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Mugabe lieutenant steps up land-grabs
The First Post
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The seizure of white-owned farms - the
so-called land reform programme that has reduced Zimbabwe from the breadbasket
of Africa to a land of hungry and desperate people - is still being relentlessly
pursued by Mugabe's supporters.
At the weekend, one of the President's noisiest lieutenants,
Minister of Trade and Industry Obert Mpofu, vowed to clear out the remaining 35
white farmers in his constituency imminently.
At a meeting in the Bubi-Umguza district in Matabeleland
North, in the south of the country, Mpofu accused local civil servants of taking
bribes from the white farmers to delay any action against them.
And he threatened that if there was more resistance to
eviction he would send in 'state machinery' - by which
he meant paramilitary forces - to enforce it. |
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Minister Obert Mpofu has vowed to clear out the remaining
white farmers in his district | |
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Last month, a group of heavily armed police invaded the
white-owned farm Portwe Estates in the Bubi district. The owners resisted, and
the matter has gone to court in Bulawayo. But police officers remain camped on
the land.
Mpofu is particularly angry that the 35 white farms remain in
his Bubi-Umguza constituency because, ironically, this is one of the very few
rural constituencies where there is still strong support for Zanu-PF, the
governing party.
Mugabe began the land-grabs seven years ago, when Zimbabwe had
more than 4,000 white-owned farms. Today, there are less than 100. Most of the
seized farms have been handed over to high-ranking police and army officers, as
well as senior government members and officials.
FIRST POSTED APRIL 20,
2007 | | |
Sneaking into Harare
The Economist
Apr 23rd 2007
From
Economist.com
Our online news editor goes to
Mugabeland
Monday
ROBERT MUGABE glowers as I walk into the
arrivals hall at Harare
International. His official stare through his
trademark spectacles-part
sneer, part aloof school teacher-can seem comical.
There's something about
the president, those Elton John glasses, the camp
flicking of his wrists,
the moustache that recalls both Chaplin and Hitler,
that makes him as much a
caricature as a real man.
The official scowl
is bestowed on all passengers: it is the first gift any
visitor to the
country receives and it is that which sends them home again.
The tourist
ministry might do better to have a portrait of a lion or an
elephant, but
there is some honesty to this choice.
Everything in Zimbabwe today is
about the crinkly octogenarian with his
fists on the table. And everybody
knows that sorting out the dreadful mess
of the country-political, economic,
social, human-means getting the old
crocodile out of office.
Zimbabwe
does not welcome journalists of the imperialist western press, so
this trip
is rather furtive. I queue, hoping not to draw any attention, then
catch
myself staring at the various skinny officials in crumpled suits who
patrol
the hall.
In part I relish being here. Zimbabwe can be a wonderful place
to report
from: it is a chance to taste high-altitude tropical air, to
interview
articulate and expressive people, to sip gin-and-tonic sundowners
in the
name of research. But this is not a great time to be poking around
without
permission. Foreign journalists have long been banned (I was once
denounced
as "a spy masquerading as a tourist" by the state organ, the
Herald). I used
to treasure official faxes, with the pompous seal of the
information
ministry, which told me most decorously to get stuffed. Posing
as a tourist
is the only way to travel. But now, shortly after the
opposition leader has
had his skull cracked by police, and as other
journalists are locked up and
threatened with violence (I learn later that
the man from Time spent an
uncomfortable five days in the jug, without
food), the disadvantages of
going to Zimbabwe are in the forefront of my
mind. There don't seem to be
many other tourists queuing to get
in.
In the past I have carried a prop or two to get through the airport.
The
concern is that the country's British-trained and rather scary secret
police, the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), those skinny men in
suits, might spot you in the arrivals queue and-at best-shove you back on
the plane home. Over the years I have lugged tennis rackets, bird-watching
guides and enormous paintings and donned floppy hats and shorts to advertise
my touristic purposes.
This time as I approach the immigration desk,
I feel slightly exposed. I
have no carved giraffe or Lonely Planet guide
book to wave. Instead, perhaps
stupidly, my bags are stuffed with a laptop
computer, a satellite phone,
notebooks and a sheaf of Reuters newswire
print-outs. Explaining all that
away may be tricky. I have been a little
careless. Apparently the CIO is on
the look-out for unauthorised reporters.
For distraction I get chatting to a
British diplomat in the queue, but then
notice she is stammering and shaking
from nerves for some reason of her own.
I change to another line and
studiously count the tiles on the floor,
waiting my turn.
The government recently let it be known it has a
"computerised list" (no
less) of journalists who might try to travel without
permission. But,
stepping forward and peering over the immigration desk, I
spot what has been
true every other time I have been to Harare: the airport
can't afford
computers for its staff. If I'm on the fabled list, no one has
the means to
check. Within moments I'm through, bags unrifled, strolling out
of the
ill-lit terminal, past the point where an opposition activist was
beaten to
a pulp the day before, and out into the blazing tropical
sun.
Neighbours Remain Mute Amid Flood of Refugees
IPS News
Davison
Makanga
HARARE, Apr 23 (IPS) - The rattling sound of galvanized tins has
become
characteristic of Patience's* daily routine which starts at 4 am
every day.
Patience (43), a single mother, is one of the many who rush in
the early
morning to the Zimbabwean capital's Mbare Musika market to buy
fruit and
vegetables to hawk.
She uses the tins to carry her meagre
goods. Her daily net profit is just
10,000 Zimbabwean dollars, an amount
which is not enough to feed her family.
According to the official exchange
rate this amounts to 40 US dollars but on
the parallel market it is just
more than half a US dollar.
''I do not have any choice. I have to
continue fighting, but life is getting
unbearable for me and my kids,'' says
a solemn Patience. She is one example
of millions of Zimbabweans who have
for the past seven years been fighting
for survival while yearning for a
better tomorrow. Living conditions are
degenerating by the day.
The
arrival of the New Year saw a growing discontent in the country's
workforce.
Doctors, nurses and teachers embarked on protests over low
remuneration. At
the beginning of March, civic and opposition leaders were
arrested and
tortured for ''instigating'' violence.
Since then, security force members
have been active along all the major
highways in the country. The heavy
police presence has been called ''an
unofficial state of emergency''.
Abductions of opposition political members
are the order of the day.
Ordinary people are constantly terrorised by the
police and the
militia.
''It has become frightening. We no longer have the freedom to
walk during
the night in our own country,'' says Stanley* of Highfield in
Harare.
Indications are that the presidential and parliamentary elections
will be
arranged at the same time in 2008. Political tensions are set to hot
up.
This, coupled with economic hardships, will drive scores of people out
of
the country.
An estimated 50,000 Zimbabweans cross the country's
borders every month
searching for better fortunes in neighbouring countries.
''Unless regional
leaders fulfil their moral obligation to intervene, an
influx of Zimbabweans
will affect their own countries and destabilise the
region,'' says social
commentator Ernest Mudzengi.
Stanley confirms
that he is also looking for an opportunity to flee. ''My
hope of change
coming to Zimbabwe anytime soon is fading by the day.''
The minister of
information and publicity, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, has chided
deserters for
leaving the ''much greener pastures'' of Zimbabwe.
Meanwhile, the
countries of the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) have been
mute about the Zimbabwean crisis. The only exceptions are
Botswana and,
recently, Zambia.
For many Zimbabweans, the recent SADC indaba was just
another show of
massaging Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's
ego.
