http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
3 April
2009
Outstanding issues that should have been resolved at the formation
of the
inclusive government, such as the swearing in of provincial governors
and
the appointment of permanent secretaries and ambassadors, will be
finalized
next week, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said on
Friday.
In his opening remarks at the start of a three day government
retreat at the
resort town of Victoria Falls, Tsvangirai also told cabinet
ministers, their
deputies and permanent secretaries that the appointments of
Gideon Gono as
Governor of the Reserve Bank and Johannes Tomana as Attorney
General, will
be revisited.
Robert Mugabe officially opened the
conference. He said the success of the
economic recovery of Zimbabwe rests
on the performance and delivery of the
inclusive government and it's
commitment to the global political agreement,
signed among the country's
three major political parties.
His statement was echoed by Tsvangirai who
said as defined by both the GPA
and the constitution, the issues of
governors and ambassadors must be
resolved by the leadership, which
comprises the President, Vice Presidents,
the Prime Minister and Deputy
Prime Ministers.
'This body will meet in the coming week to address the
outstanding issues
which include, but are not limited to, the ongoing land
disputes and
disruption of agricultural activities,' he added.
The
issue of Gono has even been raised in Washington where, following a
meeting
of the G20 group on March 20th, they issued a statement urging the
inclusive
government to 'take additional steps to demonstrate its commitment
to reform
such as . the establishment of a credible and transparent central
bank
team.'
Tsvangirai also reminded his audience of this need when he told
them the
priorities of the new government 'remain democratization,
stabilization and
addressing the humanitarian crisis that afflicts our
people.'
'Most importantly, this new political dispensation has delivered
hope to a
country devoid of optimism and expectation. However, if we are to
move
forward with the speed that the people demand and deserve, we must
acknowledge and address some of the elements that are obstructing the full
implementation of the GPA,' according to Tsvangirai.
Political
analyst Isaac Dziya said as long as Tsvangirai's message could be
translated
into action, the international community might take note and
change it's
attitude towards the government. Prospective international
donors have
insisted that a return to the rule of law and other key
requirements, must
be fulfilled by the inclusive government if any aid is to
be injected into
the country.
'There is pressure from all quarters for the government to
reform. I think
it is clear to all those in government that aid will not be
forthcoming as
long as there are no democratic reforms,' Dziya
said.
Irene Petras, the executive director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human
Rights, told us on Wednesday that although there has been some
movement in
trying to bring change, she couldn't say the same with the
democratization
process.
'We still have a lot of concerns as far as
the rule of law is concerned,
people still cannot gather as a group and the
media hasn't been opened up
yet,' Petras said.
But Gorden Moyo, the
Minister of State in the Prime Minister's office, told
a meeting of civic
leaders that the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) and the
Zimbabwe Human
Rights Commission will be in place before month-end.
This is part of the
implementation of the GPA which also calls for the
formation of a new
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and an Anti-Corruption
Commission. It is hoped
the setting up of the ZMC would speed up the opening
of the media, to allow
new and independent players to enter the industry,
that has been choked by
repressive laws put in place by the ZANU-PF
government.
The ZMC is
expected to lead the process of media reform, but most
importantly its job
should be to register new media houses. NewsDay, a
proposed daily newspaper
project by Zimbabwe Independent and the Standard
newspapers owner Trevor
Ncube, is ready to register and is already in the
process of recruiting
staff.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14599
April 3,
2009
(Address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of
Zimbabwe, Morgan
Tsvangirai, to the Ministerial Retreat, Victoria Falls,
April 3, 2009).
YOUR Excellency, President Mugabe, Vice President Mujuru,
Deputy Prime
Minister Khupe, Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara, Ministers,
Deputy
Ministers, Invited Guests;
There is no other group of people
in Zimbabwe today upon whom the success of
the Global Political Agreement
rests as heavily as it does on our shoulders.
We who are gathered here
today, hold the future of our nation in our hands.
Our actions over the next
months will dictate whether Zimbabwe grows and
prospers or resumes its
economic and social decline.
This is why we have convened this gathering
and I would like to thank you
all for taking the time to participate in this
process. I would also like to
thank the World Bank for supporting this
meeting and to our facilitators who
have embraced the exciting challenge
ahead of them.
Finally, I would like to thank the staff of the World Bank
and those
personnel my office and the President's office, who have worked
tirelessly
on the logistics and agenda for the coming days.
Your
Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen, in signing the Global Political
Agreement
we have committed ourselves to a framework within which we can
learn to work
together for the betterment of our nation and the betterment
of our people.
If we stand by the letter and spirit of this agreement we
cannot fail to
take our nation forward to a more prosperous future.
Working together may
not seem natural after so many years on opposite sides
of the political
divide, but there can be no viable alternative as our paths
and our futures
are now united by the GPA. To try and frustrate its
implementation or negate
the benefits it can bring will plunge our nation
into another round of
conflict, decay and despair.
Therefore, we must accept that we are now in
a transformative stage with all
the pains and challenges it presents. This
inclusive government can only
work if it is indeed inclusive. Thus, the
Parties that are the signatories
to this agreement must work as a true
coalition. Each must bring its own
positive attributes to this government
and recognise and reject the negative
tendencies of old.
Your
Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen, it would be unrealistic to expect us
to
enter this inclusive government without bringing with us some of that
negative baggage we carry from the past. We cannot hope to work together if
we do not learn to understand each other and if we do not create common
goals that we can strive towards. This is the primary focus of this
weekend's
gathering.
I know that this administration is limited by
both time and resources, but
we felt that it was essential that we use some
of these this weekend to
create that common understanding which will serve
as the foundation on which
we can build this inclusive government and build
our service delivery to the
people.
On a practical level, our
objective this weekend is to obtain a commonality
of interests amongst all
Ministers and Heads of Ministries as to the key
issues on which we need to
focus in order to successfully implement both the
GPA and the Short Term
Economic Recovery Programme.
The majority of the commitments and
objectives in both of these documents
require activities that cut across
various ministries and thus we must
understand these relationships in order
to successfully implement them.
In this, each ministry must understand
fully their role in the
implementation of the GPA and STERP, such that each
can play their part
positively in this team that we are building.
By
the end of this weekend, as Government, we will have agreed on the common
objectives of this administration and we will have developed a concrete plan
for the coming 100 days to ensure timely and efficient implementation. These
objectives will be directed at creating the Zimbabwe that we want and that
the people of Zimbabwe deserve.
