The Zimbabwean
Zim ain’t wot it used to be
Crowds outside Barbour Fields stadium
in Bulawayo flee the police and tear gas on Independence Day 2005.
Credit:
Jason Clarie
Jason Claire taught health care in a rural
school in Zimbabwe seven years ago – and was enthralled by the land and its
people. He returned for the 25th Anniversary of Independence last week – and
found a very different country.
The riot police charge at the crowd. Most are
wielding brand-new batons. One has torn a branch off a tree. He uses it to
thrash a young man on the back of the legs. I am caught up in the stampede,
forced to jump a barbed wire fence, which collapses under
me.
“Twenty-five years of independence and they are still beating us like
this,” sighs a young woman. “It’s not right.”
This is April 18, 2005 – 25
years after Zimbabwe gained its independence. The state-run media have been
counting down to the Silver Jubilee, heralding it as a celebration of
independence and democracy.
Most Zimbabweans have little to celebrate.
We are outside Barbour Fields stadium in Bulawayo. Inside, the official
programme is underway, with military drills, marches and music. President
Mugabe’s speech is being read out, berating Tony Blair and the West for
interfering in African politics, and boasting of Zimbabwe’s “mature democracy”.
Thousands of supporters, who have come to watch the Highlanders play in
the Independence Cup final, are stuck outside. People arrived at the stadium
early to take advantage of the free entry and, three hours before kick-off, the
police have shut the gates.
Some supporters manage to force open a gate
and people start rushing into the stadium. The police move in with dogs. One man
is slapped around the face. Another is beaten on the backside.
And then
they charge, trying to clear the area immediately outside the stadium wall.
That’s when I jump the fence. An old lady falls beside me. Children scream.
People scatter into the surrounding streets.
This area is an opposition
stronghold. The people here are angry with the ruling party over the recent
rigged elections, soaring inflation, high unemployment, rising transport costs,
and the shortage of fuel, sugar and basic goods.
On match days Barbour
Fields is a place for them to vent their frustrations, an enclave from the fear
of recrimination. “Football has become political,” says a supporter. “It’s the
only place that people can express themselves. It’s become like a rally – but
football. And the government doesn’t want to see it develop into
anything.”
A group of about 200 start a running battle with the police.
They turn to throw rocks at Zanu (PF) buses. The police move slowly forward
behind their riot shields. There is none of the brutality of the European soccer
hooligan. There are women and children in the crowd, and people are even smiling
as they run. They are happy for a chance to let loose against Mugabe’s
regime.
Tear gas canisters rattle on the tarmac behind us, releasing
plumes of white smoke. Running street battles break out all around. Riot police
huddle behind their shields, blocking both ends of the street. There are police
on horses and police on bicycles. And then a siren wails as a truck, mounted
with a giant water cannon, arrives.
The street battles continue and the
football match is stopped in the second half as tear gas drifts across the
pitch. Local residents are forced to close their doors and cover their
faces.
A female Highlanders fan, who had been beaten on the arm and lost
her shoes escaping a police charge, comes up to me, still annoyed at missing the
game. She sums up the situation: “No match. No shoes. No life.”
A heavy
downpour causes a lull. But when the Highlanders lose, supporters who have been
inside the stadium, now make their way out and join in. Many of them had been
able to watch the action going on in the streets from vantage points high up in
the stadium. They barricade roads.
The next day the Chronicle newspaper
claims “property worth millions of dollars was destroyed”. But millions of Zim
dollars could be as little as £100. Hyper-inflation has created a nation of poor
millionaires. The Reserve Bank issues Z$20,000 bearer cheques. Z$50 notes are
litter on the streets, no longer accepted by many as a form of
currency.
There is no mention of the political edge to the violence.
These “unruly elements” are dismissed as “hooligans”.
Back outside
Barbour Fields I meet a man who had offered me refuge during the riot. He is
surprised to see me and tells me to be careful. After the match the police had
come to his house and dragged him to the station. A neighbour had informed on
him to the authorities.
“I was at the station until three in the
morning,” he says. “They were asking me this and that, but I didn’t tell them
anything. I am not afraid of them.” His bravado is refreshing. Most Zimbabweans
are scared of what will happen if they stand up to the government. “What can we
do?” is the refrain. “If we take to the streets they will crush us.”
The Zimbabwean
Zimbabwean shopping list
HARARE - Up to date prices on
the ground in Zimbabwe following the
elections: First you have to get to the
shops: Petrol and diesel Z$3650 a
litre (when available).
Now get
your trolley and a suitcase/wheelbarrow full of money:
Bread Z$3800 and
upwards
Milk 2l Z$19000
Butter 500g Z$51 000
Salt 1 kg Z$2500
Rice
1kg Z$15300 1kg
Pasta Z$12000 and up
Potatoes 1kg Z$9.000
Sugar beans
1kg Z$14500
Flour 1 kg Z$7200
Jam 450g Z$6000
Oil 750ml
Z$19750
Teabags 50 Z$7750
Apples (4) Z$23300 (NB: all fruit
imported)
Carrots (8) Z$14360
Mushrooms per punnet Z$44000
Toilet soap
(small bar) Z$6900
Soap powder 400g Z$16000
Toothpaste 50g
Z$6000
Toilet tissue (4 rough) Z$12 900
Vim Z$10800
ST's (10 local)
Z$16.000.00
Tampax Z$98200
Light bulbs Z$10000
Beer (Lion) Z$9000.00 a
bottle
Mealie meal 5kg Z$17250
Eggs dozen standard Z$19000
Eggs dozen
large Z$26000
Sausages (8) Z$37000.
Bacon streaky 250g
-Z$28500.
Chicken 1.4kg Z$59300.
Postage - 10g letter to Europe
Z$40000
Postage - 10g letter local Z$6900
Visit to doctor
Z$200000
Dental check up Z$205000
Dental filling Z$650000
Dental
extraction Z$950000
Monthly domestic wages (still under
dispute)
Cook/housekeeper Z$900000
Gardener Z$850000
The Zimbabwean
Zimbabwe's nuclear ambition
BY A SPECIAL
CORRESPONDENT
With the completion of Mugabe's election in Zimbabwe we wonder
at the muted
response to human rights abuses in Zimbabwe by South Africa. Is
it possible
that someone is holding a gun toThabo Mbeki's head and not
allowing him to
say what he really thinks?
The story starts seven years
ago when Robert Mugabe, President of Zimbabwe,
started supporting Joseph
Kabila's army in the Congo.
While doing this he happened across the fact
that the Congo has one of the
two nuclear reactors and research centers in
Africa, courtesy of the now
defunct Mobuto.
As payment for his
services, he negotiated with Kabila to loot the nuclear
reactor and the
research center. At the same time he sent his troops to
guard the Shinkolbwe
Mine (where uranium used in the first atomic bomb was
mined.) (Sunday Times
Oct 1999)
In September 1999 Zimbabwe organized a visit by a North Korean
Delegation to
the Shinkolbwe mine. They also visited the nuclear reactor and
research
center about 30 km outside of Kinshasa. (reference Sunday Times
September
1999 South Africa)
(Mugabe has maintained a very good
relationship with North Korea and his
notorious Fifth Brigade was trained by
them. This was the same Fifth Brigade
who subsequently massacred 20000
people in Matabeleland.)
It was decided that there was a vested interest
in both countries having
access to nuclear capabilities and a plan was made
to export this capability
to Zimbabwe. This was done by the relatively
simple mechanism of importing
40 tonnes of "copper ore" from the Congo to
the Alaska Mine in Zimbabwe (
approximately 1200km) for
processing.
This was done by a company called Osleg. Interestingly
enough, the actual
price of copper ore at this time would have made the
legitimate export of
this material totally uneconomic. Rumour has it that
enriched uranium as
well as other nuclear hardware was part of the 40-ton
consignment.
Osleg, a Zimbabwe Defence Force company, was in charge of
the operation.
Involved were General Vitalis Zvinavashe, Permanent secretary
of Defence Job
Whabira , Colonel Francis Zvinashe and Brigadier John Moyo.
These were all
close friends of Mugabe and inextricably linked with
Zimbabwe's military.
Apparently, it was agreed that North Korea would
receive its share of this
on the understanding that it would help Zimbabwe
to develop nuclear
capabilities.
(Libya in June 2000 suddenly
provided three ex Soviet MIG 23 fighter jets to
Zimbabwe as well as allowing
400 troops from Zimbabwe to be trained at
Bhengazi in Libya. It was further
negotiated that eight more jets would be
leased to Zimbabwe from Libya for
an undetermined time. The payment for this
was rumored to be a nuclear
trade.)
During 2000 Iran, who was also in the nuclear market, agreed that
it would
work with Mugabe in building his nuclear capability. It had a
long-standing
relationship with a company called Investigacioes Aplicades
(Invap) from
Argentina. Invap has willingly engaged in nuclear negotiations
and transfers
over the years with countries engaged in covert nuclear
weapons programs.
The Argentine Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Enrique Pareja
had a meeting with six
Zimbabwe cabinet Ministers in February 2000, to
present a proposal for Invap
to build a research reactor with a later view
to building a nuclear power
plant. (The Herald, Zimbabwe February 2000).
Unofficially, however, he was
discussing with the Zimbabwe regime how to
engage in covert nuclear weapons
programs.
At this time the CIA was
very busy trying to keep up with what had happened
to the enriched uranium
and Congo's nuclear capability. The US ambassador
Richard Holbrook was
particularly uneasy and issued a guarded condemnation
of what he assumed was
going on.