''SADC should have taken a much bolder stance. (South African
President
Thabo) Mbeki has been there but he has been ineffective. I doubt
that he has
changed his mind about quiet diplomacy after the summit,''
contends John
Makumbe, a lecturer in Political Science at the University of
Zimbabwe.
The SADC heads of state tasked Mbeki with brokering dialogue
between the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the ruling
Zanu-PF. But
minister Ndlovu has made Zanu's position clear. He insists that
the MDC is a
''western-sponsored party which will not be given special
treatment ahead of
home-grown parties.''
Going by events so far, the
government's impervious nature will scupper
prospects of earnest dialogue.
''Our government is disregarding the dialogue
initiative because SADC was
not assertive. If they want to have an effect
they have to be clear and
insistent,'' explains Jacob Mafume, a human rights
lawyer.
Former MDC
member of parliament, Hilda Mafudze, says problems in Zimbabwe
will not only
affect the SADC region but Africa as a whole. She argues that
bad governance
in the country will drive away possible investment in
Africa's development
vehicle, the New Partnership for Africa's Development
(NEPAD).
''If
African countries fold their hands on Zimbabwe, the NEPAD project will
fail,'' emphasises Mafudze. NEPAD advocates good governance as prerequisite
for foreign investment.
The Centre for Peace Initiatives Africa
(CPIA) views the existing conditions
as a major challenge but is positive
that SADC's latest plan will start a
new chapter of tolerance in Zimbabwe.
CPIA is an organisation that has been
facilitating dialogue meetings for the
past four years.
''We encourage political parties to compromise for the
good of our nation.
Dialogue is the key to our crisis,'' argues Rena
Chitombo, CPIA
communications officer.
While many believe that the
neighbouring countries hold the keys to the
future of Zimbabwe, activists in
the social movement, International
Socialist Organization (ISO), think
otherwise.
They believe that piecemeal demonstrations in the fashion of
the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions' (ZCTU) two-day mass stay-away in
April will not
yield results under the current ''military regime''. Instead,
they say,
constant democratic protests will drive the message
home.
''We cannot wait for someone from outside to help us. We hold our
own
destiny. We have to organize a series of demonstrations until the
government
obliges,'' exclaims Mike Sambo, coordinator of ISO. * Not their
real names
Africa's Crisis of Democracy
New York Times
By LYDIA
POLGREEN
Published: April 23, 2007
KANO, Nigeria, April 22 - Nigeria's
troubled presidential election, which
came under fire on Sunday from local
and international observers and was
rejected by two leading opposition
candidates, represents a significant
setback for democracy in sub-Saharan
Africa at a time when voters in
countries across the continent are becoming
more disillusioned with the way
democracy is practiced.
Mr. Adhama
used to employ 330 workers in the 1980s, but now he has just 24
employees as
he tries to restart his business.
Analysts said the Nigerian vote was the
starkest example of a worrying
trend - even as African countries hold more
elections, many of their
citizens are steadily losing confidence in their
democracies.
"The picture in Africa is really mixed," said Peter Lewis,
director of the
African Studies program at Johns Hopkins University, who was
among the
researchers who conducted the Afrobarometer survey of African
public
opinion. "Some countries have vibrant political scenes, while other
countries go through the routine of elections but governance doesn't seem to
improve."
African voters are losing patience with faulty elections
that often exclude
popular candidates and are marred by serious
irregularities, according to
the Afrobarometer survey, published last year,
which sampled voters in 18
countries, based on interviews with 1,200 to
2,400 people per country. While
6 in 10 Africans said democracy was
preferable to any other form of
government, according to the survey,
satisfaction with democracy dipped to
45 percent from 58 percent in
2001.
The threat to Nigeria's fragile democracy was underscored on Sunday
by
government officials, who dropped dark hints warning of a possible coup
attempt, and said election critics were welcoming a military putsch by
inciting violence.
Twenty-five candidates vied to replace the
departing president in the
Saturday vote, the first time in Nigeria's
history that power will be
transferred between two civilian administrations.
But the election was
marred by chaos, violence and fraud. Results are not
expected until Monday
at the earliest.
Election officials gave
themselves high marks on Sunday for the handling of
the polls, but their
comments were in sharp contrast to assessments of
international observers.
Madeleine K. Albright, the former secretary of
state, who observed the
election for the National Democratic Institute, said
that "in a number of
places and in a number of ways, the election process
failed the Nigerian
people." The International Republican Institute said
that the election fell
"below acceptable standards."
Such observations represent a stunning
turnabout for Nigeria, Africa's most
populous and second richest country,
and reflect the deep frustrations of
millions of Nigerians. In 2000, in the
euphoric aftermath of Nigeria's
transition from a long spell of military
rule to democracy, 84 percent of
Nigerians said that they were satisfied
with democracy as practiced in
Nigeria, according to the Afrobarometer
survey.
By 2005 that number had plummeted to 25 percent, lower than all
the
countries surveyed save Zimbabwe. Almost 70 percent of Nigerians did not
believe elections would allow them to remove objectionable leaders, the
survey found.
Freedom House, an organization that monitors the spread
of democracy and
free speech, said in a report last year that the overall
trends for African
democracy were mixed. "Sub-Saharan Africa in 2006
presents at the same time
some of the most promising examples of new
democracies," the report said. It
also has "some of the most disheartening
examples of political stagnation,
democratic backsliding, and state
failure."
For every successful election, like those held this year in
once-troubled
countries like Mauritania and Democratic Republic of Congo,
there have been
elections in countries that seemed on the road to
consolidating democracy
but then swerved, like Gambia, Uganda, Ethiopia and
Zambia. There are also
countries that hold regular elections, but they are
so flawed they cannot
really be called democratic, like those in Guinea,
Zimbabwe and Gabon.
In 1976, according to Freedom House, just three
countries in Africa were
listed as "free," while the vast majority, 25, were
"not free." Thirty years
later, the not-free category had shrunk to 14
states, and the bulk of Africa
now falls into the "partly free"
category.
In the middle of that group is Nigeria, a nation of 140 million
people
divided among 250 ethnic groups and two major religions, Islam and
Christianity, all of whom live in a space twice the size of California. It
is rich in oil, exporting about two million barrels a day, but the riches
that oil brings have not translated into meaningful development.
In
Kano, a once vibrant manufacturing center, the contradictions of Nigeria's
eight-year-old experiment with elected government are vividly on display.
Far from building a unified country aimed at the greatest good for all,
Nigeria has instead become an every-man-for-himself nation. In Kano's
Government Residential Area, where the wealthy live, each household is its
own power and water company. Plastic water tanks on spidery legs tower over
the tiled roofs, each fed by an electric pump sucking water from a private
well. The electric company provides light just a few hours a day, so the air
is thick with the belching diesel smoke of a thousand generators, clattering
away in miserable, endless unison.
The poor must manage however they
can. With the decline of manufacturing and
few formal jobs, many residents
make a meager living off one another's
misery. Idriss Abdoulaye sells water
from a pushcart for 20 naira a jerry
can, about 15 cents, to people like
himself, too poor to have wells. He
makes about $2 a day, and cannot afford
to send his sons to school. Instead
they go to a Koranic school, where they
learn the Koran by rote. He said he
worries they will end up as poor,
illiterate traders like him. "There is no
future for the poor man in this
country," he said.
The government was supposed to make improving the
nation's infrastructure a
priority - President Olusegun Obasanjo, elected in
1999 and stepping down
next month after two terms in office, campaigned on
the promise of more
electricity. Despite billions spent on the problem, all
that changed was the
name of the state power company. Once known as N.E.P.A.
