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CRIENGLISH.COM
South Africa is mulling the possibility of Zimbabwe joining the Common Monetary Area (CMA), which presently includes Namibia, Swaziland and Lesotho and is exploring the feasibility of Zimbabwe using the rand as a reference currency, local media reported on Sunday.
According to The Sunday Mail, South African Treasury spokesperson Thoraya Pandy said the country could only join the CMA after negotiating with its southern African neighbor on issues relating to interest rates, currency and inflation.
However, no negotiations have been planned. "Each country should individually weigh up the benefits and evaluate for themselves if there are any advantages (to using the rand)," explained Pandy, adding the country "needs to decide on whether a new currency or replacement currency will be necessary".
Zimbabwe's Minister of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion Elton Mangoma said the inclusive government is looking at all options available that are within the interests of the country.
"The inclusive government is looking at all options that are available and will be looking at everything and anything that has the potential of benefiting the country. However, this does not mean that we have made a decision yet; we should not have a narrow view of the world around us," explained Mangoma.
In essence, joining the CMA means Zimbabwe will have to subscribe to the tenets of the Multilateral Monetary Agreement ( MMA) that makes it imperative for members to scrap restrictions on the transfer of funds for current and capital transactions between members in the area.
Zimbabwe's exchange control regime will also have to be aligned to those that are currently obtaining in South Africa.Furthermore, its gold and exchange control transactions will have to be synchronized with the policies adopted for the management of the gold reserves of the CMA.
Crucially, being a member of the body will give Zimbabwe access to the South African capital and money markets and a right to enter into bilateral agreements with South Africa, a development that enables the South African Reserve Bank to avail temporary central banking facilities.
However, Zimbabwe's central bank will retain its core functions, including the ability to authorize its gold and foreign exchange transactions.
Also the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe will maintain its flexibility of using a local unit that will be determined by prescribed rand assets and be easily convertible to the rand, but can not be used as a legal tender in South Africa.
Under the MMA, the country will be subject to some payments and a share of seignorage from South Africa depending on the amount of rands that will be circulating in the economy.Seignorage is the amount of real purchasing power that a government can obtain from the public by printing money.
Zimbabwe has shelved the use of the local currency and opted to use the multi-currency system, the U.S. dollar, the Botswana pula, the British pound and the rand. Company financial statements, salaries and business transactions are currently being handled using foreign currency.
The Zimbabwean government is now considering mopping up all the local currency held in the financial system, in a move that is expected to cost an estimated 13 million dollars.
Pandy said joining a monetary union will not imply that Zimbabwe is surrendering monetary policy, but it will mean its monetary policy will have to be conducted within the framework of the Multilateral Monetary Agreement.
South Africa is Zimbabwe's biggest trading partner and currently the Zimbabwean government is making efforts to secure lines of credit to help lift the domestic industry after a decade of economic recession.
April 25 2009 at 06:33PM | |
By Philimon Bulawayo |
April 26 2009 at 07:44AM | |
By Eleanor Momberg
While the minister had made the decision and given the department the go-ahead to implement it, the plan was still being developed. In the meantime, the mass deportation of Zimbabweans had been halted. Only those accused of crimes would be deported. By introducing a means for Zimbabweans to enter the country legally, the government hoped to deter illegal immigration. Granting permits to Zimbabweans would enable the government to better manage the flow of people between the two countries.