Each Ministry will identify its own
outputs in line with these objectives
and will present a clear understanding
of the internal and external
resources available to it and those that are
needed to be sourced externally
in the form of funding and technical skills.
From the work of the individual
ministries, a composite document of action
plans will be developed to guide
us in the implementation of the GPA and
STERP.
Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen, I know that you are all now
familiar
with the specific content of the GPA and the commitments that we
have signed
up to. Within that agreement are 55 actionable
items.
That is, 55 defined steps that cut across ministries that we must
take to
implement the GPA. These are neither optional nor negotiable, as
they form
an integral part of the agreement to which we are all
committed.
Similarly, the Short Term Economic Recovery Programme has also
been analysed
in order to identify the specific action steps that must be
taken by us in
order to rescue our economy and send us on the road to
economic growth and
prosperity.
While the content and commitments
contained in both the GPA and STERP may be
different, the success of one is
linked to the other.
From your knowledge of the GPA you will see that
much of it focuses on
building upon and promoting the people's freedoms,
otherwise known as human
rights.
I realise that to some people, the
term human rights may have foreign
connotations, so let us deal with this
openly and transparently, for only if
we agree on the interpretation of the
GPA can we hope to agree on its
implementation.
Human rights are
neither culturally specific nor are they to be imposed upon
one society by
another. As Zimbabweans and signatories to this agreement, it
is we who
defined the rights that we must concentrate on in this
transitional phase.
As part of this process, the people of Zimbabwe will
themselves have the
opportunity, through
the constitutional development process, to define
the rights they themselves
wish to be protected and bound by.
These
political and civil rights serve not only as guarantees of the people's
freedoms but as the essential foundation of the nation's economic
development. Therefore, if we as leaders are committed to economic growth
and development, we must in turn be committed to entrenching and upholding
political and civil rights.
Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen,
our new government is now just over
six weeks old, allowing us the
opportunity to reflect on progress and
impediments in order that we can
accentuate the former and eliminate the
latter.
I continue to be
encouraged by the spirit of cooperation that has grown
amongst the majority
of our ministers. In fact, it is safe to say that the
vast majority of
ministers, Members of Parliament and civil servants are
committed to seeing
this agreement work. As both President Mugabe and I have
stated, this
agreement is not perfect but it is workable.
Proof of this lies in our
incremental achievements to date. Together, we
have overseen the opening of
hospitals and schools, the taming of
hyperinflation, the lowering of prices
of basic commodities and the
rationalisation of utility tariffs. We have
started paying civil servants a
monthly allowance to allow the public sector
to begin working again and to
provide an essential stimulus to the
economy.
Most importantly, this new political dispensation has delivered
hope to a
country devoid of optimism and expectation. However, if we are to
move
forward with the speed that the people demand and deserve, we must
acknowledge and address some of the elements that are obstructing the full
implementation of the GPA.
There are still outstanding issues that
should have been resolved at the
formation of this government. As defined by
both the GPA and the
Constitution of Zimbabwe, these issues must be resolved
by the Leadership of
Government, which comprises the President and Vice
Presidents, the Prime
Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers.
This body
will meet in the coming week to address the outstanding issues
which
include, but are not limited to, the swearing in of the Provincial
Governors, the appointment of the Governor of the Reserve Bank and the
Attorney General, the appointment of Permanent Secretaries and Ambassadors
and the ongoing land disputes and disruption of agricultural
activities.
The clarity of the GPA and the Constitution mean that if we
abide by their
letter and spirit, these issues can be resolved immediately.
In doing so, we
will prove to the international community that we are
genuine and serious
about restoring Zimbabwe to its rightful place in the
family of nations.
Once we embrace this need for mutual cooperation to
drive our nation
forward, we can then concentrate on the business of
Government, delivering
services to the people and driving the legislative
agenda.
Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen, this historic meeting will
enable us
to reach consensus on our implementation agenda and will assist in
removing
what barriers remain between us. In turn, this will enable us to
move away
from a culture of competing efforts and towards a culture of
complimentary
efforts for the benefit of our nation.
Only by doing
this will we be able to deliver to the people. A government
that does not
deliver has no legitimacy and a limited life-span. The urgency
around
delivery is plain for all to see. Although we have had some positive
impact
in the short life of this new inclusive government, this is only a
fraction
of what needs to be achieved.
The priorities of this government remain
democratisation, stabilisation and
addressing the humanitarian crisis that
afflicts our people.
We still have a long way to go in rebuilding our
health and education
systems which will require significant capital
investment if we are to meet
our obligations to the people. Similarly, all
our major utilities have been
operating below economic viability for too
long and rehabilitating them will
be costly, as will be getting our
agricultural sector productive once more.
Indeed the workload that faces
each of us in restoring Zimbabwe to its
economic prime is daunting. Hence,
the importance of this gathering to
provide us with the opportunity to meet,
to discuss the problems we face, to
agree on solutions to those problems and
to develop the plan through which
we can implement those
solutions.
Ladies and Gentlemen, the enormous challenges we face in
rebuilding and
developing our nation, combined with the fact that our
revenue base is
exhausted, means that we need international support to
achieve these goals.
We are grateful for the recent commitments by the
donor community to
continue assisting the state in dealing with the ongoing
humanitarian
crisis, but we also need them to engage with us on our economic
recovery
programme.
This is a reality, as is the fact that the donor
countries and multi-lateral
institutions are looking at the restoration of
the rule of law as the key
benchmark that must be achieved before they will
fully engage with this
inclusive government.
In addition, while this
government understands the need for the removal of
restrictive measures that
have been applied to individuals, success in this
area is also tied to the
restoration of the rule of law.
This means that the police must be
empowered to protect those protected by
the law, to enforce all court orders
and that the courts must process cases
brought before them timeously and
impartially. These are measures that can
and must be implemented
immediately.
The other key benchmark that will inspire confidence, not
just amongst
donors but amongst Zimbabweans as a whole, is evidence that all
the Parties
are adhering to the GPA. This entails clear evidence that we are
bound and
guided by the GPA and that there is no faction-driven, parallel
process that
serves to perpetuate the culture of entitlement and
impunity.
Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen, in this, the GPA is very
clear
regarding the hierarchical nature of the inclusive government and the
process that must be followed by all the parties. In this new Transitional
Inclusive Government, executive authority rests with the President, the
Prime Minister and the Cabinet.
We must acknowledge that the GPA and
Constitution of Zimbabwe are now our
sole sources of legitimacy and we must
act accordingly. The President cannot
run Government without the Prime
Minister and vice versa - and neither can
operate without
Cabinet.
Each one of us in government now derives legitimacy and
responsibility from
the GPA and it is this document that must guide us
regardless of party
politics or ideology.
Your Excellency, Ladies and
Gentlemen, as I stated earlier, the GPA is
workable. It provides us with the
framework within which we can work
together to understand each other, to
understand the challenges that lie
before us and to develop solutions to
those challenges.
In conclusion, let me acknowledge the benefits that I
have derived from
engaging with members of our cabinet. In particular I
would like to refer to
a conversation with Minister Muchena who acquainted
me with the four stages
of coalition building, namely: storming, forming,
performing and norming;
where cooperation and working together become the
accepted practise of
government.
I would like to ask President Mugabe
and everyone else here today at what
stage of the coalition process we are
as individuals and I appeal to you
all, that by the end of this weekend we
have resolved to be in the
performing stage - at the very
least.
Thus, I call upon all of you here today, whether you are from Zanu
PF, MDC-T
or MDC-M to put aside your political differences and to unite for
the sake
of this Government and our nation.
We all stand to benefit
from restoring Zimbabwe to its proud regional
position as a beacon for
economic development, political tolerance and
social cohesion. We all stand
to benefit from finding ways to work together
for the good of the nation. We
all stand to benefit from striving to deliver
to all Zimbabweans the economy
they need, the services they deserve and the
freedoms they
demand.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I ask that you join with me in rising to
the
challenges before us, in putting aside past differences, in fostering a
spirit of mutual cooperation and understanding, and in building a team to
lead Zimbabwe forward.
I thank you.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex
Bell
03 April 2009
The renewed campaign against the country's
remaining commercial farmers
continued unabated on Friday with a fresh farm
attack.
On Friday afternoon, Chegutu farmer Ben Freeth and his family
came under
siege by a group of roughly fifteen invaders, who arrived on
their Mount
Carmel farm and announced that the family had five minutes to
leave the
property. Freeth explained to SW Radio Africa that the head
invader
eventually left the property "to get more men to come help him",
leaving
about nine men to keep an eye on the family. Freeth explained that
the head
invader said he'd been sent my Nathan Shamuyarira, the ZANU PF
spokesman,
who has been intent on removing Freeth and his family off the
farm. The
family, who has previously been forced to flee their property
under constant
harassment, was left on Friday evening in a stand off with
the remaining
invaders.
Meanwhile it has emerged that Former Lands
Minister Didymus Mutasa, and two
of his relatives, are involved in the
ongoing farm disruptions.
The allegations surfaced in a damning report by the
Commercial Farmers Union
(CFU) submitted to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
last week, which
highlights the fresh wave of farm attacks that has forced
many farmers into
hiding. More than 100 farmers are also facing prosecution
on trumped up
charges of occupying 'state land' illegally, while violent
farm evictions
have also intensified in recent weeks.
The CFU report
accuses Mutasa of leading a Land Inspectorate Commission,
which has been
interfering with farming activities on targeted farms - the
only productive
farms left in a country crippled by food shortages.
The report reads:
"What has become very evident from the reports coming in
is that there is a
very active group, which we understand is called the Land
Inspectorate
Commission, allegedly headed by the previous Minister of Lands
(etc),
Minister (Didymus) Mutasa, and assisted by two of his relatives,
being the
lawyer Gerald Mlotshwa and Temba Mliswa, who we believe holds the
position
of Secretary of Lands for Mashonaland West in the ZANU PF party."
The
report also details the known involvement of Attorney General Johannes
Tomana as well as a chief magistrate, senior police officials and officials
from the Lands Ministry, who in February instructed local police and
magistrates to 'fast track' the prosecution of the remaining
farmers.
"It would appear that this is to make way for the immediate
occupation
by persons in favour of the ZANU PF party and many of these
new
beneficiaries are alleged to have been involved in the recent
political
violence," the CFU said in its report.
The CFU also urged
the Prime Minister to issue a moratorium on the
prosecution of white
farmers, and called for the "immediate cessation of the
violence in the
productive farming sector."
Tsvangirai has since promised to deal with
the farm disruptions, saying in a
Press Conference on Wednesday that the
Joint Monitoring and Implementation
Committee (JOMIC) had been tasked to
deal with the issue. The pledge came
barely a week after he condemned
perpetrators of "acts of theft" using
"fraudulent offer letters" to evict
commercial farmers. He warned that those
engaged in these activities would
be brought to justice.
But doubt has been cast over how the Prime
Minister plans to keep his word,
as it is not the first time he has
condemned the attacks - condemnation that
has not seen any action. At the
same time, many police officials and
judicial members, who should be handing
out justice over the land issue, are
themselves beneficiaries of the land
grab, and will be unlikely to change
allegiance at the request of
Tsvangirai.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk
Zimbabwean
farmers have accused prime minister Morgan Tsvangirai's new unity
government
of betraying its principles by failing to stop a fresh wave of
farm
invasions.
By Damien McElroy in Chegutu, Zimbabwe
Last Updated: 7:03PM
BST 03 Apr 2009
More than 70 white-owned farms have been invaded
since Mr Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) established a
coalition with Robert
Mugabe's Zanu-PF last month.
Affected farmers
have been angered by the MDC's silence on the latest
invasions.
"No
one from the unity government people has even mentioned us," said Brian
Bronkhorst, a dairy farmer who inherited his property from his grandfather
last year. "We're backed up against a wall and there's no one to intervene
to help us."
John Worsley-Warwick, who runs a hotline for targeted
farmers, said there
has been a two-pronged assault on white farms.
Magistrates have charged at
least 50 with illegal occupation and another 77
have reported some form of
invasion. A Supreme Court ruling on Wednesday
endorsed the eviction orders,
destroying the last vestiges of hope of legal
relief for scores of
landowners.
In a safehouse in Chegutu, once a
prosperous market town named Hartley, Mr
Bronkhurst and group of fellow
displaced farmers spend their days discussing
their losses and playing
backyard cricket. The rolling fields around the
town are flush with crops
but the farmers are forced to loiter in T-shirts
and shorts on a friend's
veranda.