- which Nigerians
joked stood for Never Expect Power Again - it is now
called Power Holding
Company. The improvement in service has been so minimal
that a new joke has
taken hold - Please Hold Candle.
But when Saidu
Dattijo Adhama laughs about Nigeria's troubles, it is through
gritted teeth.
He is a textile manufacturer in Kano, and his factory used to
produce 3,000
cotton jersey garments a day. Six years ago he was forced to
shut down
because paying for private generator power to spin his knitters
and spinners
and pump water for his bleaching and dyeing machines left him
unable to
compete with cheap imports flooding the country in the wake of
trade
liberalization. "The reason I went out of business is simple," he
said. "It
is the Nigerian factor. No light. No water. No reliable suppliers.
How can I
compete with someone in China who opens the tap and sees water?
Who taps a
switch and sees light?"
Mr. Adhama used to employ 330 workers in his
workshops in the 1980s, but now
he has just 24 employees as he tries to
restart his business. He said the
blame for the country's dilapidated
condition lay with its leaders. Inept
and corrupt officials have either
wasted or plundered an estimated $380
billion from Nigeria's treasury since
Nigeria won independence from Britain
in 1960.
"We are not a poor
country," Mr. Adhama said. "We have oil, we have
resources. But it is the
management of those resources that has been
lacking. They have been
hijacked. And then when we come to vote them out of
office for their
misdeeds, they hijack that as well." He said life now was
in many ways worse
than it was under military rule - there was more crime,
less order. The one
real improvement is the ability to freely speak his
mind, Mr. Adhama said.
"But even that is worthless," he said. "What is the
point of talking if no
one is listening?"
Mr. Adhama said he had no nostalgia for military rule,
but some Nigerians
do. For them, the names Sani Abacha, Muhammadu Buhari and
Ibrahim Babangida,
fearsome military rulers from Nigeria's past, signify
security and decisive
leadership, not autocracy and corruption.
In
Malumfashi, a small town in southern Katsina state, men and boys not yet
born when Mr. Buhari, now the candidate of a popular opposition party, was
ruler, torched tires, threw stones and trashed billboards in a rampage to
express their anger that they had not been able to vote. The ballot boxes in
their town, an opposition stronghold, had been snatched by thugs loyal to
the ruling party, they said. "We need Buhari, only Buhari," the young men
shouted, wild-eyed as they encircled a foreign journalist and photographer,
half menacing and half embracing, as they pressed their
grievances.
"No job!"
"No food!"
"No light!"
"No
freedom!"
"No election!"
EU: Council conclusions on
Zimbabwe - 2796th External Relations Council meeting
European Union (EU)
Date: 23 Apr 2007
Luxembourg, 23 April
2007 - The Council adopted the following conclusions:
1. The Council
joins the UNSG and the AU in expressing strong concern at the
rapidly
deteriorating human rights, political and economic situation in
Zimbabwe.
The Council condemns in particular the acts of violent repression
against
the opposition and calls on all parties to refrain from violence.
The
Council welcomes the fact that the Human Rights Council has addressed
the
situation in Zimbabwe.
2. The Council urges the government of Zimbabwe to
respect Africa's own
commitments and approaches, in particular the NEPAD and
the recently adopted
African Charter on Democracy, Elections and
Governance.
3. With a view to the potentially destabilising impact of the
situation in
Zimbabwe on the whole region, the Council commends the recent
extra-ordinary
SADC summit in Dar es Salaam and the SADC initiative in
resolving this
crisis. It welcomes the mandate given to President Mbeki to
facilitate a
dialogue between the opposition and the Government, and the
engagement of
President Kikwete as chair of the SADC organ. The Council
stands ready to
support the SADC initiative, if called upon to do so.
Moreover, the Council
urges all parties to engage with civil society,
including the churches, to
conduct a broad inclusive national dialogue,
which is essential to lay the
basis for genuine reform and national
reconciliation.
4. In response to the acts of violence and abuses of
human rights the
Council will extend the visa ban list (as agreed by Common
Position of
February 19, 2007). The EU reiterates that its targeted measures
(consisting
of a visa ban, an assets freeze and an arms embargo) are
exclusively aimed
at those leading figures responsible for Zimbabwe's crisis
of governance and
abuses of human rights.
5. The EU, reaffirming its
solidarity with the Zimbabwe people, will
continue its contribution to
operations of humanitarian nature and projects
which are in direct support
of the population. Funding activities that in
2006 amounted to ? 193
million. The EU also wishes to confirm its
willingness to continue to make
use of the opportunity provided by the
ongoing 10th EDF programming exercise
to carry on the dialogue and as soon
as conditions allow, to make progress
towards a situation where the
resumption of full cooperation becomes
possible.
6. In the meantime, the Council will continue to keep the
situation under
close observation.
WOZA protestors and babies arrested in Kuwadzana
By Violet Gonda
23
April 2007
There were warning shots and arrests in Harare's Kuwadzana
high-density area
when riot police used force to disperse a WOZA protest on
Monday. About 60
people from the Women of Zimbabwe Arise and Men of Zimbabwe
Arise were
arrested as the pressure group continued with demonstrations
demanding
'power to the people' at the offices of the Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply
Authority (ZESA). WOZA said 36 women, 20 men and 10 babies were
arrested.
At least 80 people were arrested during similar protests in
Bulawayo last
Thursday.
In Harare members are said to have assembled
at three different ZESA offices
in Harare - Kuwadzana, Warren Park and
Zengeza - holding simultaneous 'tough
love' protests. The group said over
470 members from 10 different areas of
Harare took part in the
community-level protests.
Our Harare correspondent Simon Muchemwa, who
witnessed the Kuwadzana
incident, said the peaceful protesters held a sit-in
within the ZESA power
sub station in. He said: "During that time police
officers from Kuwadzana
police station came running and armed. They were
about seven armed police
officers and about five police officers on
bicycles. They rounded up
everyone who was seated protesting and they were
made to march to the police
station which is about 200 metres
away."
Muchemwa said the police also fired warning shots in the air
causing a
commotion that frightened even the ZESA officials who ran away
from their
offices.
Members of the pressure group were rounded up and
force marched in a line,
holding each other's hands. "And they were being
beaten all the way from the
ZESA offices to the police station," Muchemwa
said. He said the police had
not been provoked and the women and men who
were protesting at the premises
did not even make any noise. "They were not
even singing but they were
letting their banners and the flyers do the
talking."
The pressure group said lawyers failed to get access to the
detainees "and
members trying to take in food were also turned away so the
group of 56 and
10 babies will go hungry tonight."
The group recently
launched its 'power to the people' campaign which
includes holding sit-ins
to demand better service delivery from the
electricity supplier. Power cuts
are so common in Zimbabwe that they have
become a part of daily life. In
some areas people go for 10 hours a day
without power while in other cases
it can be a week or longer with no
electricity. ZESA blames it on a shortage
of foreign currency but many
believe, like the general status of the
country, it's more to do with
corruption and
mis-management.
Meanwhile, there is growing concern over the manner in
which the authorities
are dealing with peaceful protestors. It emerged last
week that some of the
WOZA members who were arrested in Bulawayo "were made
to strip naked,
spending the whole day in a state of undress." The pressure
group also
reported that police assaulted several women including two who
had delivered
food to the detainees. They were charged under the Criminal
Law
(Codification and Reform) Act for allegedly 'causing a criminal
nuisance.'