She explained that the department had been working on such a permit system for asylum seekers for some time, but the plan had proved too costly. Because it would take too long to obtain Treasury approval for funding, the department had decided to look at "how we can do this (more cheaply) without compromising the safety of the country". The introduction of the special permit would not only reduce the burden on the asylum system, but was part of a process being negotiated at ministerial level between South Africa and Zimbabwe to do away with visa requirements - a possible first step to introducing free cross-border movement within the Southern African Development Community and the amendment of South Africa's immigration legislation. The announcement of the special permit was welcomed by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (Cormsa) and Human Rights Watch, which had been advocating the implementation of the temporary immigration exemption status for Zimbabweans for several years. "We are very, very happy about the announcement," said Sanda Kimbimbi, a UNHCR regional representative. "It is an important measure because it really assists the many Zimbabweans in South Africa who are undocumented, and those who are here legally." Kimbimbi said the Zimbabwean situation was different in that not all those who came to South Africa were economic migrants. Many had been forced by other circumstances to leave. Making the distinction between real refugees and economic migrants was difficult. Introducing the permit would allow Zimbabweans to move freely, look for employment and limit their risk. But, he said, the special dispensation would only partly solve the problem, because some Zimbabweans would still enter South Africa with no place to live and no prospect of employment. "I hope that they realise that if that expectation is not to be fulfilled they will voluntarily return to Zimbabwe. The purpose of this is not to have people sleeping on the streets," said Kimbimbi. Duncan Breen, an advocacy officer for Cormsa, said the introduction of the permit that it had been calling for for a long time was welcome, as it conferred certain rights on Zimbabweans and granted them greater protection. One of these was protection under labour legislation. Documenting Zimbabweans would eliminate their exploitation, and could allow the thousands of skilled Zimbabweans in South Africa to contribute their know-how to the economy. "It is great for us that there is official recognition that there is a crisis in Zimbabwe," he said. Gerry Simpson, refugee researcher at Human Rights Watch, said the decision to grant special permits should lessen the vulnerability of Zimbabweans to violence and exploitation, both in their homeland and in South Africa. "After years of fleeing persecution and economic meltdown, well over a million Zimbabweans in South Africa will finally get the protection they deserve," said Simpson, who called on the South African authorities more than a year ago to stop deporting Zimbabweans and grant them temporary status and the right to work. Kimbimbi, Breen and Simpson expressed concern about the continued arrest and deportation of Zimbabweans despite the announcement that this would be halted pending the introduction of the permit. McCarthy conceded that Zimbabweans were still being arrested by the police, particularly in Musina, but added that talks were under way to end this practice. "It is something we have to face up to - the police still have a mandate to arrest any illegal immigrant. They are not about to stop and ask whether you are Zimbabwean before arresting you and bringing you to Home Affairs for deportation. The department will determine the nationality of the person with the assistance of the UNHCR." Zimbabweans marked for deportation would be released and given temporary permits, allowing them to legally remain in South Africa. Those already in South Africa who could prove their origins would also be given permits.
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The Standard
25 April
By Ndamu Sandu
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) and its employees are on a collision course after the central bank took cars from the workers and gave them to legislators. The revelation will open a can of worms on the motives behind RBZ’s gesture amid claims from employees that the central bank was currying favour with politicians. Earlier this month RBZ governor Gideon Gono offered to give legislators cars for temporary use until Treasury finds money to purchase vehicles under the Parliamentary Loan Scheme. The cars would be returned when the Ministry of Finance has enough resources to buy the cars for the MPs. The Standard heard yesterday that of the 50 cars issued to MPs, some came from the pool section of the bank while the remainder were taken from various departments. Last week the Transport Division of the bank was instructed to get 150 cars from RBZ employees including senior managers in a move employees said flouts contractual obligations. Managers are entitled to cars and some senior managers reported for work on Friday without the cars fearing that they would be taken from them, according to people familiar with developments at RBZ.
Others said they would resist the move to dispossess them of the cars. "We will not return those cars. How can I return the car when the bank hasn’t paid me?" asked a senior manager. "Yesterday (Friday) the transport division did not get a single car as managers refused to surrender their vehicles." The Standard heard that employees, some of them facing retrenchment following the realignment of the central bank to focus on its core business, were livid and have vowed not to surrender the cars. Employees vowed to cling to the cars arguing that they would form part of their retrenchment packages. RBZ is due to retrench employees to focus on its core business of prices and financial sector stability. One employee is said to have fainted after he was told to surrender the car, a close relative said yesterday. When Gono offered the cars to MPs, he said the vehicles were lying idle at RBZ but employees disputed the claims. An executive member in the MPs welfare committee said the legislators had been promised 150 cars by the central bank. Told that the cars they were given were seized from RBZ employees, the MP said: "We were told that the cars are lying idle at RBZ." RBZ spokesperson, Kumbirai Nhongo was not immediately available for comment. Gono could also not be reached for comment.
Sent: Monday, April 27, 2009 12:36 AM
Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – 25thApril 2009
Another big turnout. Our average attendance for the first four months of the year was 279. The average for the same period last year was 198. We remember the days when we were happy to get 30. People come hundreds of miles to join us in our weekly protest – some undoubtedly because they believe that being a ‘Vigil Activist’ will help their asylum claim. But that doesn’t explain why people still keep coming even when their asylum status has been resolved. They share our belief expressed in one of our banners ‘No to Mugabe, No to Starvation’.