Peter Etheredge was forced off his farm by thugs in the pay of
the president
of Zimbabwe's senate, Edna Madzongwe.
He said his 6,000
ton orange harvest was contracted for sale to the Middle
East. "I turn over
at least $4 million (£2.74 million a year from that
business, selling to a
good market that wasn't going to be affected by any
downturn," he said. "It
was a good crop too, full of export grade oranges
and she'll sell it on the
local market for nothing. It's a waste."
Intimidation tactics are
widespread and the so-called war veterans leader,
Joseph Chinotimba, who
spearheaded the most bloody land invasions since
2000, has re-emerged.
"Chinotimba has brought down people to intimidate our
labour," said Mr
Etheredge. "It's not pleasant when people you've known for
16 years turn on
you and claim you haven't paid them.
"When I tried to get rid of his men,
one turned on me and said 'we know you
and where you live, we will kill
you."
Hours later Mr Etheridge and his brother James fled under the cover
of
darkness.
Tapiwa Mashakada, the MDC's deputy secretary general,
conceded the party had
been unable to use its position to stop a "last
minute" rush by Zanu-PF to
seize more land. "These are out of sync with the
reality," he said. "It will
take some time but I sure we can restore
confidence."
Ousted farmers can't believe they have lost their land just
as the country
is at a turning point. Rob Taylor has had to camp with a
wardrobe and other
possessions in the car park of his 12-year old daughter's
school before
threats forced them into hiding. He said: "I've got nothing,
I'm bust. I was
26 when this started nine years ago, maybe I should have
gone somewhere new
but I can't leave now, it's too close to the
end.
"Agriculture is the engine of the Zimbabwean economy. The economy
needs a
boost to get started but you can't kickstart it without the
engine."
President Mugabe, the champion of land seizure has denounced the
invaders as
"enemies" of Zimbabwe but his words had not been backed by
action. The
85-year old made no effort to reign in the officials, judges,
policemen and
family members.
With harvests looming in the southern
hemisphere, farmers believe high
ranking Zanu-PF figures are grabbing
lucrative assets before the new
government establishes its
authority.
Mr Taylor's former employees face a bleak future. "Since the
white man was
chased away we have never had a proper meal," Margaret Ngoma
said.
Foreign officials said the government is "at war" over the
invasions. The
status of farms is crucial to Zimbabwe's efforts to attract
international
aid to revive its bankrupt government.
Western
diplomats said the Zanu-PF Lands Minister Herbert Murerwa had
conceded for
the first time that Zimbabwe would compensate dozens of farmers
who had lost
property protected by bilateral investment treaties.
But the concession
would not affect the claims of thousands of British,
Commonwealth and white
Zimbabwean farmers who had forfeited property since
the land invasions
began
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
03 April
2009
Two months into a coalition government an estimated 29 000 youth
militia
members loyal to ZANU PF are still on a government payroll and being
listed
as civil servants. This week Youth Development Minister Savior
Kasukuwere,
was quizzed by MDC parliamentarians on the use of the youths by
government
during the widely condemned and violent June presidential
election run-off
last year.
A new dimension to the issue erupted with
revelations that up to 14 000
youths are still being listed under the Public
Service Ministry, while
another 15 000 fall under the Women's Affairs
Ministry. This brings the
total number on the payroll to an astonishing 29
000. Kasukuwere's answer in
parliament was dismissed as unconvincing, after
he claimed they were Youth
Officers employed to work in different wards
around the country.
With monthly allowances for civil servants pegged at
US$100 it means nearly
three million US dollars is being spent on paying
youths whose only mandate
was to terrorize opposition activists. This issue
will present a challenging
test for the new Minister of the Public Service,
Professor Elphas
Mukonoweshuro, who is from the MDC. Whether he will be able
to deal with the
matter will test the workability of the coalition
government. Newsreel
understands the problem has already been forwarded to
the Prime Minister's
office for a resolution.
Several years ago the
ZANU PF regime set up the Border Gezi youth militia
camps to train groups of
youths in violence. They were always deployed
towards election time to beat
up opposition supporters. Wearing their
notorious green uniforms they
essentially became a para-military force,
maiming and killing MDC activists
while claiming to be a national youth
service promoting patriotism. Many
were later absorbed into the current
police force.
Wellington Zindove
from the Youth Forum told Newsreel that most of the
youths in the militia
were promised jobs by ZANU PF as a reward for
enrolling into the camps. He
said this explained how most of them were
eventually smuggled into the
public service as civil servants and earning
money for doing
nothing.
Several other ministers are being questioned in parliament about
their work.
Joint Home Affairs Ministers Kembo Mohadi and Giles Mutsekwa
were quizzed on
the use of torture by security forces and the abduction of
activists. Mines
Minister Obert Mpofu was grilled on the killing of miners
in the Marange
diamond fields, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa on prison
conditions
while Information, Communication and Technology Minister Nelson
Chamisa had
to explain the issues of high tariffs in the telecommunications
sector.
The parliamentary order paper also listed Defence Minister Emerson
Mnangagwa
as being lined up to explain the issuing of firearms to retired
army
personnel and war veterans, in the period leading up to the
presidential
election run-off last year.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14580
April 3, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Gideon Gono, the governor of the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ),
has dismissed outright suggestions that he was the de facto
Prime Minister
of Zimbabwe prior to the establishment of the inclusive
government.
He suggested instead that the sweeping powers he wielded were
bestowed on
him under the provisions of the RBZ Act.
He also insisted
that he was taking instructions from his principal,
President Robert Mugabe,
as he implemented policies that have wrecked
Zimbabwe's dramatic economic
ruin.
His explanation to parliamentarians Thursday, when he came out all
guns
blazing, betrayed his determination to hold onto his job amid mounting
clamour for the removal of a man who in his heyday became more powerful than
government ministers.
As pressure for Gono's removal has mounted with
the collapse of the economy,
he has in turn blamed sanctions, banks, the
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange,
black-market currency dealers as well as insurance
companies for wreaking
havoc on the economy. As well as firing bankers, he
has blacklisted more
than 20 investment companies and frozen their
accounts.
On Thursday he told legislators in Harare that Section 6 (g) of
the RBZ Act
empowered him to act as a banker, financial adviser and a fiscal
agent of
the State.