Due to the fact that the USA had built the Congo nuclear plant
in the first
place it was rather difficult for them to admit that their
nuclear material
had gone missing. (One of the fuel rods turned up in Italy
sometime later,
where it was being marketed by the Mafia.)
Invap was
eventually commissioned to provide technical support through a
front company
to allay suspicion. This allowed knowledge exchange to
continue with the
Zimbabwean Government.
In subsequent years, both Iran and North Korea as
well as Libya were
responsible for the transfer of this knowledge to
Zimbabwe. This allowed
Zimbabwe Defence Industries to begin the construction
of its own weapon.
Initially it was decided that the weapon should be put on
a ballistic
platform. However, the technicalities never allowed
this.
The construction continued in the form of what today would be known
as a
"dirty bomb".
North Korea's recent admission that it has nuclear
capabilities has turned
up the heat on the so-called Axis of Evil countries
- with Zimbabwe now
included in the group. Why would lowly Zimbabwe matter
so much to the USA
that it would be included on the list? Could it be
because it is one of the
countries suspected of developing nuclear
capability?
Both the CIA and South Africa have been unsuccessful in
tracking this. The
attempt last year of a palace coup in Zimbabwe was
sponsored by both of them
to try to get Mugabe's hand off the
trigger.
With five high-ranking Zimbabwe officials being implicated in
spying for
South Africa and at least one South African Intelligence Agent
now
languishing in Chikurubi prison since December 2004, this must rank as
one
of the most inept intelligence operations ever mounted.
In the
meantime, with the heat being turned up by the CIA, Iranian President
Muhammed Khatami (who introduced Mugabe to Invap) visited Zimbabwe in March.
He and Mugabe issued a joint statement insisting on their nuclear rights and
backing each other's nuclear programs.
Also in March, the front page
of the Sunday Times in South Africa had the
head of South African
Intelligence publicly stating that he was extremely
concerned about what
happened to the Congo's nuclear material. Why just
before Zimbabwe's
election?
The Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe
Monday April 18th - Sunday April
24th 2005
Weekly Media Update 2005-14
CONTENT
1. GENERAL
COMMENT
2. FOOD SECURITY AND ECONOMIC ISSUES
3. POLITICAL
DEVELOPMENTS
1. General comment
DURING the week Information
Minister Jonathan Moyo finally exposed
government's abuse of the public media
for its own goals. In an interview
with the Mail and Guardian (M&G)
Online (25/4), Moyo clarified, what had
been until now, a mystery surrounding
the fate of Zimbabweans' stake in
ZIMPAPERS, donated to them in January 1981
by the Nigerian government.
The ZIMPAPERS shares were then entrusted to the
nominally independent
Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (ZMMT) on their
behalf.
But in an effort to circumvent the newspaper stable's public mandate
and
justify its pro-government propaganda output, the authorities
have
repeatedly claimed that ZIMPAPERS was not a public entity but just a
private
company listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange, whose majority
shareholder is
the government.
Moyo however, dismissed such claims in
the M&G. He noted that 51% of the
shares in ZIMPAPERS belonged to a Trust
"that was not the government or Zanu
PF, and should not be controlled by
either", adding that, "the beneficiary
of that trust should be all the people
of Zimbabwe, the general public of
Zimbabwe. The government has no business
directing Zimpapers". Moyo also
denounced government control of the media in
the Zimbabwe Independent (22/4)
which he said was "anathema to
democracy".
Although Moyo exposed this blatant hijacking of the public media
by
government, he did not however clarify which Trust he was referring to
since
he himself had apparently superintended over the dissolution of ZMMT
in
December 2001 to pave way for the Multimedia Investment Trust (MIT).
Moyo
was reported in The Herald (2/2/2002) saying the newly established MIT
would
"act as an investment vehicle for Government, drawing investment
dividends
from the media and communication industry".
Since then the legal
status of MIT and what happened to the assets of ZMMT
have not been
explained.
It would therefore be instructive for Moyo or more pertinently,
the relevant
authorities, to clarify this matter.
Meanwhile, The
Standard editor Davison Maruziva and one of the paper's
reporters, Savious
Kwinika, this week joined the growing list of private
media journalists who
have been charged for breaching the country's
draconian security and media
gag laws for publishing a story that the
authorities claimed was "false" and
contained statements that were
"prejudicial to the State".
This followed a
report published by The Standard two weeks ago alleging that
seven ballot
boxes and papers had been found at the home of Zaka District
Administrator
Nyashadzashe Zindove. The report added that Zindove had been
arrested over
the matter.
The paper (17/4) later apologised to its readers and Zindove for
incorrectly
naming him as the accused instead of Zaka acting District
Administrator John
Dzinoruma Mubako.
2. Food Security and Economic
Issues
ZIMBABWE'S deteriorating socio-economic situation continued to
receive the
attention of the media, which carried 107 stories on the matter.
Forty-seven
of these were published in the government-controlled papers while
the
private Press and ZBH stations (ZTV, Power FM and Radio Zimbabwe) carried
27
reports apiece. The remaining six stories appeared on Studio 7.
All
the stories carried by the government-controlled media avoided
discussing
fully the extent of Zimbabwe's economic and food security
problems. On the
contrary, the reports heavily depended on official
pronouncements and gave
the impression that the economy was on the mend.
For example, ZBH reports
hardly tackled the exact reasons behind the
re-appearance of power cuts and
water shortages or the economic effects of a
possible further devaluation of
the dollar.
Instead, ZTV (22/4, 7am) passively quoted ZANU PF national
chairman John
Nkomo merely threatening those businesses that were allegedly
conspiring "to
reverse the gains of independence through economic sabotage
and artificial
shortages of basic commodities".
No comment was sought from
the business community.
The government-controlled papers reported in similar
vein. The Sunday News
(24/4), for example, either blamed the current food
shortages and price
increases on the MDC's "political mischief" or obfuscated
these problems
with positive reports on the purported achievements of
government's
much-publicized 'Look East' policy.
Notably, the paper
simplistically interpreted the "expressed interest" by
"many companies from
Asia" to exhibit at this year's Zimbabwe International
Trade Fair (ZITF), as
tantamount to Asian countries filling "the void
created by the withdrawal...
of some European Union countries" in protest
against Zimbabwe's land
reforms.
But the paper, like its stablemates, failed to reconcile
government's 'Look
East' drive with the parallel attempts by the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe to
re-engage Western international monetary agencies such as the
IMF and the
World Bank to help revive the economy.
In fact, more
contradictions appeared in the government media reports.
For example, Radio
Zimbabwe and Power FM (21/4, 1pm) claimed that
government's "comprehensive
restocking exercise" had started "bearing fruit"
with figures released by the
Veterinary Department showing that the
country's national herd had grown from
5 million in 2002 to 5.3 million in
2003.
But the following day Radio
Zimbabwe (22/4, 1pm) reported that the Stockfeed
Manufacturers of Zimbabwe
was facing viability problems due to a "decline in
the national herd in the
past five years". Although no figures were
provided, the station noted that
as a result of the decline in the national
herd, one stock feed manufacturing
company in Gweru had shut down.
Similarly, the official media failed to probe
the logic behind the
authorities' plans to re-introduce price controls, which
have, in the past,
led to acute food shortages.
Rather, The Sunday Mail
(24/4) distorted the truth by claiming that the
government action would
"result in goods becoming readily available on the
formal market, bringing
relief to consumers who had been subjected to
overcharging by profiteering
black market traders".
The official media's reluctance to balance its stories
was reflected in the
way the government papers relied on government sources
almost to the
exclusion of alternative commentators as shown in Fig
1.
Fig 1 Voice distribution in the government Press
Voice
Total
Government 15
Alternative 2
Farmers 8
Local government
2
Professional 3
Business 12
Unnamed 4
Foreign 4
Ordinary people
6
ZANU PF 0
MDC 0
In contrast, the private media continued to
expose symptoms of a shrinking
economy in their 33 stories on the topic. The
reports ranged from exposing
the effects of the current fuel and foreign
currency shortages to the
negative effect Zimbabwe's economic decline had on
South Africa's economy.
For example, Studio 7 (20/4) and the Zimbabwe
Independent revealed that due
to Zimbabwe's foreign currency crisis, the
country's credit rating had
become so poor that it was threatening its
ability to import food to augment
the fast dwindling stocks, pegged by the
Gazette at 60,000 tonnes by the end
of last month.
Because of Zimbabwe's
lack of creditworthiness, said Frat Abijen of the Pan
African advisory
services for South Africa on Studio 7, "the international
community finds it
difficult to continue sending products to Zimbabwe
knowing that the country
may not be able to pay them."
On the domestic front The Standard article,
'Things fall apart', warned that
notwithstanding the dwindling food reserves,
the re-emergence of fuel
shortages, power cuts and water shortages in the
cities threatened, "to
grind industry and commerce to a halt".
However,
the paper, like the rest of the media, failed to follow up on
the
astronomical increases in Harare City Council rates advertised in
The
Saturday Herald (16/4) by the Commission running the city.
The
ballooning economic crisis, added the Independent, had forced RBZ
governor
Gideon Gono, to seek help from other banking executives in
resolving the
situation. The paper quoted unnamed bankers saying Gono had
also revised his
targeted inflation rate of between 20-30 % by year-end to
between 75 and 80 %
due to the economic crisis.
The government media ignored such
reports.
Instead, ZBH, The Sunday Mail and The Sunday News only reported Gono
denying
a Daily News online report and "rumours" that his resignation letter
to
President Mugabe, in protest against government's rebuff of his
monetary
policies aimed at taming the country's high inflation, had been
rejected.
While the government media heavily depended on government
pronouncements,
the private Press extensively sought comment from independent
commentators.