The South Africa based Zimbabwe Exiles Forum has criticised
the authorities
for failing to uphold human rights standards. Executive
director and human
rights lawyer Gabriel Shumba said arresting women and
forcing them to strip
naked is a most gross and inhumane act, by any
standard.
Shumba said the conduct by the security officials is completely
unacceptable: "It is someone's mother who spent hours naked in front of
police officials and other prisoners, some young enough to be her sons. The
rights of women, the most vulnerable members of our society, are
continuously violated in soaring proportions, by the Zimbabwean government,
a country once known and admired for its national customary moral
values."
Both Bulawayo and Harare police refused to
comment.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Time running out for Mbeki as Mugabe continues to attack opposition
By
Tererai Karimakwenda
23 April, 2007
All eyes are on South Africa's
president Thabo Mbeki as the recently
appointed regional mediator on the
Zimbabwe crisis. His mission is to find
some solution to a political and
economic crisis that seems to hinge on the
response of one man, Robert
Mugabe. But with less than a year to go before
joint presidential and
parliamentary elections due in 2008, the aged ZANU-PF
leader has shown no
sign that he wants to play fair. In fact he has
intensified a violent
campaign against the Movement for Democratic Change
and civic groups that
are lobbying for change, before it is possible to hold
free and fair
elections. Mbeki has so far done nothing that signals progress
towards
reigning in the stubborn Mugabe.
Experts in the region have already
forecast doom for Mbeki's mission. His
own brother, analyst Moeletsi Mbeki,
is said the South African government
had no incentive to do anything serious
about Zimbabwe because those in
power were not affected by it. He said these
elites only cared about wealth
and the millions of Zimbabwean refugees
crossing over into South Africa
affected only the poor with whom they
compete for jobs. Even Mbeki's own
people are beginning to offer
disclaimers. This week his Foreign Minister
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma is
reported to have warned that South Africa could
not be expected to "do any
magic" with Zimbabwe. And Dlamini-Zuma's deputy,
Aziz Pahad, said mediation
efforts were only at the "pre-dialogue" stage.
Meanwhile in Zimbabwe, the
opposition and civic groups are demanding changes
before any elections are
held. The MDC has made it clear they will not
participate while violence
continues against its officials and supporters.
And the National
Constitutional Assembly has insisted there will be no new
elections without
a new democratic constitution. The group released a
statement this week
which said in part: "It is only with a new constitution
that Zimbabweans can
enjoy full freedom and can be able to participate in
free and fair
elections."
Unfortunately a new constitution only guarantees freedom if
the government
runs the country according to the
constitution.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Violent farm grabs return as police, army and lands officials defy
laws
By Tererai Karimakwenda
23 April, 2007
Farmers in the
sugar growing lowveld area report that illegal and violent
farm seizures
have intensified in the last few weeks. White farmers still on
their
properties believe there is a renewed drive by the government to
finally
eliminate all whites from commercial farms in the area by the end of
the
year.
According to John Worsley Worswick of Justice for Agriculture
(JAG), some
farmers were forced to leave their household goods rather than
take any
risks with the armed invaders. Worswick said recent evictions have
not only
been illegal, but they have taken place in the presence of
officials from
the Zimbabwe National Army, the Zimbabwe Republic Police and
the Central
Intelligence Organisation. They chose this time of year because
sugar is
ready to be harvested.
Worswick explained that when the
government passed Amendment #17, it made
some concessions to allow farmers
to harvest their crops and then vacate
their properties. Specific dates were
set for each type of crop and as the
time periods expire, the white farmers
are expected to leave. Worswick said
the government officials were now
targeting the lowveld because "it is prime
time for
leeching."
Chiredzi farmer Gerry Whitehead said the situation is
reminiscent of the
2002 farm invasions when violent, armed seizure or
"jambanja" was the order
of the day. He said the existing laws governing
land reform are being
by-passed or simply ignored. Worswick agreed with this
assessment as he had
several farmers from the Chiredzi Triangle area in his
office last Friday.
He said: "With this type of invasion weapons are visibly
displayed."
According to Whitehead, some police have openly apologized to
some farmers
saying they are under orders to back up the land officials.
Whitehead
believes there is currently a lot of dissention within the ranks
of the
Chiredzi police.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
Prosecutor who charged Minister is still locked up
By Lance Guma
23
April 2007
A state prosecutor who last year led a case against two
cabinet ministers is
still in police custody 4 days after his arrest last
week Thursday. Levison
Chikafu took on the might of Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa, after
charging him with attempting to defeat the course of
justice by putting
pressure on a key witness in a trial against State
Security Minister Didymus
Mutasa. He also called for the arrest of CIO agent
Joseph Mwale on
allegations of murdering two opposition officials in the run
up to the 2000
parliamentary election. In a cynical turnaround police
arrested Chikafu over
allegations he received money from a jailed murderer
and consented to the
granting of bail to undeserving suspects while he was
an area prosecutor in
Manicaland.
Speaking from his cell at Mutare
Central police station Chikafu told
Newsreel he was supposed to have been
taken to court Monday but was told the
investigating officer in the case had
gone to Harare with the paper work.
Chikafu sounded depressed and resigned
to his fate saying 'I don't know who
is blocking me from going to court.' He
described his holding cell as very
dirty and not suitable for human
habitation. The walls inside have not been
cleaned since independence in
1980 because as he said there is still
pre-independence graffiti written,
'Mugabe achatonga' (Mugabe will rule) and
'Pasi na Muzorewa' (Down with
Muzorewa). Where Chikafa is sleeping, his head
is just one metre away from a
toilet.
Chikafu was reluctant to be drawn into linking his case with
minister
Chinamasa and Mutasa instead saying he was a loyal civil servant
who had
faith in the Attorney Generals Office and the police. He said as an
experienced prosecutor he knew all 5 charges against him could never stick
in any court. This he said was probably the reason for the prolonged
incarceration and reluctance by the state to take him to court. 'Until I
hear why the Commissioner of Police wants me inside I cannot say much. I
don't
want to be seen as anti-government or something like that.' Asked if
he did
not feel let down by the Attorney Generals office who have maintained
a
silence on the matter Chikafu said the AG's office had to be professional
and because he is facing criminal charges they could not be seen to be
interfering.
Those following the story have accused Chinamasa of
leading a campaign of
revenge and abusing his position in the justice
ministry to get back at
Chikafu by engineering a set of charges to place him
in the dock. Several
prosecutors avoided Chinamasa's case on the grounds he
was effectively their
boss in the Justice Ministry but Chikafu bravely took
it up. He was
transferred from his job towards the end of last year and is
said to have
enrolled as a student at the Zimbabwe Military
Academy.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Diesel-Like Liquid Oozes From Rock Near Chinhoyi Caves
The Herald
(Harare)
April 23, 2007
Posted to the web April 23,
2007
Fidelis Munyoro And Tawanda Kanhema
Harare
A LIQUID that
resembles diesel has been oozing out of a rock at the summit
of a hill near
Chinhoyi Caves.
The "diesel", which is suspected to be a result of
petroleum sipping through
the dolomite and lime caves of the mountainous
region, was discovered some
time last year by local people.
CMED
(Private) Limited has sunk a pipe into an opening at the site and
erected a
tank to collect the liquid.
CMED managing director Mr Davison Mhaka
yesterday confirmed that samples of
the "diesel" had been tested and found
to be purer than the diesel currently
being used in motor
vehicles.
