricket Council.