Fig 2 Voice distribution in the private
Press
Voice Total
Government 7
Alternative 22
ZANU PF 2
MDC
3
Local government 6
Business 10
Unnamed 9
Farmer 2
Foreign
2
Ordinary people 5
The private papers also carried five editorial
comments that were critical
of government's economic policies.
3.
Political Developments
THE media carried 210 stories on Zimbabwe's
volatile political situation
during the week.
Ninety-seven of these
appeared on ZBH while the government-controlled Press
published 48 stories,
the private papers 49 and Studio 7 aired 16 stories.
Notably, the government
media continued to flood its audiences with stories
on Zimbabwe's 25th
Independence anniversary at the expense of other
pertinent post-election
political developments.
For example, ZBH dedicated 75 stories (77%) out
of the 97 reports it carried
on political developments in the country to the
Silver Jubilee celebrations.
The other 22 stories were public relations
stories on ZANU PF political
issues. Of these, six were announcements on
President Mugabe's expressed
intentions to retire at the end of his term in
2008. None were on the
political activities of other political players in
Zimbabwe, especially
those of the main opposition MDC.
In addition,
ZTV gave one hour 47 minutes (43%) to the Silver Jubilee
celebration out of
the 4 hours 10 minutes of its main bulletins (excluding
the foreign news
section) in the week.
A station-by-station coverage of the matter by ZBH is
illustrated in Fig 3.
Fig. 3 ZBH's coverage of political
developments
Station Total number of stories Silver Jubilee stories ZANU
PF stories
ZTV 52 42 10
Radio Zimbabwe 23 19 4
Power FM 22 16
6
The government papers followed suit. They devoted 26 (54%) of their
48
stories on political developments to the Silver Jubilee celebrations.
In
addition to the stories, The Herald and Chronicle (18/4) each carried
a
Silver Jubilee celebration supplement of at least 10 pages.
The
government papers' 20 other stories (42%) continued to legitimise the
outcome
of the March 31st poll, including endorsing the appointment of the
new
Cabinet while simultaneously portraying the MDC and its alleged
Western
sponsors negatively. The rest of the stories were on President
Mugabe's
intentions to retire.
None of their stories reported the
MDC's decision to disown South African
President Thabo Mbeki as a credible
peace-broker in the country's political
crisis. Only a Herald cartoon (22/4)
gave readers a hint of the news.
But even the government media's charitable
reports on the Silver Jubilee
failed to translate into fair and balanced
examination of the country's
accomplishments and setbacks.
Rather ZBH, for
example, restricted its coverage to quoting voices that only
repeated or
magnified government's self-congratulatory achievements.
Fig 4 demonstrates
this point.
Fig 4 Voice distribution on ZBH
Voice ZTV Radio
Zimbabwe Power FM
Government 14 4 11
ZANU PF 22 4 13
Foreign Diplomats
6 7 2
Traditional leaders 3 0 4
Business 7 1 2
Povo 29 1
0
Alternative 6 0 2
Professional 8 0 0
Journalist/Reader 1 6
2
All the voices - ranging from selected members of the public, sports
people
and businesses to foreign diplomats - were unmistakable in their
praise of
Zimbabwe's "independence and democracy".
But while ZBH flaunted
the Silver Jubilee as a national event, it did not
seek comment from other
local political parties on why they had not actively
participated in the
event. Neither did it ask the criteria the government
used to select and
honour five foreign and six local heroes "for their
contribution towards the
development of the country and the liberation
struggle".
The honouring
of sports personalities who had excelled in the past 25 years
by the Sports
and Recreation Commission, an arm of government, also
passed
unverified.
Instead, ZTV (20/4, 8pm) quoted selected members of the
public as having
called on the authorities to continue with the Silver
Jubilee celebrations
"for the next 12 months as this will conscientize the
people on Zimbabwe's
history and benefits of independence".
The
government-controlled media's docility was equally reflected in its
passive
coverage of President Mugabe's remark that he intended to retire at
the end
of his tenure. For instance, The Herald and Chronicle (22/4) did
not
investigate how Mugabe qualified his retirement, which he said was
subject
to his party's scrutiny pending his last three years in
office.
The private media's 49 reports on political developments were
more probing.
These excluded 10 passive reports carried by The Daily Mirror
and a19-page
supplement on the Silver Jubilee celebration carried by the same
paper.
For instance, Studio 7 (22/4), the Independent and The Sunday
Mirror
remained sceptical of President Mugabe's retirement plans. The Sunday
Mirror
noted that Mugabe's statements that he would consider retiring after
three
years had raised "uncertainty...that...is reflective of the mystery
that has
surrounded the succession debate".
On Mugabe's claims that he
would not groom a successor, the paper cited, as
an example, the manner in
which he had "guided" the elevation of Joyce
Mujuru to the vice-presidency
and the ruthless way he dealt with those who
opposed the move.
The paper
also followed up on reports by Studio 7 (20/4), The Daily Mirror,
The
Financial Gazette (21/4) and the Independent that the MDC had broken
contact
with South Africa, accusing President Thabo Mbeki, of siding with
ZANU PF in
his efforts to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis.
The Sunday Mirror however,
criticised the MDC's decision in its Behind the
Words column, saying the
opposition party risked " the possibility of
isolation by naiveté" as it
would become "severely SADC-locked and
politically
suffocated".
Meanwhile, none of the media except for the Chronicle (19/4)
gave any
prominence to the violence that marred independence celebrations
at
Barbourfields Stadium, Bulawayo, during a soccer match between
Highlanders
and Motor Action.
While other papers cursorily mentioned the
incident on its sports pages, the
Chronicle gave it front-page status.
However, the paper suffocated the
political undertones of the incident and
only attributed the fracas to
"hooligans" who were part of "hordes of people"
who were denied entry into
the stadium, which was already packed to
capacity.
Ends
The MEDIA UPDATE was produced and circulated by the
Media Monitoring Project
Zimbabwe, 15 Duthie Avenue, Alexandra Park, Harare,
Tel/fax: 263 4 703702,
E-mail: monitors@mmpz.org.zw <mailto:monitors@mmpz.org.zw>
Feel
free to write to MMPZ. We may not able to respond to everything but we
will
look at each message. For previous MMPZ reports, and more information
about
the Project, please visit our website at http://www.mmpz.org.zw
<http://www.mmpz.org.zw/>
Sent: Thursday, April 28, 2005 8:43
AM
Subject: Press Statement by R
Gasela on the food siruation in the country
Press Statement on Food
Shortage
Ladies and Gentlemen
On the 15th March
2005, I held a press conference here where I talked about the politisation of
food and the serious food crisis facing this country. I did mention that the
country had virtually run out of maize and that there will be no food after the
elections. This has now come to pass.
The 100 000 tonnes of maize
imported from South Africa was destined for Bulawayo. From there it would be
distributed to other centres particularly those on line of rail. Reports to
hand are that the Silos in Bulawayo are now empty. What this means is that the
country has now stocked out. No country with a functional government with no
national catastrophe or disaster should ever stock out.
In spite of the denials of failure
to produce enough maize last year, former Minister of Labour and Social Welfare
Paul Mangwana conceded early this month that a total of 400 000 households were
in need of food aid. This figure translates to over 2 million people. How
could such a large number of people be in need of food aid when farmers produced
2.4 million tones? We know that only a paltry 400 000 tones was sold to GMB
instead of 1.4 million tonnes.
Any honest government, having
misled the nation that there was more than enough maize, even to the extent of
stopping donors, would apologize to the nation for its omission or commission.
We are unfortunate to have a government that is always right and will always
blame somebody. Zimbabweans deserve better.
The maize production this season
will be no more than 500 000 tonnes. The demand is 1.8 million tones leaving a
shortfall of 1.3 million tonnes. During 2002 / 2003 the total maize distributed
by WFP and its partners was about 300 000 tonnes. The government struggled to
import its undisclosed quantity. (Estimated to be 400 000 tonnes) The shortfall
of 1 000 000 tonnes, if donors agree to fund 300 000 tonnes, will be impossible
to move before the next harvest in 2006. In simple terms the situation is as
follows:
a) The country has run out of
maize
b) A lead time of three months
is required to land maize in the country if such maize comes from South America,
for example. From South Africa the lead time is two months.
c) The government estimated
(and probably forward committed) that tobacco production was going to grow from
74 000 000 tonnes to 160 000 tonnes. As it turns out, at best, the production
will be about 80 000 tonnes. Added to this is that Brazil has produced more
than 700 000 tonnes of good quality tobacco, hence very low prices at the
Auction Floors.
In short there is no foreign
currency.
d) Government is now planning
to import.
e) Donors have not been
approached nor has a signal been given that government would welcome assistance,
even without a direct approach.
We have a government that does not
learn. During the previous imports, GMB was always lamenting that although they
have purchased the maize, they were failing to move it into the country in large
quantities due to logistic problems. Are we to assume now that the railways are
more efficient and would move the maize quicker than then? There is no diesel
for both rail and road movement.
Only totalitarian, oppressive
regimes would find joy in keeping its citizens in blissful ignorance of the food
supply situation in the country. Surely it is the same Zimbabwe government
which, up to 2000, used to produce figures of its maize stock situation. This
information was useful to consumers. Maize is now treated like a security item
where the country must be kept in ignorance. This is evidenced by the total
militarization of GMB.
Zimbabwe has been turned into a
country of shortages. We have fuel shortages that started in 1999 and do not
appear that there will be any respite. We have shortages of sugar the causes of
which are known. There is no cooking oil in the country, there is no milk.