"We suspect that it is coming from the dolomite and lime caves
underneath
the hill. Petroleum could have sipped into these caves and right
now it is
overflowing in Makuti," he said.
Mr Mhaka said the "diesel"
at the site has an apple juice colour while the
standard diesel is green in
colour.
He added there was need for further explorations to verify the
source and
quantity of the precious liquid, which is currently in short
supply in
Zimbabwe.
Mashonaland West Governor Cde Nelson Samkange and
officials from the CMED
and other Government departments are reported to
have visited the site.
Samples are understood to have been tested at
Chinhoyi University of
Technology where the liquid was used to run a diesel
engine.
However, when The Herald crew arrived at the farm yesterday, the
site was
sealed off by a group of people led by a spirit medium who claimed
to be the
custodian of the place.
Two flags have been hoisted on
wooden masts at the entrance to the farm
where club-wielding men who claim
to have been instructed to protect the
site by the spirit medium have set up
camp.
A man who identified himself as Svinurai Jenami, one of the more
than 20
people camped at the foot of the hill, said no one would be allowed
access
to the site until an official announcement from the
Government.
"When the time comes for you to publicise this matter we
shall notify you.
At the moment, there are a few things that need to be
cleared before we
allow people to visit the site."
According to
geologists, the mountain range sits on what is known as the
Lomagundi
Dolomite Aquifer.
If it is proved to be diesel, then the discovery will
come barely a year
after diamonds and emeralds sparked a flurry of mining
activity in parts of
Manicaland.
Raw Sewage Flows Into Stream in Marondera
The Herald
(Harare)
April 23, 2007
Posted to the web April 23,
2007
Marondera
RAW sewage has been flowing into Nyameni stream in
Marondera for the past
two months after a leak developed in the main
pipeline.
According to an Environmental Management Agency team, about 4
000 cubic
litres of raw sewage have been pouring into the stream that flows
into
Ruzawi River every hour for two months.
The team discovered
this during a tour of Elmswood Farm in Marondera last
week where the water
has turned into a dark green colour. Nyameni stream
itself has been
transformed into a carpet of algae and weeds.
A resettled A2 farmer who
owns a plot along Ruzawi River said the polluted
water was compromising her
farming activities and corroding the pumping
unit.
Mashonaland East
provincial chief environmental officer Mr Robson Mavondo
accused Marondera
Municipality of negligence.
"As EMA, our mandate is to ensure that the
environment is protected. We are
definitely going to fine the responsible
authorities so that they repair the
sewer pipeline," said Mr
Mavondo.
The municipality is being charged with breaching the
Environmental
Management Act, which states that when effluent is discharged
into the
environment an appropriate plant has to be installed.
Surveillance and
scepticism
Posted on April 23rd, 2007 by Amanda Atwood.
When I first heard about the Zimbabwe Republic Police’s (ZRP) Trail
of Violence report, I was sceptical if it was even a legitimate document.
But seeing a link to it on the Government of Zimbabwe Ministry of Home Affairs
website gave me confidence in its existence as a document genuinely produced by
the Zimbabwean Government. Even if big question marks still linger about its
contents.
The report outlines the activities of “the opposition” in Zimbabwe in the
form of the Broad Alliance which it describes as including:
It claims that the agenda of these organisations is to “mobilise people for
regime change in Zimbabwe.” The leaders of these “opposition forces have been
addressing numerous meetings across the country, drumming support for
anti-Government activities and civil disobedience.” To prove this, they
chronicle rallies, public meetings and demonstrations which these groups have
put together.
It’s a thorough, careful and—aside from the petrol bomb side of
things—accurate feeling report. The activities, recounted in excruciating
detail, are clearly intended to portray “the opposition” as an organised,
violent, ruthless force aimed at destabilising the government. It fits snugly
into the government’s own propaganda strategy. It’s easy to imagine how they’ll
roll it out at regional
summits or in conversations with the likes of South African President Thabo
Mbeki. It’s written to illustrate that the Mugabe government is under threat,
and that any restrictions on civil liberties, human rights or freedom of
movement are “measured and necessary”—even
if this includes beating activists, arresting them and holding them
indefinitely.
It’s hard not to laugh at the report’s desperation. What awful things have
the Save
Zimbabwe Campaign done? They’ve distributed flyers urging people to clap,
hoot and shout for a better Zimbabwe. What mischievousness is the MDC up to?
Well, they are holding rallies attended by thousands of people and discussing
the need for a new Constitution.
They are marching through Bulawayo with placards saying “Pay the Police” and “We
demand Jobs.”
From one perspective it’s a record of an impressive array of pro-democracy
activities. Between the MDC, NCA, ZINASU, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, ZCTU,
the Christian Alliance and WOZA, hundreds of people have attended meetings or
participated in demonstrations not only across Harare but in Bulawayo, Masvingo,
Mutare, Kadoma and Gweru as well. Unsurprisingly, given that the ZRP wrote the
report, a lot of attention is given to the alleged beatings and petrol bomb
attacks on police officers. None to the beatings of opposition activists whilst
in police custody, which have resulted in at least 225 people needing medical
attention in the past month are mentioned.
It sounds callous, but the pictures of the allegedly petrol bombed women
police officers aren’t in the least convincing. If you’ve just survived having a
petrol bomb thrown into your home and your face and body are burnt to the
excruciating extent they’re made to look, would you really be sitting up in your
hospital bed with a nurse giving you tea straight from the cup? Wouldn’t your
lips be too sore to sip?
Outside of critique and incredulity, what can we learn from this
document?
The report spends several pages detailing the different ambassadors who have
been seen in association with opposition activities. The Mugabe government
falsely believes Zimbabweans are incapable of organising resistance without
outside prompting or support. If the government is convinced of this, how useful
is the presence of these ambassadors at jails, hospitals, courts, and rallies?
What does it achieve, and at what cost?
Do any of the organisations which feature in the report have as thorough a
record of their own activities? What can we learn from this documentation, and
how can we use it to help enhance activities within and across civil society
organisations in the future to develop strategies and grow membership?
Finally, one could read the report and get intimidated. It is 58 pages of
names and dates and locations and events. But this shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Most pro-democracy activists and organisations in Zimbabwe are aware of the
potential for government surveillance, and the possibility of a CIO agent in
every meeting. Mugabe wouldn’t be running a dictatorship if he wasn’t good at
keeping tabs. Everyone knows this, but if activists are becoming a bit lax, the
report reminds us that Mugabe government’s surveillance activities are alive and
well.
Zimbabwe's tobacco farmers in price stand-off
New Zimbabwe
By Lebo
Nkatazo
Last updated: 04/24/2007 03:36:13
ZIMBABWE'S annual opening of the
tobacco auction floors hangs in the balance
after Agriculture Minister
Rugare Gumbo failed to get government approval
for the new prices on
Monday.
Tobacco farmers gathered Monday at a Harare hotel waiting for
Gumbo's
announcement of new prices and incentives, but the ceremony was
cancelled
after nearly two hours, when Gumbo did not show up.
The
scheduled opening of the tobacco floors Tuesday comes after its delay by
more than a month as a result of a pricing dispute and inadequate packaging
materials.
The floors were initially expected to open on March 14,
but farmers refused
to deliver the golden leaf, demanding a special
rate.