It was an apparent feeble attempt to justify his
rapacious minting of cash
to bankroll Mugabe and Zanu-PF's profligate
spending. He also cited Section
6 (l), which empowers the Reserve Bank to
exercise any functions conferred
or imposed upon it in terms of the
enactment.
The embattled governor also sought refuge for some of his more
questionable
policies in Section 8 (2) of the RBZ Act which states that
"nothing in this
section shall prevent the State from carrying on
transactions in such manner
as the State may require and, if so requested by
the State, the Bank shall
make the necessary arrangements to this
end".
He shifted blame to Mugabe and said he was working under
instructions from
him as his principal. He claimed to have engaged in
non-traditional roles of
a central bank because of declining capital flows,
droughts, declining
capacity utilisation, limited fiscal resources,
political polarisation,
sanctions and a failure to access balance of
payments support.
"People forget what they legislated," Gono said. "You
said to me, 'Ita zvese
zvese as long as takuti ita.' (Do whatever as long as
we have instructed you
to do so). So that is what I have been doing. You
don't shoot the
messenger."
Gono is blamed by economists and the IMF
for compounding Zimbabwe's crisis
through quasi-fiscal activities that have
seen the RBZ pump millions into
financing newly resettled black farmers,
most of them Zanu-PF supporters and
who have failed to produce enough food
to feed the starving nation.
For example, Gono provided foreign currency
to purchase combine harvesters,
tractors, motorcycles, generators and small
farming implements that were
handed for free to resettled farmers by Mugabe
just before elections last
March, in what analysts said was a clear attempt
by the Zimbabwean leader,
working in cahoots with Gono to curry favour with
a disgruntled electorate.
Mugabe and Zanu-PF still lost the
election.
Gono told parliamentarians: "All that we did was, however,
authorised,
transparently reported upon at different platforms and
appreciated by all
beneficiaries, including by those who today hold
different views in public."
Economists say Gono's sacking is a necessary
prelude before any aid is
released, and major donor countries, including the
G20 group of richest
countries and the US have recently said the central
bank chief's removal was
one of the key indices of whether Zimbabwe was a
fit recipient of aid.
A statement issued on March 20 after a meeting in
Washington DC of the G20
bloc, which again met in London yesterday to
consider Zimbabwe's US$8billion
rescue package request, urged the inclusive
government to "take additional
steps to demonstrate its commitment to reform
such as . the establishment of
a credible and transparent central bank
team."
Britain's Africa minister Lord Malloch-Brown has also called for
the
dismissal of Gono before the country could be eligible for budgetary
support. He said he did not trust the people who signed the cheques at the
central bank.
Gono has failed to account for US$7.3 million donated
last year by the
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria to buy medicines
for Zimbabweans
living with the HIV virus.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
have insisted that
Gono must be fired, but Mugabe has refused to budge.
Analysts believe Gono,
49, has played a central role in the collapse of
Zimbabwe's
economy.
Gono has played a key role in fundraising for Mugabe's Zanu-PF
party by
minting cash. As recently as February 2, the central bank knocked
12 zeroes
off the local currency and introduced seven new
notes.
Gono's policies have been one of the main drivers of the country's
hyperinflation, which for the first time in a decade started registering
deflation this month following dollarisation of the economy by the new
administration, whose Finance minister Tendai Biti has ring-fenced Gono to
his core business.
Gono - who started his working life as an office
orderly but spectacularly
rose through the ranks to reach the pinnacle of
Zimbabwe's banking sector -
was first appointed central bank governor in
December 2003 as a turnaround
strategist after successfully salvaging the
fortunes of the once struggling
bank, Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe
(CBZ).
The government, a shareholder in the bank was a catalyst in the
much hyped
turn-around success story. University students' payouts as well
as the
salaries of the police and military were disbursed through the Jewel
Bank,
as it came to be known. Government officials obtained unsecured loans
from
the bank, which some did not pay back. That became the foundation of
Gono's
rise to power.
He was reappointed to a fresh five-year term in
December last year amid
fierce resistance from the MDC leaders who insisted
that his reappointment
by Mugabe without consultation with the other two
principals was in
contemptuous violation of the power-sharing
agreement.
Mutambara told business leaders at the Harare Chamber of
Commerce's
post-budget breakfast meeting last week that discussions over
replacing Gono
were still ongoing, despite President Mugabe's utterances
that debate on
that matter was closed.
Hope that foreign aid would be
released again to help the country recover
from its current economic chaos
was one of the most powerful pressures that
forced Mugabe finally to agree
to share power with Tsvangirai.
According to one diplomat, Gono has
little credibilityand, while the
international community has offered
billions in aid to a reforming Zimbabwe,
it is essential that the
power-sharing agreement is seen to be working.
Western governments say
openly that they see Gono's removal as one of the
conditions for resuming
full financial support for Zimbabwe's power-sharing
government.
Current indications are that Mugabe is unlikely to
yield.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14566
April 3, 2009
By Raymond
Maingire
HARARE - The government is under pressure to do away with this
year's June
examinations following its continued failure to complete the
marking of last
year's June and November public examinations due to a
crippling strike by
teachers over salaries.
Education, Arts, Sports
and Culture minister, David Coltart told
parliamentarians Wednesday that his
ministry may consider jettisoning the
June examinations.
He said
government was still struggling to source funds to finance the
staging of
the examinations.
Coltart said his ministry had been inundated with calls
from stakeholders
who felt the June exams should be dropped to allow
government to deal with
those exams still outstanding.
He was
responding to a question by Zaka Central legislator Harrison Mudzuri
who
asked what government was planning to do with regard to the June 2009
examinations.
Coltart said his ministry was recently given US$867 000
by the United
Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) to finance the marking of the
June and
November 2008 exams.
He said the marking of the outstanding
examination papers was now 99 percent
complete.
"We have made
substantial progress in that regard," said Coltart.
"We have almost
completed marking every single paper except for geography.
Ninety nine
percent of the papers are now complete."
The process, said Coltart, was
being delayed by the collating, upgrading and
the capturing of the results
into a database. He said the exam results could
be out by the end of the
next schools holiday.
Coltart, who is the Senator for Khumalo
Constituency said a total of up to
US$438 million was required within the
next five months to restore stability
to the education sector, once among
the best in Africa.