Many people who used to produce their own chickens have suddenly found to their
horror that there are no day old chicks nor concentrate for home mixing. There
are shortages of eggs. It is interesting that other than fuel the above
shortages are agricultural related and this tells us a story.
Zimbabweans demand that the
government should come clean on the food situation. We demand full disclosure
of the actual production of last year. We demand to know what happened to that
maize through a transparent disappearance schedule. We demand to be given an
import programme. We demand that donors be approached now. We demand that food
should never be politicized again.
Finally I would like to thank
Zimbabweans for voting MDC so overwhelmingly in spite of the politicization of
food.
Renson Gasela
SHADOW MINISTER FOR LANDS AND
AGRICULTURE
__________________________________________
27 April 2005
MDC
InformationDept
2ndFloor, HarvestHouse,
Nelson Mandela/Angwa
Cell: 011
765 574
091 370 326
chronwatch
Mugabe Planning to Murder Dumbo and Simba!
Written by
Steven Plaut
Friday, April 29, 2005
Speaking of Robert Mugabe,
the New Zealand Herald reports that Mugabe has
new ideas for creating a
progressive enlightened state. Mugabe recently
proposed using the absence of
food in his country as a money-making idea,
and proposed to attract obese
tourists to Zimbabwe for weight-loss tourism.
Even Michael Moore turned him
down on THAT idea!
Child prostitution in Zimbabwe has been growing as a
desparate way to try to
eat, the British Telegraph reports. White farmers
who had their farmers
stolen by Mugabes moonbats are suing the country for
12 billion pounds. The
funeral trade is almost the only one in the country
showing a profit. Mugabe
has printed up so many Zimbabwe dollars that even
"millionaires" cannot
afford food. Mugabe insists Zimbabwe's economic and
political problems are
the direct result of a plot by Britain and the United
States to topple him.
Now Mugabe has a NEW idea for dealing with the
absence of food in Zimbabwe.
He has turned his sights on the country's
wildlife reserves in a bid to feed
thousands of famished villagers, faster
than you can say Hakuna Mutata:
"Zimbabwe's National Parks have been
ordered to work with rural district
councils to begin the wholesale
slaughter of big game. Parks rangers said
they had already shoot 10
elephants in the last week and their meat was
barbecued at festivities to
mark Zimbabwe's 25 years of independence. The 10
elephants were killed by
National Park rangers. Four of the giant animals
were reportedly shot in
full view of tourists near Zimbabwe's Lake Kariba,
the largest man made lake
in Africa and a major haven for wildlife. Five
years after ordering the
confiscation of white-owned farms, the Mugabe
regime has turned the country
once dubbed the breadbasket of Africa, into a
famished land with an
estimated four million rural poor suffering from food
shortages."
Food ran out in Zimbabwe soon after the last
"election" and the country has
experienced acute power and fuel shortages
over the past two weeks. Even
Jimmy Carter, who has made a career out of
"legitimizing" fake "elections,"
could not stomach this one. Carter
declared: "Mugabe declared that the
Carter Center is a terrorist
organization and asked us to leave." Basic
commodities have disappeared from
supermarket shelves. Mr Mugabe has
promised to jail food manufacturers whom
he accuses of creating shortages to
encourage people to revolt. That has
always been an effective way to
increase food production.
So where
are all the animal rights moonbats? Where are the radical
vegetarians who
tell us that eating corn beef is murder?
Save Simba from the Left's
favorite Afrofascist! Save Dumbo!
About the Writer: Dr. Plaut is a
professor of business administration at the
University of Haifa, and the
author of "The Scout," available from Gefen
Publishing House at: http://www.israelbooks.com/bookDetails.asp?book=43.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Zimbabwe's Health Time
Bomb
A breakdown in the medical and sanitation infrastructure and a
severe lack
of qualified professionals are combining to devastating
effect.
From Chipo Sithole in Harare (Africa Reports,
28-Apr-05)
Zimbabwe's isolation by the West following the recent disputed
parliamentary
election, in which President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF clinched
a two-thirds
majority, has accelerated the decline in living standards of
ordinary
people.
Although every aspect of life is affected by the
implosion of the economy,
the already ailing health sector has been hit
hardest.
A crippling manpower shortage - as doctors, nurses, pharmacists,
radiographers and laboratory technicians quit in large numbers to take jobs
abroad - has combined with an inadequate supply of essential drugs in the
midst of a ravaging HIV/AIDS pandemic to throw the country's health delivery
system into disarray.
The general economic decline, which has seen
the country's gross domestic
product decline every year for the past seven
years, has hastened the
departure of qualified medical personnel, leaving
junior doctors and nurses
and trainees to run the country's collapsing
health institutions.
At Masvingo General Hospital, which serves hundreds
of thousands of people
in an area 300 kilometres south of the capital
Harare, only two doctors are
still in service. The country's health ministry
has decreed that 14 doctors
are the absolute minimum necessary to serve the
needs of the people.
In addition, the hospital's infrastructure is
collapsing. An awful smell
emanates from the dimly lit morgue, as its
refrigeration system broke down
several weeks ago and cannot be repaired
because of lack money and spares.
Maggots are now devouring the bodies,
including that of Petros Jeka, an
activist for the Movement for Democratic
Change, MDC, who was allegedly
murdered by youths loyal to the ruling ZANU
PF party three years ago. No
post-mortem has been carried out on Jeka's
body, as required before any
trial can be held, because all the pathologists
have left.
In addition to the flight of health professionals, the
hospital's boilers
and laundry machines have broken down. The toilets have
ceased to work
because of lack of spares, and junior nurses carry water
buckets to flush
them.
A senior hospital official, who declined to be
named, said, "We are failing
to cope because we are understaffed and the
situation is worsening by the
day. If this continues, we are heading for
disaster."
Reports to the health ministry from Marondera General
Hospital, 80
kilometres southeast of Harare, say rats are devouring corpses
awaiting
collection from the morgue, where again the refrigeration unit has
broken
down.
The situation makes a cruel mockery of ZANU PF's slogan
during the first
decade of independence - "Health for All by the Year
2000".
Many doctors and nurses who have left the country say they took
the painful
decision to go because patriotism does not put food on the
table. Senior
state hospital doctors earn little more than the equivalent of
around 100 US
dollars a month, while nurses' salaries are around one-third
that level.
"How can nurses work for peanuts while others live lavishly
with hefty
salaries and good perks?" said a nurse, now working in the United
Kingdom
but visiting her family in Harare.
Declining to be
identified, the nurse told IWPR, "If you continue to labour
in Zimbabwe
today, you won't achieve anything in life. You will be working
for food
only.
"I have managed to buy a house and a car in the short two years I
have
worked in London. If I had remained here, I would never have bought
them."
Low morale has taken a toll in health institutions countrywide. In
rural
areas, it is common to find health staff at clinics basking in the sun
or
doing their own private work because the centres have little equipment
and
drugs are in short supply.
The United Nations Children's Fund,
UNICEF, says the general decline in
health services has been exacerbated by
the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
Its statistics show that the under-five mortality
rate has risen 50 per cent
since independence in 1980. A spokesman said that
one Zimbabwean child dies
from AIDS-related infections every 15 minutes,
while each day an estimated
100 babies are born HIV-positive from infected
mothers.
UNICEF predicts that by the end of this year, some 160,000
children will
have recently lost one or both parents to the syndrome, taking
the AIDS
orphan population to nearly one million in an overall population of
just
11.5 million.
Lovemore Kadenge, chairman of the semi-autonomous
Hospitals Association
Trust that monitors delivery of services at state
hospitals, said every
hospital doctor is now doing the same work that five
years ago was performed
by at least seven doctors.
At Chitungwiza
Hospital, on the outskirts of Harare, a single doctor has the
impossible
task of coping with 300 casualty and outpatient cases each day.
Kadenge said
the doctors' and nurses' workloads were multiplied because
their departments
are not computerised to help with administration.
Dr Agnes Mahomva is one
of only two doctors at a rural hospital serving a
quarter of a million
people at Glendale, 100 km north of Harare. Inside,
three-quarters of the
beds and many pallets on the floors are filled with
gasping emaciated people
with AIDS.
Dr Mahomva is one of the diminishing number of doctors who
refuse to give
up. "As a technical person, I could go out and bang my head,
or I can say,
'What is it that I can do?'" she said. "There is still a lot
we can do with
the little we have."
The Reserve Bank tried recently
to throw a thin lifeline to the collapsing
health sector. It allocated a
million dollars of scarce foreign exchange to
the state's National
Pharmaceutical Company, NatPharm, to purchase drugs to
supply public sector
health institutions for the next nine months.
But even the Reserve Bank
itself admits this is an inadequate sum when
measured against the scale of
the need. And against a background of
widespread hunger and food reserves
that have almost run out, foreign
currency will in future have to be
diverted to grain purchases in an attempt
to avert widespread
starvation.
While hospital conditions deteriorate, the Community Working
Group on
Health, CWGH - a network of non-governmental civic groups - has
described
overcrowding and lack of proper sanitation in poor areas of
Zimbabwe's
cities a health "time bomb".
Itai Rusike, CWGH's executive
director, said overcrowding in Harare's
high-density poor suburbs had
reached crisis levels, creating potentially
"explosive disease epidemic
situations". Ailments such as scabies, last
reported more than a quarter
century ago, are reappearing, he said.
"This is a classic indication of
the collapse of the health sector. It is a
time bomb, a huge problem
indeed," he added.
Ngoni Mudege, the engineering director of the
Harare-based Institute of
Water and Sanitation Development, said that in the
capital's teeming
suburbs, some houses designed to accommodate families of
six were housing,
on average, more than fifteen people.