Wilfanos Mashingaidze, a representative of the tobacco trade
regulating
authority, the Tobacco Industry and Marketing Authority (TIMB),
dismissed
the farmers when Gumbo failed to pitch up to make the
announcements saying:
"There is nothing to announce at the moment. The
minister is still
consulting. Let's meet at 7:30 am tomorrow at the auction
floors. I wish you
luck."
Disappointed farmers, who spoke on
condition of anonymity, said they are
going to withhold their crop again, if
the government does not come up with
a new pricing structure, possibly
coupled with the devaluation of the local
currency.
President Robert
Mugabe is vehemently opposed to the devaluing of the local
currency, a move
that has cost previous ministers such as Simba Makoni their
jobs.
The
US dollar remains pegged at 250 against the local currency, although it
can
fetch up of 14 000 on the thriving parallel market.
The government's
chaotic land reforms have seen a serious dip in
agricultural production,
with the country losing its position of being one
of the top five tobacco
producing countries in the world.
Zimbabwe's troubles have seen
neighbouring countries, notably Zambia and
Malawi, making gains partly
because of local farmers who fled to those
countries and started new
ventures.
State to Announce New Bread Price
The Herald
(Harare)
April 23, 2007
Posted to the web April 23,
2007
Harare
THE Government will soon announce a new bread price as
the Prices
Stabilisation Committee is almost through with examining
proposals submitted
by the baking industry and other stakeholders, a Cabinet
minister has said.
Industry and International Trade Minister Mr Obert
Mpofu said on Friday that
the Government was deeply committed to see the
baking industry charge viable
prices that would sustain its operations while
being affordable to
consumers.
The gazetted price of a standard
loaf is $825 but retailers are selling it
at between $5 000 and $6 000 a
loaf.
Bakers' Association of Zimbabwe vice chairperson Mr Vincent Mangoma
last
month said bakers would incur a loss of $5 000 per loaf of bread sold
at
$825, adding that the cost of inputs had risen sharply in the past few
months.
He said producing a loaf of bread cost more than $ 5 500,
excluding
transport costs and overhead expenses, and continuing to sell the
bread at
$825 would be subsidising consumers.
The baking industry has
on several occasions criticised the Government for
taking too long to
gazette the price of bread yet they were submitting
proposals on a weekly
basis.
Meanwhile, Mr Mpofu said the Government would also descend on
unscrupulous
retailers that are taking advantage of the current economic
environment to
overcharge consumers. -- New Ziana.
Zimbabwe Vigil Diary - 21st April 2007
"Each time a man or a woman
stands up for justice, the heavens sing and the
world rejoices." This was
the theme of our special Prayer Vigil for
Zimbabwe. We were happy to be
addressed by two pastors from Zimbabwe, Useni
Sibanda and Promise Manceda,
of the Zimbabwean Christian Alliance (ZCA). The
ZCA spearheads the Save
Zimbabwe Campaign, the umbrella organisation from
which the MDC and civic
bodies in Zimbabwe are working for change.
On a beautiful sunny day they
were welcomed with this prayer "We pray for
the women of WOZA, who are not
afraid to stand together peacefully for
change. We pray for the Archbishop
of Bulawayo, Pius Ncube, who is
selflessly devoting his life to his flock
who are living in tough times
through lack of clean water, lack of food,
lack of homes, lack of jobs and
lack of hope. We pray for all the other
organisations that are now standing
together seeking a peaceful solution,
which will end the misery and
desecration of lives. Lord, these are our
brothers and sisters. Father we
pray for Robert Mugabe, that he will seek
help from you and act on your
guidance."
Useni Sibanda, who is
co-ordinator of the ZCA, praised the Vigil for its
consistency and urged
Zimbabweans throughout the UK to continue to pray for
their homeland. He
said pastors had a biblical mandate to work in a peaceful
and non-violent
way to bring about liberty and social justice. It was, he
said, time for
Zimbabweans to say unity, unity, unity. His colleague,
Pastor Promise
Manceda, said pastors are enjoined by God to preach freedom
to the
captives. The people of Zimbabwe were being kept captive.
Many
passers-by stopped to join in, perhaps drawn by the saxophones, violin
and
guitar which augmented our usual drums, or by the singing of Viomak, or
the
passionate dancing, singing and prayer.
We were all inspired by the
Reverend Ray Pountney of the West Hill Baptist
Church in London. He used to
be a pastor in Bulawayo working with Ray Motsi
of the Baptist Church. Among
other speakers were Pastors Idy Samuels
(Nigeria), Rose Deans (Ghana) and
Victor Kambasha (Zimbabwe). There were
many other pastors there including
our good supporter, the Reverend Dr
Martine Stemerick, who managed to find
time in her very busy schedule to
join us.
We were also pleased to
have with us the Zimbabwe Watchmen, a Christian
group from Coventry. They
spent three hours in worship outside the Embassy
before the Prayer Vigil
began and many of them stayed till the end. Thanks
to John Yohane of the
Zimbabwe Watchmen, who is also a Vigil supporter, for
organizing the event,
and to other Vigil supporters, Evelyn, Jeff, Dumi and
PJ, who organised the
Prayer Vigil.
The day ended with a reading of verses of Ezekiel 37. "Then
he said to me;
"Now give them this message from the Sovereign Lord: O my
people I will open
your graves of exile and cause you to rise again. Then I
will bring you back
to the land of Israel. When this happens, O my people
you will know that I
am the Lord."
For this week's Vigil pictures: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/
FOR
THE RECORD: 127 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
- Monday,
23rd April, 7.30. Central London Zimbabwe Forum. The
speakers are Pastors
Useni Sibanda and Promise Manceda of the Zimbabwean
Christian Alliance. The
ZCA spearheads the Save Zimbabwe Campaign, the
umbrella organisation from
which the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
Zimbabwe's main opposition
party, and civic bodies in Zimbabwe who are
campaigning for change.Come and
hear at first hand what is happening back
home. Venue: The Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum, Development House, 56-64
Leonard Street, London EC2A 4JX,
Nearest tube: Old Street (take exit 4 for
City Road South - Leonard Street
is the first left turning off City Road).
- Saturday, 28th April, 11
am - 3 pm. The Bristol Vigil meets under
the covered way, just near the
Watershed, Canon's Road, Harbourside.
Vigil co-ordinator
The
Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every
Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of
human
rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October
2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections
are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
China now biggest investor in
Zimbabwe
Mail and Guardian
Harare, Zimbabwe
23 April 2007
10:22
China is now the biggest investor in Zimbabwe with at
least 35
companies operating in the Southern African country and more
investors
eyeing opportunities there, according to a top ruling party
official.
"It is heartening to know that China is now the
largest investor
in Zimbabwe and her investment now stands at over 600
million US dollars,"
Parliament speaker John Nkomo was quoted as saying in
Monday's state-run
Herald newspaper.
"Currently more than
35 Chinese companies grace our economic
landscape and there have been more
exploratory visits to Zimbabwe by Chinese
companies seeking investment
opportunities," Nkomo said in a speech at a
dinner for a visiting senior
Chinese official.
Zimbabwe and China have relations dating
back to Zimbabwe's
1970s liberation struggle when Beijing provided arms and
training to the
black nationalist movement fighting the white minority
government of Ian
Smith.
The burgeoning ties have seen an
exchange of visits by officials
from Harare and Beijing in recent
years.
In the latest visit Jia Qinglin, chairperson of the
Chinese
People's Political Consultative Conference, arrived in Harare on
Friday on a
four-day trip.
On Saturday officials from
China handed over a $58-million
financing facility that will be used to
purchase farming equipment,
implements and tools in
Zimbabwe.