We expect a smaller turnout next week because the Vigil coincides with a meeting in Peterborough (some 85 miles from London) at which Tendai Biti is to address MDC supporters.
We hope they ask him what he wants them to do: is it to continue their financial contributions to the party and keep quiet about the failure to establish the rule of law and respect for human rights? Is it to return home to this situation? Is it to pressure Western governments to finance a bloated Zimbabwean civil service payroll including Green Bombers and Zanu-PF thugs? The Vigil hopes that, while we wave the flag for Zimbabwe in London, people attending Mr Biti’s meeting in Peterborough will ask him why the MDC has been silent about the SABC’s revelations of barbaric prison conditions in Zimbabwe and remind him there is such a thing as quiet complicity. They might also ask him to explain exactly why the UK should ever lift targeted sanctions against Mugabe and his murderous gang? We say ‘No to Mugabe (and thanks largely to the US and the EU) No to Starvation’.
There was much talk at the Vigil about the South African elections and many were hopeful that President Zuma would be better for Zimbabwe than the disastrous Mbeki.
Several other points:
· We have booked the upstairs room at the Theodore Bullfrog on Saturday 23rd May at 6.30 pm until late for a Vigil forum. This is the first of our monthly forums to enable us to get to know each other better and offer input about the way forward for the Vigil.
· Through illness and other commitments the Vigil management team were scarce on the ground today. Many thanks to Reginald Gwasura, Linda Hopkins, Tafadzwa Madjgara and Batson Chapata who stepped in to help with the Vigil register, the sale of t-shirts and general running of the Vigil.
· We were joined by a group of schoolchildren from St Malo in France over in London for a few days. They joined enthusiastically in the dancing.
· We were happy to have back with us David McAllister who has been working as an IT manager on a round-the-world cruise liner but still managed to maintain our websites which he set up.
· After our Independence Day protest last week, Batson Chapata and Fungayi Mabhunu were interviewed by BBC Three Counties radio. They spoke about prison conditions in Zimbabwe.
· We urge everyone to support a musical initiative by the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. On Friday 8th May from 3-6 pm in the Khalili Lecture Theatre they are holding a seminar with Professor Paul Berliner (Duke University) and Zimbabwean mbira dzaVadimu master Cosmas Magaya. The seminar will focus on their 35-year endeavour to document the music and performance contexts of the mbira, and will include plenty of playing! All welcome and those who play mbira are invited to bring along their instruments. On Saturday 9th May at 7pm Paul and Cosmas will perform in a concert featuring a combination of performance and storytelling. ‘This concert will be at once a tribute to the mbira greats that have passed away and a poignant exposition of the intersection between human rights and music in Zimbabwe’. The concert will take place in the Brunei Gallery, SOAS, Russell Square campus. Entrance to both events is free! Vigil supporter Kudaushe Matimba, a former member of the Bhundu Boys and a postgraduate student at SOAS, is involved in this concert.
For latest Vigil pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/
FOR THE RECORD: 270 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
· Central London Zimbabwe Forum. Monday 27th April at 7.30 pm. Dr Alex Magaisa will talk about the chances of Zimbabwe’s recovery plan working. Venue: Bell and Compass, 9-11 Villiers Street, London, WC2N 6NA, next to Charing Cross Station at the corner of Villiers Street and John Adam Street.
· ROHR South East London launch meeting. Saturday 2nd May from 1.30 – 5 pm. Venue: Wessex House, 375 Old Kent Road, Bermondsey, London SE1 5JQ. For info contact Priscilla Chitsinde 07853199722, R Zvomuya 07961418715 or P Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070
· ROHR Leeds general meeting. Saturday 2nd May from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: Dock Green Inn, Leeds LS9 7AB. Contact: Wonder M Mubaiwa 07958758568, Donna Mugoni 07533259373 or B Sikosana 07940181761
· ROHR Bournemouth general meeting. Saturday 2nd May from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: East Cliff Reformed Church, Holdenhurst Road, BH8 8AW. Contact: Mike Mhene 07774521837, Abigail Nzimba 07917458873 or Gift Pfupa 07909831158.
· ROHR Harlow general meeting. Saturday 2nd May from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue St James & St Luke's Church, Perry Road, Harlow CM18 7NP. Speakers from the executive and others. Contact: Kuda C Sabau 07853205523, L Kashangura 07506481334 or Grace Kachingwe 07785017858
· ‘Strangers into Citizens’ Rally. Bank Holiday Monday 4th May at 12 noon in Trafalgar Square. Meet in Tothill Street SW1 at 11.30 for walk to Trafalgar Square. The event is preceded by services in several churches including Westminster Cathedral, St Margaret’s, Parliament Square and Central Hall, Westminster. For more information: www.strangersintocitizens.org.uk.