He said this year's budget allocation to the ministry
was not sufficient to
restore stability to the embattled sector in the short
term.
In the absence of viable salaries paid to Zimbabwean teachers,
Coltart said,
his ministry was hamstrung in disciplining schools and
teachers that
demanded payment from parents outside the official fee
structure.
"We will continue experiencing these ad hoc payment systems
for as long as
we are not able to pay viable salaries to teachers," he
said.
"This is going to take quite some time to stop. We can only start
employing
vigorous disciplinary measures against school heads and teachers
once we
start paying viable salaries to teachers."
Minister Coltart
was responding to a question by Muzarabani South
legislator, Edward Raradza
who asked if government was aware some rural
schools were demanding goats,
chicken and even cattle as supplementary
payment for teachers.
Like
all civil servants in Zimbabwe, teachers are paid a monthly allowance
of
US$100, which is not enough for their subsistence.
Coltart defended his
ministry's decision to exempt rural pupils from paying
school fees saying
part of the higher fees being charged on low density
schools in urban areas,
including monies sourced from the treasury would be
channeled towards the
upkeep of rural schools.
Coltart was also responding to concerns by the
parliamentarians who felt the
decision to drop tuition fees for rural
primary schools would, in the long
run, impact negatively on the development
of primary schools in rural areas.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Violet Gonda
3 April
2009
In late February key civic groups in Zimbabwe established an
independent
Civil Society Monitoring Mechanism, which is looking into the
implementation
of the Global Political Agreement. Next week the group will
launch its first
monthly monitoring report, which will help the general
public understand the
political process so far, in order for people to
demand accountability in an
informed manner.
The National Association of
Non-Governmental Organizations (NANGO), a key
member of the group, says it
appears there is no concrete vision by the
inclusive government on changing
the situation in the country. NANGO
spokesperson Fambai Ngirande said the
political process is focused too much
on getting international funding, as
opposed to a national vision which all
Zimbabweans could rally
behind.
Ngirande said there is no urgency in changing repressive legislation
and
there is still massive food insecurity, endemic poverty, a disastrous
brain
drain, a collapsed education system and a non existent health delivery
system.
He said: "The only movement being seen is an increase in donor
support that
is coming into the country but its impact is yet to be
seen."
Last week Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai opened a Stakeholders
Summit in
Harare and civil society was invited to consult with the
government. This
was ahead of a three day government retreat at the resort
town of Victoria
Falls. But Ngirande said only a few ministers, and those
were from the
Tsvangirai MDC, bothered to turn up, namely Eric Matinenga the
Minister of
Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs and Gordon Moyo, the
Minister of
State.
Ngirande went on to say: "The consultation seemed to
be tokenistic. We were
supposed to engage with the ministers and inform them
as they prepare for
this retreat but none of them turned up."
"So there
is that concern as to whether they are really meaning it when they
say they
want to consult and rally Zimbabwe towards a developmental
agenda."
.
Participating organisations in the civil society monitoring
group are:
Bulawayo Agenda
Christian Alliance
Counseling Services
Unit
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
General Agriculture and Plantation
Workers Union
Legal Resources Foundation
Media Institute of Southern
Africa - Zimbabwe Chapter (MISA-Zimbabwe)
Media Monitoring Project
Zimbabwe
National Association of Non-Governmental
Organizations
Progressive Teachers Association of Zimbabwe
Research and
Advocacy Unit
Save Zimbabwe Campaign
Veritas
Voluntary Media Council of
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights
Zimbabwe
Coalition on Debt and Development
Zimbabwe Election Support
Network
Zimbabwe Human Rights Association
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO
Forum
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
Zimbabwe National Students
Union
Zimbabwe Young Women's Network for Peace Building
http://www.africanews.com
Posted on Friday 3 April 2009 - 13:04
Bruce
Sibanda, AfricaNews reporter in Harare
Ten staff including James
Maridadi, the spokesperson of the Zimbabwe Prime
Minister, have not been
paid for over two months. The Public Service
Commission has refused to
confirm their appointment.
Their details were submitted two months ago to
the Commission headed by ZANU
PF's Dr Mariyawanda Nzuwa to be on government
payroll but no action has
since been taken.
A source at the MDC-T
said that the public service was notified of the
appointments and
confirmation is needed from the department so that the 10
are entered into
the payroll.
When the Prime Minister's office sent the names, the Public
service demanded
that the 10 need to have degrees as qualification.
"Fortunately all the ten
had degrees and the public service said they now
want CVs of the ten but up
to now nothing has been done," the source
said.
This has been viewed as an attempt by ZANU PF hardliners who want
to
frustrate the All Inclusive government for various grievances. "Most of
them
felt left out and insignificant when the All Inclusive Government was
formed
and they are still trying their all to reverse it," he
added.
Meanwhile, the Prime Minister's office has refused to accept four
4X4
vehicles from Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono. Gono
reportedly
allocated the vehicles but the Prime Minister ordered that the
vehicles be
returned because it is not Gono's job to allocate
vehicles.
"The Prime Minister's argument was that there is a specific
body responsible
for dispensing cars to members of government, which is the
CMED, and it is
not Gono's job to distribute cars," said Tafara Chiroma a
CMED vehicle
allocation official.
Gono is said to have been shocked
to discover the cars parked at the Reserve
Bank headquarters after they were
snubbed.
Comment from The Financial Mail (SA), 3 April
The call by Southern African leaders, with SA in the
forefront, for the
world to cough up US$8,5bn to rebuild Zimbabwe's economy
is as ridiculous as
it is laughable. Even if the money (about R82bn) were
available, all it
would achieve is the bailout of Robert Mugabe, the
architect of Zimbabwe's
near destruction, and his continued stay in power.
Mugabe must go before aid
can flow into the country. Nothing will change
with Mugabe in power. Nothing
has changed. He's still pursuing the same
policies that brought the country
to its knees - farms are still being
invaded and confiscated; detainees have
not been released; torture continues
; and the media is still not allowed to
report freely from that country.
Which is why US president Barack Obama, as
well as the European Union, have
extended sanctions against Zimbabwe for
another year. It is another way of
saying Mugabe is the problem and should
get out of the way before they will
come to Zimbabwe's aid. Of course, China
could well step into the breach,
but the US believes Zimbabwe's political
crisis is a threat to its interests
and that the crisis remains unresolved.