Under the deal, China's CAMC Engineering will
supply various
agricultural equipment including 424 tractors, 65 dumper
trucks, 40
heavy-duty harrows and eight bulldozers.
In
return for the help with its struggling agriculture sector,
Zimbabwe will
deliver 110 000 tonnes of tobacco to China over two years,
Made
said.
The two countries also signed three separate agreements
related
to finance, agriculture and education.
The
friendship between Harare and Beijing was rekindled when
Mugabe, shunned by
former friends in the West over the political crisis in
his country, adopted
a "Look East" policy forging stronger ties with
countries like China,
Malaysia, Indonesia and India.
Chinese businesses have been
condemned for flooding the local
market with low-quality goods and pushing
local manufacturers out of
business. - Sapa-AFP
There must be more to democracy than
elections
Business Day
23 April 2007
Dianna
Games
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
holding of multiparty elections is generally held to be a defining
element
in moving African states from a postcolonial era of failed
socialism,
political looting and endemic civil war into a modern,
globalised,
technocratic world.
But it is clear that simply staging a poll will not,
of itself, achieve the
ambitions for Africa outlined by the likes of the New
Partnership for Africa's
Development (Nepad).
Last week's Nigerian
elections highlighted the issue. A Nigerian
acquaintance asked me how it was
that, after eight years of government
failure to improve basic services, the
inept ruling party was voted back in
28 of 36 states. Adding insult to
injury has been the rampant siphoning off
of development money into personal
accounts of the political class. The
majority voted for the very people who
had robbed them.
It seems one of the key regulating functions of
democracy - calling misrule
to account - is not working.
There
are various obvious reasons for this, voter ignorance, vote-rigging,
and
intimidation of the mass sectarian vote being among them.
The April
14 election of Nigeria's state governors and legislators was
characterised
by allegations of rigging and inefficiencies that led
observers to question
the results in at least 10 states.
In some places, gangs hijacked
ballot boxes and there were significant
discrepancies between results
announced at polling stations and later ballot
collation at local government
level.
As Zimbabwe has shown, the rigging of an election, and
destabilisation of
the political environment, can start long before polling
day, and long
before foreign election observers hit town. Local authorities
and chiefs are
bought off well in advance, and they in turn ensure
compliance through a
combination of fear and reward. Accountability is
notable by its absence.
A lot is spoken about an "African democracy"
in academic forums. This
alludes to a democracy that takes into account the
continent's particular
characteristics and accommodates factors absent from
successful democracies
in other regions. But surely chaotic polling, stolen
elections and a
perversion of the golden principle of accountability are not
among these
unique elements?
What are the ingredients of
so-called mature democracies that make them
models that the likes of Nepad
aspire to, yet are missing from the equation
in places such as Nigeria and
Zimbabwe?
Obvious factors are better organisation and tighter, more
scrupulous
election controls. But, as suggested earlier, democracy is more
than just an
election, and perhaps we put too much store by actual polling
days. What
about the much longer intervening period, when politicians are
supposed to
fulfil their promises?
Indeed, elections can be
viewed as a mirror of the political environment in
a country. If the overall
democratic ethos is improved, it's just possible
we will get better
elections.
Effective political opposition is notably lacking in many
African
democracies. Having strong, critical voices raised as part of the
continuing
political debate within a society can only sharpen government
effectiveness
and accountability.
Unfortunately, in many African
countries, opposition politicians are not
seen as patriotic, concerned
citizens who have the betterment of society as
their goal. Rather, they are
perceived to be enemies of the state; or
avaricious individuals out to
deprive incumbents of the spoils of power.
In many African states,
opposition parties are barely tolerated, while in
others they are openly
persecuted. When Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai was beaten
by government forces, the president blithely said he
had it coming to
him.
Demonising the opposition often has as a corollary: the blurring
of the line
between state and ruling party. The voting masses can easily get
confused
about nationality and nationalism, which serves incumbent
governments well.
Once the ruling parties have reinstalled themselves by
fair means or foul,
they carry on as before, citing the mandate they
received at the polls.
Of course, Africa has to start somewhere in
the democratising process, and
an election is the logical place. And,
indeed, conditions in African states
struggling to emerge from the ravages
of decades of exploitation and
political experiment are very different to
those in the developed world - so
the talk of a special type of "African
democracy" is probably apposite.
But this new form of democracy
surely cannot leave out accountability,
tolerate corruption by leaders and
sideline dissenting voices. These are
integral to the rule "of the people,
by the people, for the people".
?Games is director of Africa @ Work,
an African consulting company.
It's time for Canada to get tough in
Zimbabwe
Edmonton Journal, Canada
Daniel Morris, Freelance
Published: Monday, April 23, 2007
NEW
YORK - As the situation in Zimbabwe deteriorates to yet another
previously
unimaginable level, Liberal MPs have advocated for the suspension
diplomatic
ties with the tyrannical regime of longtime dictator Robert
Mugabe.
If Ottawa is serious about helping to bring about a
democratic, safe
Zimbabwe, it should do so immediately. At stake is much
more than the
welfare of a people who have suffered relentless and cruel
repression for
years -- although ideally that would serve as sufficient
motive -- but the
core principle of accountability in the global system of
nation-states.
Some might question the utility of breaking ties,
predicting that Mugabe, in
his ever increasing paranoia, would dismiss it as
further evidence of a
Western plot directed against him. But for a man
responsible for the
documented deaths of tens of thousands of ordinary
Zimbabweans, Canadians
might meaningfully ask themselves what it would mean
if the federal
government continues to engage in politics as
usual.
Indeed, Mugabe has not just defied basic rules of humanity and
international
law. He has defied rules of physics. He acts with no equal but
opposite
reaction force -- certainly not from western governments, who
mechanically
voice strong condemnations in response to the latest brutal
opposition
crackdown and then wonder aloud why its powerful neighbour South
Africa,
doesn't just make the issue go away by itself.
Many patient
observers were optimistic that Mugabe would hear a strong
message at the
recent meeting of the South African Development Community in
Tanzania from
perhaps the one man he takes seriously: South African
President Thabo
Mbeki.
Instead, Mbeki and the other leaders of southern Africa called for
an end to
all sanctions on Zimbabwe, and Mbeki made a vague commitment to
"facilitate
dialogue" between the government and opposition groups in
Zimbabwe.
Emboldened, less than 48 hours later Mugabe announced his intent
to contest
the 2008 presidential elections.
Which leads to the latest
policy proposal to get tough on Mugabe.
The federal government has so far
refused to suspend diplomatic ties with
Zimbabwe. To be sure, such a move
would inconvenience Canadians in Zimbabwe
by removing direct consular
protection, as a spokesman for Foreign Affairs
Minister Peter MacKay
noted.
But even this relatively minor drawback could be mitigated by
outsourcing
consular services, a common practice for countries making a
principled stand
for human rights. Consular services for Canadians in
Myanmar (Burma), for
instance, are handled by the Australian
embassy.
In dismissing calls to declare the ambassador from Zimbabwe in
Ottawa
persona non grata, the Foreign Affairs spokesman noted that no other
country
has done so. But for some government officials, exiled Zimbabweans,
and
concerned citizens who want Canada to take the lead in ratcheting up the
pressure on a regime that commands acts of violence with seeming impunity,
the proposal's novelty doesn't make it any less necessary.