· Mbira Seminar and Concert: Friday and Saturday 8th and 9th May. Seminar on Friday from 3-6 pm in the Khalili Lecture Theatre. Concert on Saturday at 7 pm in the Brunei Gallery. Entrance free. Address: Scholl of Oriental and African Studies, Thornhaugh Street, Russell Square, London WC1H 0XG. Features Professor Paul Berliner (Duke University) and Zimbabwean mbira dzaVadimu master Cosmas Magaya.
· ROHR Cambridge general meeting. Saturday 16th May from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: Arbury Community centre, Campkin Road, Cambridge CB4 2LD. Substantive committee to be elected. The ROHR President and his executive and a well known lawyer will be present. Get advice and learn more about your rights. Contact: Josephart Hapazari 07782398725, Maggie Jenkins 07894064600, A Mubaiwa 07846170094 or P Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070.
· First Zimbabwe Vigil Forum. Saturday 23rd May at 6.30 pm. Upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog, John Adam Street, London WC2N 6HL.
· Service of solidarity with the torture survivors of Zimbabwe. Friday 26th June from 7 – 8 pm. Venue: Southwark Cathedral. This is the 8th year the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum has marked UN International Day in Support of Victims of Torture. For more information, visit: http://www.hrforumzim.com.
· Zimbabwe Association’s Women’s Weekly Drop-in Centre. Fridays 10.30 am – 4 pm. Venue: The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton Street, London N7 6QT, Tel: 020 7607 9764. Nearest underground: Finsbury Park. For more information contact the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open Tuesdays and Thursdays).
Vigil Co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
Former St Mary’s MP and now Mutambara MDC official, Job Sikhala, is Lance Guma’s guest on SW Radio Africa's Behind the Headlines. Sikhala expresses his disappointment with Arthur Mutambara’s leadership, accusing him of making utterances that have cost the party politically. He says Mutambara called Mugabe ‘Father Africa’ and ‘the best leader Africa has produced.’ This angered a lot of people, ‘and we were ashamed to move on the streets,’ he claimed.
Interview broadcast 23 April 2009
Lance Guma: Hello Zimbabwe and welcome to another edition of Behind the Headlines. My guest this week is former St Mary’s Member of Parliament Job Sikhala who in recent reports is being quoted as not being happy with the leadership of Arthur Mutambara in the party (MDC-M). We understand a series of rallies have been lined up in which Sikhala and a few other party members are outlining their opposition to Mutambara’s inclusion in the unity government. Mr. Sikhala thank you for joining us on the programme.
Job Sikhala: Okay, thanks Lance, how are you Lance, how is London?
Lance: Ah London is okay and we understand right now you are on your way to Rusape, what is this all about Mr. Sikhala?
Sikhala: No I have got a rally in Rusape, my second rally. One of the many rallies that we have lined up for us to meet our membership at the grassroots level. Specifically they are quite a number of issues which the general membership of our party have been worried about since the formation of the all inclusive government. Eh..of major worry to the membership of the party are utterances by the party leader since the party got involved in the inclusive government. One major issue being that he praised Robert Mugabe as ‘Father of Africa’ and also ‘the best leader Africa has ever produced’.
We were ashamed to move in the streets. We were asked by each and every member we met in the street, even commoners were surprised and shocked that we as an opposition political party. Do we believe in the ideological thinking that Robert Mugabe is the father of Africa? It has angered quite a number of people and also it angered some of us, that we don’t believe in the same, because we understand Mugabe as a genocidal relic, as a person who has been involved in the oppression of the people’s will, as a person who did not accept democratic electoral outcomes, as a person who has been involved in the torture of human beings.
As far as we are concerned Robert Mugabe is no different to Al Bashir, the president of Sudan who is currently being indicted for his involvement in the massacre of thousands and thousands of people who have been living in Darfur, in that Robert Mugabe has a lot of blood on his hands and we don’t accept the utterances which have cost out party.
Those utterances have put the party into disrepute. So eh.. in a normal political situation, if it is a normal democratic political institution like for example in Britain, if the Labour Party leader utters such statements and puts the name of the party into disrepute he deserves to be called for a disciplinary hearing, because he has put the party into disrepute.