He added that
as a consequence of the overcrowding and lack of investment,
the capital's
sanitation systems are breaking down, with waste piling up in
sewage pipes.
He told IWPR that many toilets no longer flush and said that
in one area,
some 1,300 people were sharing one communal toilet.
Bill Saidi, a
distinguished Zimbabwean journalist who edited the Sunday
edition of the
Daily News until it was banned last year by the ZANU PF
government, said
that he was shocked by his recent visits to Harare's two
main hospitals,
Parirenyatwa and Harare Central.
"The hospitals' decline struck me as
almost inexorable, as incurable," he
said.
"They were not pretty
sights, and I came away wondering if this was not the
beginning of the end
of the world."
Chipo Sithole is the pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in
Harare.
New Zimbabwe
'Target Mugabe, not Tsvangirai,' Nyathi tells
supporters
By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 04/29/2005
10:05:19
ZIMBABWE'S opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) on
Thursday sent
out a defiant message over calls for its leader Morgan
Tsvangirai to resign.
Party chiefs are furious over a whispering campaign
from despondent
supporters who feel the party is not gaining any ground on
President Robert
Mugabe's Zanu PF after the March 31 elections in which the
party lost
heavily.
In a radio interview with Afro Sounds FM on
Thursday night, party spokesman
Paul Themba Nyathi sought to rally the party
faithful, telling them: "Mugabe
is the enemy not Tsvangirai."
Nyathi
also shot down growing speculation that the MDC national congress set
for
August this year could be Tsvangirai's 'Ides of March'.
He said:
"Congresses are about dealing with the business of the party. They
are not
about changing leadership.
"I look forward to the congress because that's
where we get the chance to
discuss strategies and what we want to do when we
get into power. Leadership
is just but one item on the
agenda."
Tsvangirai, a former trade unionist, has led the MDC since its
inception in
September 1999. The MDC significantly reduced Zanu PF's
overwhelming
majority in parliament in 2000 when it claimed 57 seats out of
the 120
contested.
However, the party suffered a reversal in
parliamentary elections last month
when its gains were reduced to 41 seats
amid claims of rampant vote rigging
by Mugabe's Zanu PF.
Said Nyathi:
"There are 120 MDC candidates who stood in the last election,
and Tsvangirai
didn't stand. This idea that Tsvangirai has lost an election
or that to get
rid of Zanu PF and Mugabe, Tsvangirai should be targeted, I
feel it is
energy wasted."
Meanwhile Tsvangirai was in Gwanda on Thursday and will
tour all the
country's provinces to thank voters who voted for MDC and also
announce new
strategies, Nyathi said.
The Zimbabwean
Retribution on the rise
HARARE - Post-election
retribution by the ruling party against opposition
supporters is increasing,
according to the MDC, which is documenting all
cases reported to it. These
include:
Sam Komala (25), an MDC election agent at Sanya Primary School in
Shamva and
his wife, Patience Maungire, who was a polling agent at Soma
Resettlement
area, had their tuckshop looted of goods worth millions of
dollars.
A thatched house belonging to Christin Mudavanhu was burnt down.
Freedmore
Karedza and Shepherd Kandeya, who were arrested after a report was
made to
Madziva police, allegedly had their bail paid by Zanu (PF) MP
Nicholas
Goche.
In Mount Darwin North several MDC election agents
have relocated after Zanu
(PF) supporters were allegedly tracking them
down.
Headman Gandari was harassed at a meeting on April 23 at Kumundati
Village
by ruling party supporters wanting to know why there were so many
MDC
activists in his area.
The cases in Mt. Darwin North have been
reported to Constable Makubalo at
Karanda Police Station, but no arrests
have been made.
- Zimbabwe Vigil thanks all those who helped with the
Dumi Tutani petition
and reports that they are expecting him to be freed in
time to attend a
celebratory vigil in London tomorrow.
The Zimbabwean
Detention center employees have 'prejudicial attitudes' -
UNHCR
BY OWN CORRESPONDENT
EDINBURGH - A failed Zimbabwean asylum seeker
has lodged an official
complaint of physical assault and racial abuse with
the Home Office. The
offences allegedly took place as his escorts were
attempting to put him on a
plane to Malawi on April 4, 2005.
The man, who
has appealed for anonymity for fear of retribution, has been
returned to
Colnbrook Immigration Removal Centre, Harmondsworth, and the
matter is now
in the hands of the local police. They interviewed him last
week and were
shown injuries to his wrists. He alleges he was also kicked in
the crotch
and hit on the back of the neck.
When returned to detention he was
described by other asylum seekers as 'a
broken man'.
The Zimbabwean
has had sight of his complaint form, which reads: "When I
objected ....they
started kicking me and punching me repeatedly. One of
the[m] kept saying
that I was a baboon and I was strong because I climb
trees in Africa. He
kept on saying I had to go to Africa because black
people belong there. He
said we black people are contaminating the UK. So he
will make sure that I
go ...The escorts told me that what they did to me
last Monday was just
child's play but next time it will be a total hell. I
am scared for my life.
They might break my neck this time around."
His case has been taken up by
members of the Britain Zimbabwe Society in
Scotland, who have been involved
in helping Zimbabwean asylum seekers in
Dungavel, the Scottish detention
center.
Executive committee member Joan Weir said the Home Office had
acknowledged
receipt of the complaint form and referred it to the Heathrow
Police and the
Immigration Service.
A letter from the Home Office's
immigration and nationality directorate,
bearing the motto 'Building a safe,
just and tolerant society' said: "I am
sorry to hear of your concerns about
the conduct of our contractor's staff
and would wish to assure you that the
Immigration Service is committed to
providing a courteous and professional
service and that any compliant about
the way our contractors carry out their
duties is viewed very seriously."
Weir said she was appalled at the
'dismaying misconceptions about asylum
seekers which are currently being
blatantly peddled by some politicians'.
"Not only have David Blunkett's
'exceedingly brutal rules' not been revoked
by the current Home Secretary,
but the nature of these rules influence not
just the perceptions of people
unlikely to meet asylum seekers but,
shamefully, also encourage overt racist
behaviour by some Home Office
employees directly working in detention
centers," she said.
"It is ironic that both these Zimbabwean men we have
been visiting have
strong grounds for seeking asylum from serious assault
and persecution under
the Mugabe regime."
Weir recalled the recent
BBC1 documentary 'Detention Undercover'. The UNHCR
has been quoted as saying
the programme had exposed "the prejudicial
attitudes of those employed to
work at detention centers" which, it said,
"are particularly
disturbing".
"Is it too much to ask that the politicians make positive
attempts to
provide humane conditions for asylum seekers in the UK, or at
the very least
consider the consequences of their negative, false and
inflammatory
assertions?" she asked.
The Zimbabwean
MDC leader calls on masses
The climate of fear in
Zimbabwe conditioned the response of the masses to
the stolen parliamentary
elections, according to a top MDC Parliamentarian.
The Shadow Minister for
Finance, Tapiwa Mashakada, told a lively meeting of
the MDC Central London
Forum that the party wants real action - not the
theatre provided by the
arrest of party leaders.
"In successful revolutions it is the people who
drag the leaders along
screaming," he said - and asked "Where does
leadership's role end and people's
power begin?"
Mr Mashakada said a
new strategy was under consideration but that the masses
lived in fear. "We
want real action but we must be with the broad masses."
The Shadow
Minister said that the MDC had been hoodwinked into taking part
in the
elections - which the party would clearly have won if the poll had
not been
rigged.
He said results would be challenged in the courts so that
evidence could be
presented which would show that the SADC electoral
principles had been
flouted and that the South African and SADC observer
teams were wrong to
describe the elections as free and fair.
Speaking
on his portfolio responsibilities, Mr Mashakada said the middle
class had
been wiped out and there was now a huge gap between the rich and
the poor,
who comprised over 80% of the population. It was difficult to see
how the
regime could improve the economy.
The Forum is held every Monday at 7.30
at the George, Fleet Street, London
(opposite the Royal Courts of
Justice).
The Zimbabwean
Protest against 'stolen elections'
LONDON - Zimbabweans
in the UK are to stage a demonstration outside the
Zimbabwe Embassy in
London from 14.00 - 18.00 on Saturday in protest at the
stolen parliamentary
elections. Reports indicate massive vote rigging but
Zimbabwe's neighbours
have, nevertheless, approved the elections.
The demonstration will mark the
launch of a campaign by Zimbabweans in the
diaspora - estimated at a quarter
of the population - to join forces to
achieve change in
Zimbabwe.
Support will be canvassed for a new petition:
"NO
SHAKING HANDS WITH MUGABE - The latest elections in Zimbabwe were once
again
stolen by the Mugabe regime with the connivance of its neighbours.
Retaliation is now being meted out to people who supported the opposition.
We urge the British government to end Mugabe's reign of terror and halt his
drive for legitimacy: 1) bring the matter to the UN Security Council, 2)
make it a priority during term as President of the EU and G8 (group of
leading industrial nations), 3) put pressure on South Africa to allow
democracy in Zimbabwe, 4) extend targeted sanctions against Mugabe's
cronies."
Zimbabweans have been demonstrating outside Zimbabwe House
in the Strand
since October 2002. This Vigil is in protest at human rights
abuses in
Zimbabwe and will coninue until there are free and fair
internationally
monitored elections. Every Saturday after the Vigil the
diary is written.