Or any
less timely. The UK Times newspaper has reported 2,500 paramilitary
police
from Angola known for their violent tactics will travel to Zimbabwe
this
month to do Mugabe's bidding.
Refugees continue to flee Zimbabwe's
borders for neighbouring countries or
places farther abroad, like
Canada.
One need only look to Somalia to see what happens when violent
forces
presume impunity, or to Lebanon, where former Lebanese Prime Minister
Rafik
Hariri was assassinated in February 2005. When not checked, other
countries
become involved and the threat to regional stability
grows.
In the years after Mugabe leaves office and a brighter future
becomes a
possibility, they will remember who took the brave steps to make
the day an
occasion for the celebration of freedom and
accountability.
Daniel Morris is a Canadian living in New York, where he
is program director
for a think-tank called the National Committee on
American Foreign Policy
Briton's Eq. Guinea extradition case hits visa snag
Reuters
Mon 23 Apr
2007, 13:08 GMT
By Nelson Banya
HARARE, April 23 (Reuters) -
Zimbabwean immigration authorities are refusing
to grant visas to key
witnesses in the extradition case of a Briton accused
of plotting a coup in
Equatorial Guinea, one of his lawyers said on Monday.
Former British
special forces officer Simon Mann is being held at a top
security prison in
Zimbabwe after a court convicted him in September 2004
for trying to
purchase weapons without a licence.
Although Mann is due for early
release for good behaviour on May 11, he is
fighting a bid by Equatorial
Guinea to have him extradited to Malabo to face
charges of plotting to
assassinate President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo.
Mann's lawyers said
on Monday they had been unable to call a number of
international witnesses
to the stand to show their client was likely to be
tortured if returned to
the oil-rich western African nation.
"We had intended to call witnesses
from the International Bar Association
(IBA) and Amnesty International (AI),
but our efforts have been frustrated
by the immigration department," defence
lawyer Jonathan Samkange told a
court in Harare.
The IBA and Amnesty
International have been sharply critical of the justice
system in Equatorial
Guinea.
Andrew Chigovera, Zimbabwe's former acting attorney general and a
former
member of the African Commission for Human and People's Rights,
testified on
Monday he had seen reports detailing alleged prisoner abuse and
problems
with the justice system in Equatorial Guinea.
"The contents
of the reports do not surprise me," Chigovera, a defense
witness, told the
court. "As a former commissioner, I can say the reports
are not inconsistent
with other reports we received relating to the justice
delivery system,
civil and political rights in Equatorial Guinea."
Chigovera added
Equatorial Guinea had not responded to any of the reports,
as was required
by the commission.
Mann's hearing was adjourned until Tuesday to allow
the state time to
investigate the charges that Zimbabwean authorities were
impeding their case
and that Mann was too ill to be
extradited.
Samkange produced documents on Monday that he argued showed
Mann faced
"life-threatening complications" if he did not have a hernia
operation.
Mann told the court last week that he feared being killed if
returned to
Equatorial Guinea. The attorney general of the Equatorial
Guinea, however,
said a death sentence would not be imposed on the Briton if
found guilty at
a trial.
Sixty-six other defendants arrested with
Mann after their plane stopped in
Harare served less than one year in jail
after pleading guilty to charges of
violating Zimbabwe's immigration and
civil aviation laws.
Eleven others, including a number of foreigners, are
serving sentences
ranging from 13 to 34 years in jail in Equatorial Guinea
in connection with
the coup plot.
SADC energy ministers to meet in Zimbabwe
People's Daily
Energy
ministers from the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) will
hold a
five-day conference in Zimbabwean capital of Harare, which begins on
Monday.
Zimbabwe's Ministry of Energy and Power Development will host
the meeting to
look into ways of meeting the expected shortage of power this
year.
On the agenda will also be increased use of gas and coal reserves
in the
region, New Ziana reported on Sunday.
An official from the
Zimbabwe Electrical Supply Authority said all
preparations are in place for
this crucial energy meeting.
Southern Africa is expected to be hit by a
shortage of electricity owing to
increased demand.
In Zimbabwe, the
national power utility, ZESA, is already struggling to meet
demand for
energy for both domestic and industrial use.
Source:
Xinhua
Mugabe's diamonds
bizcommunity.com
Issued by:
e.tv
International diamond experts have dubbed it the biggest diamond
rush in
history. In the midst of political and economic turmoil, Zimbabwe
has
recently discovered diamonds.
The discovery has provided an
opportunity for those struggling to cope with
high unemployment and a
crippled economy to make a quick fortune. However,
it is mainly corrupt
officials that are illegally profiting from plundering
this precious natural
resource.
The World Diamond Council wants Zimbabwe investigated for
flouting the
Kimberley Process Certification Scheme governing trade in these
gems. But
instead of effectively dealing with the problem, the Zimbabwean
government
is accusing its critics of having hidden agendas. This despite it
being
unable to account for diamonds worth US$ 400m.
Third Degree
Producer, Peter Moyo, spent two weeks in Zimbabwe investigating
this illicit
trade. He was arrested and later abducted by their Central
Intelligence
operatives who said he was a national security threat. The crew's
camera
equipment and footage were also seized.
This is a programme the
Zimbabwean government did not want you to see - an
exclusive broadcast
exposing damning evidence of Zimbabwe's illegal diamond
mining and
smuggling.
In addition, Debora Patta and Peter Moyo trace this unlawful
trade back to
South Africa and reveal how Moyo managed to escape Mugabe's
media crackdown
to bring you the full story.
3rd Degree, Tuesday, 24
April at 8pm, on e.tv.
'Property Industry Remains Stagnant'
The Herald
(Harare)
April 23, 2007
Posted to the web April 23,
2007
Harare
THE property industry remains stagnant as cautious
investors are reluctant
to commit themselves in the face of the high
inflation characterising the
country's economy, analysts have
said.
With inflation soaring above 1 700 percent, the property sector has
not been
spared with constant revaluation of properties by property owners
and high
cost of building materials has made life extremely difficult for
prospective
home owners.
A snap survey carried out by Herald
Business revealed that over the past
year the property market, particularly
residential properties, have remained
sluggish with buyers opting for
completed buildings. This has been
attributed to low activity in the
construction sector due to ever-increasing
costs of building materials and a
high demand for residential properties by
Zimbabweans living in the Diaspora
with a higher disposable income as
compared than those resident in
country.
Property analyst Mr Tavenganiswa Mabikacheche said there was an
acute
shortage of houses and flats to let which were contributing to the
upward
movement in both rentals and prices for acquiring
properties.
"The prices of properties is still going up, the demand is
too high against
a very low supply side. And the other problem is the price
versus the
salaries people are getting which does not justify them to get
loans to buy
houses.
"Those who can buy houses without a loan can
only do so in high to medium
density suburbs, upmarket areas are too way
beyond their salaries," he said.
Another property analyst and Fairvest
Estate Agent spokesperson, Mr Moses
Mazibiye concurred with Mr Mabikacheche
saying the property industry has
since the beginning of the year remained
subdued with prospects of recovery
remaining weak on the back of the
increasing inflation.
He added that the property market has been playing
second fiddle to other
investment vehicles such as the stock market and the
trend is likely to
continue throughout the year with the majority of funds
going into equities.
"Should rates continue to be firm, funds would be
kept away form brick and
mortar. People are opting for the stock market, it
has been more active.
"Completed houses normally sell especially in high
density areas, but over
the past two weeks activity has also been quite low
because the Zimbabwean
dollar has been gaining," said Mr Mazibiye.