The same applies to Arthur Mutambara, he has put the name of the party into disrepute through his reckless utterances and that we are now taking that disciplinary hearing to the public for them to make their own verdict to see whether this man still deserves to lead us or that the party deserves new leadership that will be able to shape and take themselves to the promised land where we have been fighting for change. Of which the change we have been fighting for is not the change we are seeing Lance.
Lance: Now a lot of people will say to you Mr. Sikhala you are in a sense washing the party’s dirty linen in public, is there no mechanism within the party where such issues can be addressed?
Sikhala: If you would understand and if you could have read today’s Financial Gazette article, we have been trying to talk to him privately and we have been trying to chide him privately but he has been in a defiant mood. He thinks that he knows it all. So now its time for an open warfare. It’s now an open warfare for him to understand that this thing is now in the public arena, we have been trying to talk to him secretly and he has been defiant.
He has not been listening to advice. He has been taking the party as if its his own private property, the party no longer exists as such but now belongs to him and a few individuals who no longer consult the broader apparatus and institutions of the party, so basically this is the issue, and the public must know that the majority of us are not happy about the conduct of the party leader.
Lance: Ya… I was about to get to that point Mr. Sikhala. I mean how representative is your position on what’s going on. How many, or how significant….(interrupted).
Sikhala: These sentiments are being shared by
the majority of the general membership of the party. You have to understand that
my political party is the largest political organization in this country. It is
one of those voices with members and supporters in all provinces inside the
country. We have got structures, provincial structures throughout the country
and the gist of the matter is that the majority of the people are not happy with
the conduct of the party leader and we have to fix it and we cannot continue to
have a person who continues to behave like Mugabe’s surrogate, who utters
Mugabe’s ideological thinking, who on his lack of wisdom would stand up and
attack Barack Obama, one individual who has given people hope, who has given the
poor and the marginalized and the oppressed masses of the world
hope.
After Nelson Mandela there is no any individual who gave the
oppressed masses of the world like Barack Obama. But he (Mutambara) stands up in
parliament to attack in the same verbose and ferocity with what Mugabe has been
saying about the West and it means that there is no distinction between us and
Robert Mugabe, which we want to say to the people that we are not part and
parcel of those utterances. Those utterances are doomed and they belong to the
people who have been thrown away by the people.
Lance: I recall a picture that I saw recently that had you traveling with Professor Arthur Mutambara at the Heroes Acre and it looked a very cordial picture. You look like you get along very well, Surely you must have tried to say some of these things, person to person to the Professor, what has he said?
Sikhala: Very true. We have tried it. But when you have a leader who thinks he knows it all because he has a title called the Professor, then you must know that you are in trouble. This man thinks that he knows it all. But we want to show him that what he knows is not really what people want. You might know but you might not know what people want.
Lance: And eh…it does look, obviously you are talking a lot about Professor Arthur Mutambara but is he the only person in the party that you are having problems with as a membership?
Sikhala; No they might be many but as the head, the captain of the ship, he must be able to act responsibly and he has not been acting responsibly and he is one man who has disappointed me so much that I had trust in him. I thought he was the leader of the party. The leader who will be able to tackle and meet the dictatorship head on but it seems that he has now changed himself to dance to the tune of the dictatorship.
Some of us we have been in trenches for a long time before he even joined the train. But however we thought he would give good guidance and leadership to the party. But what I have been expecting and the change that I have been expecting, is not the one that he is delivering. He is delivering the status quo. He is chanting and singing the status quo, which I don’t believe in Lance.
Lance: What is to stop someone from accusing you Mr. Sikhala and say well you feel bitter because you were left out, you were not included in the unity government, so what can you expect from Mr. Sikhala, this is sour grapes?
Sikhala: Whatever….that will be the democratic thinking of that individual. But I think every member of my party is very clear, that I have said it at our last National Council, that I am not interested in being involved in this government for the following reasons;
That when I became one of the founder members of the MDC in 1999. My objective was for me to see total and absolute change. Secondly during the process of my participation in the struggle I have escaped 7 assassination attempts from Robert Mugabe’s regime. The whole of 2001, myself and my wife Ellen and my son Job Junior we have been sleeping in the maize fields and also in the banana trees that are adjacent to our home. We have been asking people to accommodate us in their tuck shops for us to have a sleep when Robert Mugabe was threatening behind my back.