This is despite SA's strong-arming
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai into forming
a so-called power-sharing
government with Zanu PF. It is no such thing.
Tsvangirai has in effect been
co-opted into a "settlement" that has only
muddied the waters and
legitimised Mugabe's leadership. As prime minister,
Tsvangirai cannot stop
the farm invasions or even release his own supporters
from detention. The
billions that SADC now hopes to rustle up will in all
likelihood be
swallowed by Mugabe and his cronies, in the same way that the
R300m SA
funnelled their way recently has been. No money - not a cent -
should be
given to Zimbabwe until Mugabe has been forced out.
Source: Government of Zimbabwe; World Health Organization (WHO) Date: 01 Apr 2009 ** Daily information on new deaths should not imply that these deaths
occurred in cases reported that day. Therefore daily CFRs >100% may
occasionally result A. Highlights of the day: - 259 Cases and 7 deaths added today (in comparison with 76 cases and 3
deaths yesterday) - 45.0 % of the districts affected have reported today 27 out of 60 affected
districts) - 96.8 % of districts reported to be affected (60 districts out of 62) - Cumulative Institutional Case Fatality Rate = 1.7% - Daily Institutional CFR = 0.8 %. - Denotification of 4 Cases in Chiredzi
* Please note that
daily information collection is a challenge due to communication and staff
constraints. On-going data cleaning may result in an increase or decrease in the
numbers. Any change will then be explained.
Source: Government of Zimbabwe; World Health Organization (WHO) Date: 02 Apr 2009 ** Daily information on new deaths should not imply that these deaths
occurred in cases reported that day. Therefore daily CFRs >100% may
occasionally result A. Highlights of the day: - 166 Cases and 10 deaths added today (in comparison with 259 cases and 7
deaths yesterday) - 51.7 % of the districts affected have reported today 31 out of 60 affected
districts) - 96.8 % of districts reported to be affected (60 districts out of 62) - Cumulative Institutional Case Fatality Rate = 1.7% - Daily Institutional CFR = 2.5 %.
* Please note that
daily information collection is a challenge due to communication and staff
constraints. On-going data cleaning may result in an increase or decrease in the
numbers. Any change will then be explained.
HARARE, 3 April 2009 (IRIN) - Repairing
Zimbabwe's infrastructure is recognized as a key strategy in tackling the
cholera epidemic that by 1 April had claimed 4,127 lives; the only problem is,
no one knows how bad it is.
Photo:
IRIN
Fixing
cholera
Parts of the capital, Harare, have not had
running water for the past two weeks, raising fears that the waterborne disease
causing 94,277 recorded cases since August 2008, might return with a vengeance
after the caseload has dropped.
The practice of digging shallow wells to
draw water remains part of life in the city’s high-density suburbs and is widely
recognized as the flashpoint for the disease, because the collapse of sanitation
systems coincided with the breakdown of the piped water system.
Sam
Sipepa Nkomo, the minister responsible for water resources and management in the
unity government, told IRIN an audit of the state of water and sanitation
infrastructure was being undertaken.
Nkomo said a summit was held
recently in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe’s second city, which was attended by stakeholders
in water management, treatment and distribution, as well as representatives of
the sewage treatment and disposal sector.
"A group of experts from that
meeting was tasked with coming up with how much money is needed to revive the
water and sanitation situation throughout the country."
Initial
estimates were that it would take US$28 million annually to buy water treatment
chemicals. "If anybody or organisations can provide me with that amount of
money, then we can supply chemicals for one year,” he said.
"But that
would not solve the situation because there are issues of reviving the collapsed
infrastructure like water pipes, water treatment plants, and being able to pump
water to businesses and homes."
At the moment it was a moot point as
there was no money. "We are surviving from hand to mouth," Nkomo said.
The immediate plan of action was to break down the response into three
tiers, should money become available: emergency response, short-term, and a
long-term plan for the provision of water and sanitation.
Barnabas
Mangodza, chief executive officer of the Combined Harare Residents Association,
told IRIN that attempts to put a price tag on the cost of repairs to
infrastructure had come to nothing.
"We have since realized that the
figure keeps rising by the day, and therefore a complete audit of the state of
infrastructure in Harare needs to be done before we can come up with a figure,"
he said.
A collapsed system
"Initially, we had
estimated that it would be around US$500 million, but every day we establish
that most of the infrastructure might need to be totally replaced. The system is
really a shell and has all but collapsed."
Former Harare mayor and engineer by
profession Elias Mudzuri told IRIN that the decision by President Robert
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF in 2005 to transfer responsibility for providing water
and sanitation from local to central government was the genesis of the cholera
crisis.
Initially, we
had estimated that it would be around US$500 million, but every day we establish
that most of the infrastructure might need to be totally replaced. The system is
really a shell and has all but collapsed
"In the case of Harare, the government fired elected
representatives and imposed clueless commissioners to run the affairs of the
city," he said.
The current mayor of Harare, Muchadei Masunda, said his
administration was in the final stages of returning the responsibility for water
and sanitation management to the municipality.
"Sometime back in 2005
the responsibility of providing potable water to Harare was taken away from the
city and given to ZINWA [Zimbabwe National Water Authority], which is a
parastatal, and that was one of the most regrettable things to happen in this
country," he said.
|
http://www.voanews.com
The Following
is an Editorial Reflecting the Views of the US Government
03 April 2009
As the leaders
of the transitional government in Zimbabwe work to restore
the rule of law
and fulfill the will of the people in their troubled land,
they are turning
to their neighbors and the international community for aid
in restoring
Zimbabwe's troubled economy.
The request for billions of dollars to
restore social services and meet
other needs comes amid the worst global
economic downturn in more than 70
years, and many nations will be hard
pressed to comply. Nevertheless, at a
recent meeting in Washington a group
of major donor nations, including the
United States, said they are committed
to supporting the Zimbabwean people
to bring democracy, stability and
prosperity back to their country.
Zimbabwe needs significant foreign
support to help rebuild its decimated
farm and business sectors, its
paralyzed health care system, and its
crumbling infrastructure. President
Robert Mugabe's mismanagement and
dictatorial rule turned what was once the
breadbasket of Africa into an
economic basket-case.
Furthermore,
Zimbabwe is hundreds of millions of dollars behind in payments
on its debts
to the International Monetary Fund, African Development Bank
and other
lenders. Not a pretty picture.