Here is last Saturday's entry:
"The Vigil was
cheered by the last-minute rescue of one of our supporters,
Tafara, who
escaped being deported on Tuesday. A group of us - galvanised by
a good
friend of Zimbabwe, the Rev Dr Martine Stemerick - persuaded a brave
Kenyan
Airways flight attendant to refuse to co-operate with sending him
back to
Zimbabwe. For her pains, Martine was banned from Heathrow for 24
hours! A
small price to pay as she wasn't planning to go anywhere. But our
grateful
thanks to the Kenyan lady.
"We were proud to have a report on the
incident on the news boards prepared
by Mike and Wiz to keep passers-by
up-to-date on the situation in Zimbabwe.
More good news on their boards was
the demotion of the Zimbabwe Ambassador
to the UK, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi,
to the post of Foreign Minister in the
new enlarged Mugabe
cabinet.
"This means he is now in a position to do even more damage to
the Mugabe
cause. We hope to be as much of a thorn in the flesh to his
successor to the
London sinecure. We can inform him in advance that he can't
do anything
about the Vigil. Mr Mumbengegwi called in the local police to
complain about
us and they had to explain that as this is a democracy we had
every right to
peaceful protest and there was no action they could
take.
"Not that the Embassy has given up attempts to subvert us: one of
our
supporters today reported how he had been threatened by the CIO at our
pre-election overnight Vigil. He also alleged that sons of the Zanu (PF)
bigwig, Patrick Chinamasa, along with other thugs, had visited one of
supporters at his home and warned him against supporting the Vigil. We are
collecting evidence to present to the police to support a complaint made by
us to the government some time ago about the activities of the CIO in the UK
and the presence in this country of so many Zanu (PF) supporters, including
close family members, of the Zimbabwe regime."
The Zimbabwean
Erosion of meaningful values
BY WALTER
HURLEY
PRETORIA - Notwithstanding the claims and substance of foul play in
the
recent elections, the reality is that the outcome was really
representative
of the now typical Zimbabwean and of generalised African
autocratic culture.
The declared results could not have been attained without
massive complicity
by assorted Zimbabweans, suitably compliant or
press-ganged, and pre-aided
and abetted by none other than depraved and
failing retrogressive solidarity
comrades such as found in Mbeki's regime in
South Africa.
As with other African tyrannical regimes, many have
observed the progressive
and exponential erosion of meaningful values in
Zimbabwe after decades of
misrule and retrogressive renaissance.
Some
residual Zimbabweans can be categorized as being imprisoned by
circumstance.
Otherwise, a growing proportion are seen to be morally
sapless, racists,
shameless, inept, looters, zombies, exploiters, liars,
free-loaders,
cowards, self-improvers, lazy, greedy, non-achievers,
pathetic, mentally
challenged, opportunists, blame passers, incompetent,
delusional, beggars or
state-enabled thieves.
Due and honest
diligence remains unnecessary whilst there are still a few
residual national
assets to loot for interim sustenance purposes.
The Zanu (PF) culture has
been promoted and patronizingly enabled by the
examples set and encouraged
by the insolvent leadership who have a simple
agenda - i.e. to survive,
patronise, and profit from their own power-based
benefit at the expense of
all others.
The actuality is that well-proven cultural values, that have
enabled the
first world to mature and lead, are alien concepts to most
African leaders,
since these evolved benchmarks challenge, undermine and
expose the lack of
capacity and integrity of despotic
leaderships.
Their parrot cry is: "we are eternal victims of all others
than ourselves"
and "the West must forever give us compensation and access
to loot for past
evils".
Those in the West must actually take some
form of so-far undeclared blame
for the globally known "African
Scar".
They still fail to come to terms with the fact that Africa habitually
keeps
scratching its self-made festering scabs in the misdirected
expectation that
western aid programs will heal them with easily convertible
contributions
that augment externalised asset holdings.
The West
invented "white guilt" and political correctness that made
truth-telling a
crime if it was in any way construed as one-sided racism.
They stoked up the
Swiss bank accounts of looters with unmonitored funds
that were actually
intended for aid and development programs.
They are the ones who still
think that throwing more money in the same
direction will make any iota of
difference to the general African syndrome
of self-inflicted
demise.
The likes of Tony Blair and his promotion of conscience cleansing
are
willing to further nurture evil in Africa rather than expect the
non-achievers and plunderers to actually do something recognizable to
justify external support.
Blair typically has not realised that
leopards do not change their spots.
The oracles of evil of yesterday are now
ordinarily proven to not be the
deliverers of vision and statesmanship
tomorrow.
What the emerged world has failed to come to real terms with is
the fact
that African leaders typically display cultural identity
confusions. As the
occasion suites them, they try to blend Marxism,
struggler mentalities,
self-service, liberal socialism, extinct ethnic
culture promotions,
capitalism, tribalism, embittered agendas, primate
values, and the pretences
of understanding the real fabric of modern society
and democracy.
Several African leaders purport to comprehend proven
values of morality,
democracy, human rights, standards, international
charters and law. When
measurements are made, one sees that they are
continuously dropping the
high-bar.
What is now not surprising but
still most alarming is the fact that they
still do not seem to have the
intellectual acumen and maturity to realise
their mental
deficiencies.
The educated world now desperately needs to review its
strategies and decide
whether Africa is worth caring about, and whether it
needs to divorce itself
from repetitive African failures.
Perhaps
Zimbabwe should hereafter be left to be materially supported or
re-colonized
by heroic stalwarts like Mbeki, Cuba, Iran and China.
Mugabe should be
assured that no sensible nation would want to colonise a
deadbeat nation
that has nothing more to offer than serious debt,
protagonists of evil and
huge extended begging baskets.
The Zimbabwean
Independence fest glorious success
BY MAGAISA
IBENZI
WARD 12, PARIRENYATWA HOSPITAL, HARARE - I am very upset. We were
refused
permission to get a day off from this place to go to the national
Sports
Stadium to celebrate the silver anniversary of our Independence last
week.
We were told that there were not enough staff to go with us and make
sure we
did not get too excited - they have all gone to UK looking for
pounds. And
the Chinese drugs have run out so there is nothing to calm us
down.
But as you well know by now Mr Editor, Magaisa never misses anything. A
friend of mine has given me a blow-by-blow account of what took place and
here is his report (by the way he is very shy and only wants to be known as
Pat - he says ex pat, but I know his name is really Pat).
So this is
what Pat writes to me:
The main celebrations for our glorious 25 years of
Independence included an
address by the President, Robert Mugabe, the
release of 25 pigeons, and a
soccer match between the Zimbabwean and
Tanzanian national teams.
The PMB (or Pigeon Marketing Board), who are
the only people permitted to
transport pigeons about the country, had
imported some from Cuba. It is
reliably reported that as soon as the pigeons
were released, they were shot
down with catties by starving street-kids and
eaten.
Chickens have become so scarce that two new fast-food shops have
opened -
Pigeon Inn and Pigeon Lickin.
The soccer match was abandoned
after the ball went into the crowd and
somebody ate it. The referee, a white
farmer, reported this to the ZRP crowd
control officer, and was arrested for
violence.
He was taken to a cell intended to hold three people and found
30 members of
the MDC and two emaciated Sunday Telegraph reporters crammed
into it, with
one cracked and blocked toilet between them.
Still,
keeping his wits about him, he organized two teams and a football
match in
the yard ensued between the Probably Innocent vs. the Definitely
Innocent.
This was the only match played in Harare that day.
However, police spokesman
Asst. Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena, said he had
heard nothing about it,
idly stroking the statue of the Three Wise Monkeys
on his desk as he
spoke.
Newly-appointed Information Minister , Tichaona Jakonya, fresh
from lying
his head off for years to the United Nations assembly in New
York, denied
that the match had happened, saying the report was all a plot
by Tony Blair
to tarnish the name of the country and impugn its sovereignty.
"Zimbabwe
will never be a colony again," he solemnly intoned, before the
assembled
press corps fell into a deep slumber.
Earlier in the day,
both startled diplomatic guests at the stadium were
amazed to see that when
Bob and the Wailers entered, such was the shortage
of petrol that President
Robert Mugabe arrived on a bullet-proof golden
scooter - a 100cc Zhingzhonga
- with his wife, Grace, riding pillion.
The fly-past of the
newly-acquired Chinese jet-fighters had to be postponed,
owing to a shortage
of bamboo.
A lavish banquet was thrown at Pariah State House in the evening,
the menu
comprising Potage de Sorghum with Foie Grass, Sparrow Benedict,
Kapenta
Kariba, Fillet of Pigeon Breast Tsvangirai flambé, or Piaf
Stroganoff, all
washed down with either Mbaredale Estate Mugarbonnay 05 or
sparkling Cold
Pigeon.
Ignoramus Chombo's culinary delight,
Matabeleland Desert, followed, with a
local variety of Edam cheese named
after the Minister of Agriculture, Made
and cracker, a nut, and mbanje
cigars (choice of Malawi Gold or Durban
Poison) to end the
meal.
Music was supplied by the Darktown Strutters Mbira ensemble from
Chitungwiza
(previously known as the Bright Lights Strutters). In memory of
the late
Border Gezi and Mai Shuvai Mahofa the kwassa kwassa kid broke into
a
kongonya.
The President thanked the chef, and all the other chefs.
He apologised for
the Blair Toilet having malfunctioned, as a vital part was
unobtainable from
Britain.
Ha ha ha ha. Thanks Pat - reading your
report, it is just as though I was
there myself.
The Zimbabwean
Will SA go the way of Zimbabwe?
BY A SPECIAL
CORRESPONDENT
CAPE TOWN - The day after the election in Zimbabwe, the Cape
Times carried a
front-page story on the South African government's new
policy to 'turn the
tide against poverty' by cutting back on the tax-funded
opulence of ANC
politicians.