I have been tortured by Robert Mugabe which become one of the major talking points that exposed torture in Zimbabwe as an instrument of political organization and political coercion in the year 2003 together with my lawyer Gabriel Shumba and my other colleague Charles Mutama who is currently based in the United States of America. I have been sleeping in the mountains in Bikita for me to simply go there to campaign for my party and for me to express my own different political view. So I told them openly that I am not prepared to work for Mugabe.
I am not prepared to advance the thinking that today, how will I be able to dine with the person that tortured me. And you have to understand that for 6 solid months, I was flown to South Africa and to Denmark for me to be able to get medical treatment for me to be alive today. I am not and I was not prepared to serve in Robert Mugabe’s government and it is very clear to each and every party member of my political party that I totally rejected any offer because I am one of the senior members of my party.
If I could have wanted to bull-dozed my way into the government, I could have simply done that more easily than anyone else but I am not prepared to be Mugabe’s servant. I am not prepared to share the same plate with Robert Mugabe whose hand is full of blood. So basically that is my…it’s a principled position that as an individual I am not prepared to work under Robert Mugabe or to advance Robert Mugabe’s interests.
Lance: You have had several rallies Mr. Sikhala, one in Nkayi, I think last week or several weeks ago and today as we are interviewing you, you are also traveling to Rusape. Exactly what is happening at these rallies, are you denouncing your own party? Are you saying things are not right? What exactly is happening?
Sikhala: I am not denouncing my own party, I am simply telling them that the utterances which Mutambara is making, is making them as an individual and not as a party leader because we as a party don’t believe in those things that he is saying in the inclusive government, that we denounce the West, that we denounce Barack Obama, that we say Robert Mugabe is the godfather of Africa.
So I am telling them that is not what we believe in as a party. We have got principles and values that bind us together, that put our political party on the map and that is what we are telling our membership, that what Mutambara is actually saying is his own view. It is not the reflection of the general membership of the party and that they must keep confidence in the party. The confidence which was so low after the utterances of this man.
Lance: Some will say to you Mr. Sikhala the reason probably why you were not able to retain your St Mary’s seat is the fact that you left the Tsvangirai formation of the MDC and joined the Mutambara camp. Are you considering going back to your roots?
Sikhala: There are no roots in politics. My roots are in the MDC. I’m the founder member of the MDC, you can phone Morgan Tsvangirai himself. But also I am disappointed that through the suffering that we went together with Morgan Tsvangirai. Morgan Tsvangirai is also today dining with Robert Mugabe. They are eating on the same table when you are in London. You don’t know what they are saying and talking to each other when they are dining and eating together breakfast, lunch and supper.
So I am so disappointed that the change that the people of Zimbabwe cherished and have been fighting for, for the past 10 years has come to nothing because of the people’s ego and hunger for power. If you would have read today’s Herald (23/04/09). He is on the Herald saying that there is no any stalling and Mbeki is not coming but there are a number of issues which his own ministers whom he has appointed are worried about, that things are not well in that inclusive government.
So basically I don’t think I will go back to anybody who has feasted with Mugabe. That’s why I am so bitter with Mutambara that he has turned himself into the gigot of Robert Mugabe and into Mugabe’s Trojan horse. If you see the whole majority of these leaders in the inclusive government are now singing Mugabe’s rhythm.
Morgan Tsvangirai came out of the headlines of the newspapers some few weeks ago attacking the West, Mutambara came out attacking Barack Obama, attacking the West, Robert Mugabe came out of the headlines attacking the West, so these people are now singing the same tune. But is that what we wanted as Zimbabweans for all of us to believe that Mugabe is full of political thought, I don’t believe so and I don’t accept it as an individual. So basically its not true.
Lance: That is former St Mary’s Member of Parliament Job Sikhala who was our special guest on Behind the Headlines this week. Mr. Sikhala thank you for joining us.
Sikhala: Thanks Lance.
Lance: Well next week we hope to get the Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara to answer some of the allegations raised by one of his officials in the party. Until then its goodbye for now.
To listen to the programme: Click here to listen
For comments and feedback please e-mail lance@swradioafrica.com
Lance Guma
Producer/Presenter
SW Radio
Tel: +44-208-387-1415
http://twitter.com/lanceguma
Full
broadcast on Shortwave: 4880 kHz and 12035 KHz. Also
available 24 hours on the internet.