President Mbeki's private jet would be sold
and he would in future travel by
South African Airways. There would be no
more mansions and Mercedes for
ministers and no more full-page
advertisements in the newspapers singing the
praises of the ANC
government.
Being naturally gullible and tired after a long night, I read
it in a
dreamlike state, feeling that I had been transported into a
different
universe where the ordinary laws of African politics had broken
down.
In this strange realm, African leaders put the welfare of the
people ahead
of their own luxury and vainglory. Then I came to the last line
of the
article, designed to make dimwits like me check the date, and was
bumped
back to reality.
Part of this reality was the grisly farce of
the Zimbabwean election, the
inevitable result and its equally inevitable
endorsement by the South
African government. President Mugabe of Zimbabwe
must be extremely grateful
to President Mbeki of South Africa, without whose
constant support and
encouragement he would probably not have been able to
sustain his tyranny.
The ANC shouted and screamed against apartheid South
Africa and Ian Smith's
Rhodesia and called for sanctions against both. It
denounces what it sees as
crimes of the Israeli government, such as the
building of the wall to shut
out Palestine.
But against the mass
murder, torture, terror, gang rape and deliberate
starvation of the Zimbabwe
people by Mugabe's dictatorship, neither
President Mbeki nor any other
leading figure of the ANC in his government
has whispered one word of
protest.
The most frightening question hanging over the future of South
Africa is
this. Does the ANC support Mugabe out of political expediency or
because it
agrees with his actions? If the latter, will South Africa go the
way of
Zimbabwe?
Expediency would be easy to understand. The curse of
black Africans, in
Africa and abroad, is their unrequited obsession with the
white man. Black
Africans try to reduce all human existence to a simple
morality tale in
which the white man is the source of all evil and
misfortune.
They have little interest in black people beyond their
borders but enormous
interest in white people. If there is an atrocity in an
African country,
black people outside that country will not care unless
there are white
people concerned, either as instigators or as
victims.
When Mugabe slaughtered 20,000 black people in southern Zimbabwe
in 1983,
nobody outside Zimbabwe, including the ANC, paid it the slightest
attention.
Nor did they care when, after 2000, he drove thousands of black
farm workers
out of their livelihoods and committed countless atrocities
against his
black population. But when he killed a dozen white farmers and
pushed others
off their farms, it caused tremendous
excitement.
Mugabe became a hero in the eyes of black activists in South
Africa, the US
and England. That he has ruined Zimbabwe, a beautiful and
naturally blessed
country; that he has turned it from a food exporter to a
hungry food
importer; that he has caused 80 per cent unemployment and 600
per cent
inflation; that he has killed and tortured tens of thousands of
Africans;
that he has crushed democracy; that he has reduced life expectancy
from 55
years in 1980 when he came to power to 33 years now - none of this
matters
compared with his glorious triumph in beating up a handful of white
farmers.
It needs no skill at all to win the applause of black activists
around the
world. Any African president can kill as many black people as he
likes
knowing that, if he then condemns white imperialism, he is guaranteed
acclamation. Idi Amin did it in the 1970s.
Mugabe's tactics are
almost as crude. Mbeki would be an idiot to be
surprised by them, and he is
not. The ANC is now almost unassailable in
South Africa. It won 70 per cent
of the vote in the election last year and
has no credible rival for power.
Mbeki could easily stop supporting Mugabe's
reign of terror without losing
significant support at home.
So that leaves the sinister possibility that
Mbeki genuinely approves of
Mugabe's actions, both the persecution of
opponents and the confiscation of
white assets.
South Africa's press
is free, even if it labours under heavy
self-censorship, but the national
television broadcaster, the SABC,
increasingly resembles Mugabe's state
television with much of the 'news'
consisting of the mighty accomplishments
of the ruling party and the great
utterances of its supreme
leader.
At present the ANC faces no serious challenge at elections. If it
did face a
serious challenge, as Mugabe did in 2000, would it act as he did?
Unfortunately, there are many signs that this is exactly what it would
do.
The ANC has long experience in using violence and terror against its
black
opponents in the 1980s and 1990s, and would probably put this to use
if too
many blacks began to vote against it.
This might be a reason
why the ANC so enthusiastically supports Mugabe,
saying in effect to
potential black dissidents, 'Be careful. We can do what
he does.' Mugabe
became heroic by seizing white-owned farms in Zimbabwe
(most of which were
bought during his government with its full legal
approval).
Since
farming is a negligible part of the South African economy, the ANC, to
reproduce Mugabe's heroism, would have to seize other white assets such as
mines, banks and factories. The farms taken from the whites in Zimbabwe did
not, of course, go in the main to ordinary black people in Zimbabwe but to a
handful of rich cronies in the ruling party. In the ANC's ideology of
'transformation', this is fine.
'Transformation' does not mean
reducing inequality or improving the living
standards of all. It means
changing the race of ownership and power. It is
not about rich and poor; it
is purely about black and white.
If all South African industry were owned
by a dozen black billionaires while
the majority of black people were living
in penury, this would count as
successful transformation, just as Zimbabwe,
which is now in ruins but has
black ownership of the farms, is seen as
having had a successful
transformation.
In South Africa, the main
instrument of transformation is Black Economic
Empowerment (BEE). This
requires whites to hand over big chunks of the
ownership of companies to
blacks and to surrender top jobs to them.
Almost all the blacks so
enriched belong to a small elite connected to the
ANC. BEE is already
happening to mines, banks and factories. In other words,
a peaceful
Mugabe-like programme is already in progress in South Africa.
What are the
chances of its turning violent?
Before the fall of apartheid in 1990, the
ANC was Marxist in thought and
believed in the command economy. It abandoned
this, thanks in large part to
Mbeki, because it felt constrained by the
realities of the global economy
after the fall of communism and the need for
foreign investment.
Does it now really want to follow Mugabe's violent
example but feel
constrained by these same considerations? If circumstances
changed, as they
did for Mugabe, would the ANC cast aside constraint and
unleash the
'comrades' on white-owned businesses and properties?
Such
a move would provide a marvellous opportunity for mayhem, for the
multitudes
of unemployed young black men would be ecstatically received by
the rich but
resentful black elite that spends its energy obsessing about
whites, and
would be cheered to the rooftops by the UN, the African Union
and
'progressive forces' around the world. Imagine TV pictures of the white
executives of Anglo-America being manacled and whipped through the streets
of Johannesburg by grinning black youths. What could be more
delightful?
White South Africans are told that they should 'learn the
lessons of the
white farmers in Zimbabwe'. What lessons? That you should
never trust a
black government (since they bought their farms with the
approval of a black
government)? That you should never invest in Africa or
pour your sweat into
Africa?
That you should not try to befriend
black people and improve their living
standards (since those Zimbabwean
farmers who did so were the first to have
their lands confiscated)? When
Mugabe took power in 1980, there were about
300,000 whites in Zimbabwe. Now
there are about 25,000. Is the lesson for
white South Africans that they
should all emigrate?
I do not know the answers. I did not predict the
fall of communism or the
fall of apartheid. I am not a good prophet.
Zimbabwe is an imperfect
comparison with South Africa. But looking at all
the evidence as clearly as
I can, it seems to me that Zimbabwe is the best
comparison we have; and if
you want to see the future of South Africa, it
might not be a bad idea to
look at the present in Zimbabwe.
The Zimbabwean
Minister must remove press laws
Last Friday the new
minister of information, Tichaona Jokonya, met editors
from both the private
and state-run media in Zimbabwe and suggested a
lowering of the temperature
in relationships between the government and the
media.
So far, so good.
We welcome this initiative. We would like to see serious
debate in our
country about where we are, how we are being governed and
offer solutions to
what we see are our common problems. We believe
government does not have the
monopoly on wisdom - solutions to our problems
require all of us to put our
heads together for the common good.
However, we disagree with the
Minister when he says that the president
should not be criticized. If he
were a non-partisan, non-executive,
president we would have said Yes - let's
keep him out of politics.
But, it is difficult to separate Robert Mugabe
the politician from Robert
Mugabe the president. He is also the leader of
Zanu (PF). He vociferously
denounces those he perceives to be his political
opponents.
He threatens every foe - real and imaginery; he defies court
orders; he fans
and condones violence; he pardons criminals when it suits
him - the list
goes on. And it is no secret that the government of Zimbabwe
is a mere
extension of Zanu (PF).
The government, Mugabe and the
party are one and the same. How, therefore,
is a thinking press, and indeed
a thinking opposition, supposed to make
constructive criticisms without
being condemned for attacking the person of
the president?
While the
new minister was busy making these welcome noises, the police were
busy
charging Davison Maruziva and Savious Kwinika, from The Standard, under
his
predecessor's anti-freedom of the press legislation - AIPPA and POSA.
As
long as these two laws remain on our statute books, together with other
colonial laws that have been maintained long after the colonial era is
over - it will be difficult for journalists to believe that the minister is
serious about what he is saying.
If the minister wants us to take him
seriously he should turn his immediate
attention to the removal of these
laws.
The Zimbabwean
Stop absurd diplomatic pretence
BY LITANY BIRD
Dear
Family and Friends,
Things have deteriorated noticeably in Zimbabwe in
the three weeks since the
ruling party declared they had won the elections.
Prices have shot up, basic
foodstuffs are becoming harder and harder to find
and the fuel supply is
sporadic.
Water from taps has become a luxury
and the state-owned television this week
gave us a long story to explain
that as winter approaches electricity cuts
are going to be a regular
occurrence.
This week the MDC finally gave up its prolonged diplomatic
game and openly
declared that the South Africans were not honest brokers in
mediating in the
Zimbabwean crisis.