You can also access archives at http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/archives.php
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By G. Pascal Zachary, Special to Gulf News
Published: April 26, 2009, 23:10
The anxiety over Jacob Zuma's election as president of South Africa obscures
a significant milestone: for the first time in decades, a sub-Saharan nation has
at its helm a champion of ordinary people. African politics has long been the exclusive domain of aristocrats, soldiers,
and technocrats. Even with the spread of democratic elections, the region's
leaders tend to come from the ranks of soldiers (Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe),
family dynasties (Togo, Kenya, etc), or university professors, lawyers, and
economists (Ghana, Malawi, Liberia). Now South Africa, the region's economic engine and home to sophisticated
universities, media, and corporations, has a former goat herder at its helm, a
rare African leader with the common touch. Zuma is legendary for his ability to connect with ordinary people. He is
secure enough to dance and sing in public. He speaks the language of populism,
raising hopes for the vast majority of South Africans who daily endure the
misery of poor housing, schools, and health care. In contrast to his two predecessors - the saintly Nelson Mandela, who
emphasised racial healing, and the aristocratic Thabo Mbeki, who reassured
financiers with his strong grasp of macroeconomics - Zuma recognises the pent-up
demand for material improvement in the lives of his country's tens of millions
of have-nots. "We have learned from the mistakes of the past 15 years, especially the
manner of which we may have, to some degree, neglected the people's movement,"
he said in April, before his African National Congress swept to victory. Until now, populism has been the missing note in African political culture.
Zuma, who spent his youth herding cattle and only gained formal education while
in the Robben Island prison with Mandela, is refreshingly aware that Africa's
biggest problem is its inequalities, not global marginalisation. In Africa's wealthiest nation - but also the nation where wealth is most
unequally shared - a bold populist now holds ultimate power over government
policy. Yet while Zuma's populist appeal reflects South Africa's especially large
differences in economic class, the threat of imposing higher taxes and other
obligations on employers and the wealthy has raised fears at home and abroad.
Zuma has been called a chameleon, accused of telling his audiences what they
want to hear. Zuma's turbulent personal life - many wives and his embarrassing contention
during a rape trial that he avoided HIV infection by taking a shower - has
invited ridicule. Most seriously, doubts persist about his commitment to democracy, with
critics arguing he's an old-style African 'big man' ready to bully opponents and
ravage the public coffers with his cronies. Dismissing complaints, Zuma insists: "There's no cloud around me." His defenders, meanwhile, point to two benefits that he has already
delivered: an end to Mbeki's ambivalent approach to fighting HIV/Aids, the
country's major public health threat, and a refreshing willingness to move
against Zimbabwe's aged dictator, Robert Mugabe, whom Mbeki coddled out of a
misguided sense of loyalty for his support during the struggle against
apartheid. In an Africa bereft of successful populist politicians, Zuma's role models
may come from Latin America, where income inequality is also extreme and the
trade-union movement, as in South Africa, is strong and militant. With enormous pressure from ordinary people to deliver tangible gains, Zuma
the populist will quickly face a major test: will he emulate Lula of Brazil, who
has struck an admirable balance between good economic governance and
re-distribution of wealth to the poor? Or will he follow the path of Hugo
Chávez, a popular autocrat, who seems to prefer building a cult of personality
over raising living standards for the poor. The stakes for Africa are enormous. South Africa has the continent's largest
economy and, until the global financial crisis, posted 10 years of steady
economic growth. In an economic slowdown, the country's severe crime problem
might only worsen; so might unemployment, which already tops 20 per cent in the
formal economy. Zuma senses the urgency of the situation. He is, after all, 67 years old and
likely to serve only a single term in office. "We can't waste time," he says.