They said that it was now
apparent that the South African stance of "Quiet
Diplomacy" was in a reality
just a "package of lies and pretence". The
statement of this sad fact and an
end to the nonsensical diplomatic
pretence, comes as a relief to
Zimbabweans.
We had watched with shock and disgust the line taken by the
SABC TV news
presenter reporting from Zimbabwe during the election period
and few people
believed South Africa was impartial.
Zimbabweans feel
so utterly betrayed by our African neighbours. At least now
the talk has
become straightforward and to the point. By all accounts there
are probably
less than 20 or 30 000 whites left in Zimbabwe and it is matter
of
continental shame that our regional neighbours cannot and will not see
the
suffering of 11 million people, but choose to keep on and on hiding
behind
the now 25-year-old "colonialist" scapegoat.
It is very hard to be
optimistic about anything at the moment but there is a
joke doing the rounds
which is particularly appropriate as we hurtle
backwards into the dark ages.
Using a stick, an old shoelace and a bent
paper clip a hungry man crafts a
crude fishing rod and goes down to try his
luck at the river.
Against
all odds he manages to catch a small fish and he hurries home to his
wife
with the first meat they've seen for weeks. He asks his wife to grill
the
fish immediately but she says she can't because they are having an
extended
power cut.
Then he suggests that she uses the paraffin stove instead and
poaches the
fish but she can't do that either because there is no paraffin
in the
country for the stove. The man goes off to collect firewood and says
now
they can fry the fish - but that is also impossible because there is
neither
margarine nor cooking oil in the country. In despair, the hungry man
suggests they simply boil the fish but that too is impossible as there is no
water in the taps.
Resigned to simply smoking the fish on an open
fire, the hungry man bends to
light the sticks but cannot even do that as
the country ran out of matches
this week. In disgust he gets up, grabs the
fish and takes it back to the
river.
The fish slides into the water,
turns back to wave a fin at the hungry man
and says: "Well, you voted for
them." Until next week with love. Ndini
shamwari yenyu.
The Zimbabwean
Open debate stifled
Post-election political
developments in the country continued to generate
interest from the media,
which devoted 190 stories to the issue. Sixty-three
of the reports were
published in the government Press, 44 in private
newspapers, 74 appeared on
ZBH (ZTV, Power FM and Radio Zimbabwe) and the
remaining 11 were carried by
Studio 7.
Notable, however, was the government media's continued attempts to
stifle
open debate on the renewed political crisis bedevilling the country
following a disputed March 31st general election results. For instance, 33
of the 63 stories in the government press merely glossed over the negative
effects of the poll controversy by either amplifying claims that the
election was free and fair or by censoring and ridiculing alternative views
on the matter.
A typical story appeared in The Herald (14/4).
Although it reported on the
opposition MDC's legal challenge of 13 seats,
which the opposition party
claims it wants to use as a platform to show the
extent to which the
authorities rigged the poll, the story was characterised
by editorial
intrusions that depicted the party as confused.
These
editorial interruptions included describing the opposition party
as"Western-backed", which had a tendency to cry "foul over every election it
loses".
To buttress its portrayal of the MDC as a bad loser, the
paper juxtaposed
the story on the opposition's legal poll challenge with a
report on the SA
Cabinet's endorsement of the election as having "credibly
reflected the
will" of Zimbabweans. The report noted, however, that the SA
cabinet had
"stopped short" of declaring the election "free and fair" as it
was "worried
that some voters were turned away from polling
stations".
Notable, too, was the way the government newspapers dedicated
12 stories on
the swearing-in of new MPs to gloss over the MDC/ZANU PF
differences on the
conduct of the poll. The Herald and Chronicle (13/4), for
example,
simplistically interpreted the MDC's participation in the
parliamentary
swearing-in as an acceptance by the opposition party of the
election
results.
The papers reported that MPs from both parties had,
in an incident free
environment, displayed a "rare show of unity" during the
installation of the
legislators in which they unanimously selected Zanu (PF)
chairman John Nkomo
as Speaker and another ruling party official Edna
Madzongwe as his deputy.
Leader of the MDC in Parliament Gibson Sibanda's
description of Nkomo
as"fair minded" was then predominantly used to present
the opposition party
as finally taking heed of President Mugabe's post
election call for the two
parties to work together.
ZBH followed suit
in its 41 reports on the swearing-in of MPs. For example,
ZTV (13/4, 8pm)
claimed that the taking the oath of loyalty by both Zanu
(PF) and MDC
legislators showed that the country was a "mature democracy"
because the MPs
had displayed a unity of purpose. Apart from trying to use
the swearing-in
ceremony to paper over the deteriorating political
situation, ZBH also
unquestioningly endorsed the appointment of a new
Cabinet in its 19 reports
on the matter.
No attempt was made to analyse the economic ramifications
of expanding the
Cabinet at a time the country is facing a deepening
economic crisis. Neither
would the broadcaster fully discuss the apparent
duplication of roles
between some ministries such as the Finance Ministry
and Economic
Development Ministry, which both used to be under one
portfolio. Similarly,
the government Press' three reports on the Cabinet
failed to clarify such
issues.
The Zimbabwean
Causes of economic crisis ignored
Although ZBH carried
22 reports on the commodity price increases and
shortages, it failed to view
the issues as symptomatic of the country's
economic meltdown.
As a
result, it reported the increases in isolation without giving a
holistic
picture of the situation on the ground or relating them to the
country's
macro-economic situation.
Neither would the broadcaster openly discuss the
causes of the commodity
shortages and price hikes.
Instead, ZBH
continued to accuse manufacturers of deliberately increasing
commodity
prices and causing shortages. Without giving the business
community the
right of reply, the station attributed the fuel shortages in
Bulawayo to the
"country's detractors", who caused shortages "every time the
country comes
out of elections."
ZTV found an ally in the form of The Daily Mirror
(11/4) in peddling such
ideas. The private daily's comment spuriously
accused the MDC of working
with businesses to sabotage Zimbabwe's economic
growth "so that President
Mugabe vacates State House and a former trade
unionist moves in".
The government Press was not any different. None of
the 17 stories the
papers carried on the subject hardly explained the real
causes or extent of
the economic distress. In fact The Herald dishonestly
noted that the
month-on-month inflation rate for March had "slightly"
increased to 4.2
percent from 3.1 percent in February. But an analysis of
the statistics show
that the monthly inflation had actually increased
substantially as the 1.1
percent jump represented a 35% increase in just a
single month.
The Herald's reluctance to unravel the truth resulted in
the same issue of
the paper reporting vaguely about a deal that the
financially-troubled
government-controlled airline, Air Zimbabwe, is
reportedly poised to sign a
deal with the South African Airways.
The
paper merely hinted that the "deal - if signed - could see government's
shareholding in the parastatal being heavily diluted" without analysing the
causes behind the government decision to finally surrender its yet-to-be
disclosed stake in the airline.
This unquestioning approach was also
evident in other government papers. For
example, the Sunday News (17/4)
failed to ask the logic behind the holding
of a million litres of fuel at
the Beitbridge Border post by the Zimbabwe
revenue authorities while the
fuel situation in the Southern region,
especially in Bulawayo, remained
critical.
However, the private Press carried 25 stories that questioned
government's
economic policies and highlighted numerous economic ills
afflicting the
country mainly due to the shortage of foreign
currency.
Studio 7 adopted a similar slant in its six reports on economic
issues. And,
together with other independent media, reported on a survey by
the Zimbabwe
Food and Nutrition Council conducted in collaboration with the
Health
Ministry, which recorded chronic malnutrition levels of around 47
percent in
children living on commercial farms.
The Zimbabwean
We need a new constitution
We have just celebrated our
silver jubilee. In one Harare high density area
some people spent the day
looking for water. I find myself looking forward
to our golden jubilee. By
then we will have sorted out our present problems,
though we will have new
ones. The key to making progress now is to design a
new constitution with
which everyone is happy.
The word itself comes from the Latin con (with)
statuere (to set up), that
is, something we have set up together. As I
write, there is a process going
on in Rome to choose a new pope. The BBC
calls it 'arcane' yet it is a
method of election panel beaten over two
thousand years. This
'constitutional procedure' was last updated only in
1996.
As a matter of digression, the early church didn't really have
popes as we
know them. In the time after the apostles they had presbyters
(elders) who
took care of the local churches. Gradually they felt the need
for one
presbyter to be an overseer (episcopos, bishop) of the others. And
as
further time went on the overseers looked to one of their own to be the
principal overseer or father (papa, pope).
The Catholic Church has an
impressive list of popes going back to St. Peter
but probably the first six
were just prominent overseers. In fact they
forgot the name of the sixth one
and just called him Sixtus, the sixth one.
That did not stop subsequent
popes adopting the name. Sixtus the Fifth, who
died in 1590, gave his name
to the Sistine chapel, where the present
electors (or cardinals) are
gathered. He was the last to adopt the name. It
would sound something of a
tautology to call oneself Sixtus the Sixth.
This little diversion is
simply intended to illustrate the development of
constitutional process - a
process that tries to meet the needs of all
concerned for just and equitable
government. One principle that has emerged
as having almost universal
acceptance is the separation and balance of
powers.
The legislature
makes the laws, the judiciary interprets them and the
executive governs
according to them. The constitution of a country is the
one guarantor that
citizens can live at peace with one another under the
protection of the
law.
In Zambia, at this moment, there is a lively debate about a new
constitution. I suspect many countries are having or would like to have
similar debates, ourselves included. The worse thing would be for the
process of constitution making to be taken over by one group in the country.
It must be a work of 'all the people.'