Yet according to the political economist Moeletsi Mbeki, at his core, "Zuma
is a conservative." In this sense, Zuma represents yesterday's South Africa. He
is part of the proud generation that defeated apartheid - and then peacefully
engineered a transition to durable black-majority rule. Their achievement
remains one of the greatest in recent history. At the same time, Zuma's revolutionary generation still seems uneasy leading
South Africa in a post-apartheid era that is now 15 years old. In a region that
reveres the elderly, Zuma's attachment to his rural traditions must be matched
by an equal openness to the appetites of the country's youth. Three in 10 South Africans are younger than 15, meaning that they did not
live a day under apartheid. Somehow Zuma must find a way to honour his own
generation's commitment to racial justice and national liberation, while
empowering the masses who daily suffer the sting of class differences and yearn
for material gain. - Project Syndicate, 2009
Zimbabwe Crisis Reports |
Central bank governor ordered to request legislators to return cars he issued them. By Yamikani Mwando in Bulawayo (ZCR No. 189, 26-Apr-09) Gideon Gono, Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, RBZ, has since been forced by Finance Minister Tendai Biti to write to the members of parliament asking them to return the cars. Gono claimed the MPs approached him with a request for second-hand vehicles, which he said were gathering dust in the reserve bank car pool. He gave away at least 50 vehicles to legislators from ZANU-PF and both factions of the Movement for Democratic Change, MDC-T, led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, and MDC-M, led by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara. While MDC-T spokesman Nelson Chamisa told the media this week that “the loyal crop of our MPs” had since returned the cars, ZANU-PF MPs have vowed to keep them, claiming they need the vehicles in order to travel to their constituencies. ZANU-PF MP Makhosini Hlongwane, chairman of the parliamentary committee set up to supervise the distribution of the vehicles, told state media on April 22 that his colleagues were not returning the cars, despite criticism by Tsvangirai that the issuing of the vehicles had not been procedural. Gono has tried to put the blame for the fiasco on Biti. In an April 20 letter advising MPs of the finance ministry directive to return the cars, Gono ominously warned them that failure to comply with the order could result in the finance minister taking unspecified "measures that would be designed to ensure total compliance". Analysts say this set ZANU-PF parliamentarians, who have always enjoyed publicly-funded perks despite the bankruptcy of the Treasury, on a collision course with the finance minister, who is expected to deal with the issue. Further stoking already high emotions in the Government of National Unity, Hlongwane said ZANU-PF MPs will not return the cars unless all people who benefitted from the reserve bank’s quasi-fiscal policies return what they have received from it. Under a controversial farm mechanisation programme, government and party bigwigs were given expensive farm equipment paid for by the reserve bank. Hlongwane’s statement drew an instant response from militant war veterans leader Joseph Chinotimba, who accused Biti of working to frustrate the coalition government and “disturbing the peace”. The furore over the vehicles has added yet another twist to what commentators see as being an already fragile coalition at a time when outstanding issues of the global political agreement, which gave birth to the coalition, remain unresolved. Deputy agriculture minister-designate and MDC-T national treasurer Roy Bennett is yet to be sworn in by President Robert Mugabe, while the recent trimming of Chamisa’s ministry by Mugabe early this month also threatens the coalition. Mugabe removed the core of Chamisa’s ministry of information communication technology, including the regulation of telecommunications firms and their governing body, and handed it to ZANU-PF heavyweight Nicholas Goche, expanding his transport ministry. Referring to the vehicles, “there was bound to be disagreement in these apparently small issues which the coalition could not have foreseen”, Thulani Mlalazi, a Bulawayo-based political commentator, said. “These two parties have different approaches to how public funds must be spent, and it is no wonder then that the MDC-T has ordered its MPs to return the cars but with ZANU-PF legislators seeing the cars as an entitlement.” The latest spat concerning cars for parliamentarians comes hot on the heels of a countrywide outcry after government gave top-of-the-range Mercedes Benz cars to members of the bloated coalition cabinet. Effie Ncube, an activist working with a grassroots pressure group that seeks representation of the people in the writing of the planned new constitution, says disagreements over vehicles is distracting from more pressing matters. “This is a bankrupt government that cannot even afford to finance the writing of a new constitution but all they can do is argue over cars – and we don’t know where the money came from to buy those vehicles,” Ncube told IWPR. The issuing of cars has already been met with mixed reactions from both cabinet and parliament, with Education Minister David Coltart from MDC-M turning down the Mercedes Benz offer soon after his swearing as minister in February. “I think there are more pressing issues that this government should be addressing than these cars,” Thomas Dzoro, a final year student at the National University of Science and Technology, reflecting the views of many ordinary citizens. “Look at us, we are being denied the right to sit for our examinations because we have no money to pay for our fees and all they can talk about is cars, cars, cars.” The government is expected to pay for the maintenance of vehicles issued to legislators, which could further deepen the country’s financial woes at a time the finance minister has called for thrift in government spending. Biti has said the country needs at least ten billion US dollars to rescue the economy after years of economic stagnation blamed on the controversial policies of Mugabe. Yamikani Mwando is a pseudonym of an IWPR-trained reporter in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe: Biti Pushes for RBZ Reforms
Zimbabwe: Nation Can't Afford False Start On New Constitution
ALLAFRICA
Unicef surveys the degree of need in Zimbabwe
the standard
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