With the entry of opposition leaders into
a transitional government in
February, however, the picture got a little
brighter. The United States and
others in the international community
commend the efforts of the new
government to achieve goals set out in the
September 2008 Global Political
Agreement negotiated with the help of the
Southern African Development
Community. These goals include restoration of
the rule of law, economic
stability, political freedoms and protection of
human rights.
Much work still needs to be done,
however.
Additional steps must be taken to affirm a commitment to reform,
such as the
immediate release or formal filing of charges against all
political
prisoners, an end to farm seizures, the establishment of credible
leadership
at the central bank authority, and a commitment to fair and
credible
elections in a timely manner.
Provided that Zimbabwe makes
positive progress in these critical areas, the
U.S. and other donors are
ready to support Zimbabwe's rebuilding with
targeted assistance. Meanwhile,
significant humanitarian needs will be met
with continued support for
feeding, health services, water sanitation,
HIV/AIDS, cholera and other
important programs.
http://www.cathybuckle.com
3rd April 2009
Dear Friends.
"Don't make
us pay for working with Mugabe"- that was the heading given to
an article
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai wrote in The Times on April 1st.
The
article was presumably aimed at the world leaders as they gathered in
London
for the G20 Summit. Despite all the razzamatazz, with leaders jetting
in
from all over the world, the chances of the Summit succeeding were not
reckoned to be high. By Thursday, however, when the Summit ended there was
an agreement of sorts with the world leaders agreeing to a one trillion
dollar package to rescue the world's economies. Will any of that money come
Africa's way and perhaps there is some hope in the fact that the World Bank
and the IMF will directly benefit from the one trillion dollar package.
There was also the provision of Special Drawing Rights of 250 billion which
would make loans available to lowest-income countries depending on their
contributions to the IMF (and we all know Zimbabwe has not done too well in
that area). There was a good deal of rhetoric about the necessity of
avoiding protectionism in trade but it remains to be seen whether developed
countries battling the recession will be either willing or able to encourage
the free trade which is the lifeblood of capitalism.
None of this
offers much comfort to Africa and the developing world.
In truth, it could
not be a worse time for an appeal to the G20 to help
Zimbabwe, bearing in
mind the fact that Zimbabwe's troubles are
self-inflicted: the result of
gross mismanagement by Robert Mugabe and his
Zanu PF party. In Prime
Minister Tsvangirai's article he set out the
principles that underpinned his
participation in the Inclusive Government:
"To create a country where.we are
united by our respect for the rights and
dignity of our fellow citizens.Our
success on this journey will depend on
this new transitional Government, our
people and the international partners
who will work with us to realise this
vision for our country."
Noble sentiments, but the truth is, that however
noble and sincere the
sentiments expressed by Morgan Tsvangirai, the
distrust of Robert Mugabe,
his partner in the Inclusive Government, is deep
rooted. Gone are the days
when Mugabe was 'the blue eyed boy' of the west.
They see very clearly what
he has done to his country and why we are now in
such a desperate state.
Zimbabweans themselves who have been the victims of
Mugabe's ruthless abuse
of power share the distrust and while they may
welcome the easing of the
everyday miseries of life, the more perceptive
among them recognise very
clearly that the leopard has not changed its
spots.
Even as world leaders were gathering, perhaps with Morgan
Tsvangirai's words
ringing in their ears, the Zimbabwean police continued
their violent abuse
of human rights. The Zimbabwean Human Rights Forum,
issued a report showing
that "The formation of the Inclusive Government did
not bring an end to
civic repression". On the contrary, there were 435
incidents of political
discrimination and repression reported in February
compared with just 78 in
January. Until the MDC 'partners' in this
government can stop the blatant
partisanship of the police and restore the
rule of law in the country, I can
see little hope that Morgan Tsvangirai
will get the financial assistance
Zimbabwe so desperately needs; even SADC,
which pushed, some say forced,
through the so-called Global Agreement cannot
raise the money to help the
new Inclusive Government.
} Meanwhile,
little changes in our poor, benighted country. Hidden behind
high prison
walls there is unbearable suffering and degradation with as many
as twenty
prisoners a day dying from a combination of starvation and
disease. SABC
sent a secret camera team in to film the horror over a
three-month period in
three different prisons. I watched extracts from the
film on Channel Four
last night and can only agree with Roy Bennett - and he
should know having
experienced prison life at first hand - the resulting
images resembled
nothing less than the nightmarish images of victims of the
holocaust. And
what was the response of our esteemed Minister of Justice?
Patrick Chinamasa
totally denied that the film shown on South African
television last week,
was an accurate portrayal of reality. His lame
explanation is that the film
was shot in some other part of Africa! It could
not have been Zimbabwe says
Chinamsa because "cameras are not allowed inside
Zimbabwean prisons"!
Chinamasa's ridiculous excuse typifies the kind of Zanu
PF logic we have all
become used to. He and many of his colleagues in the
once all-powerful
ruling party simply cannot accept the truth even when it
stares them in the
face. Paradzai Zimondi the man in charge of the prisons
joined in the chorus
of denial, this despite the fact that both men had
earlier admitted that the
prisons were in a dire state. Zimbabwean
commentators refer to this Zanu PF
habit of denying the truth as 'being in
denial' but I prefer to call it what
it is: just plain lying. Too many
innocent Zimbabweans have suffered
incarceration in these hellholes to be
deceived by Chinamasa's lies. While
Zanu PF ministers lie and steal, Robert
Mugabe himself is the picture of
smiling reconciliation these days. He
leaves it to his ministers to tell the
lies, denying the brutality of the
police or the violence of the ongoing
land invasions. They seem unaware that
in this age of mass communication
anyone can see what is really happening in
Zimbabwe. Watch the You Tube
video of one particular farm invasion in
Chegutu and you see the horror
being experienced on a daily basis by the
remaining white farmers. It is no
good Morgan Tsvangirai saying that he will
stop these invasions when we all
know that he is powerless to prevent the
downright theft that is going on.
While he and his party may be absolutely
sincere in their desire to restore
the rule of law, his partners in
government are content to go along with
business as usual. Police brutality
was demonstrated again only yesterday
when HIV and AIDS patients were
attacked with batons for daring to
demonstrate against excessive hospital
fees. The words of one demonstrator
sum up for me the precise reason why
Morgan Tsvangirai's appeal to the west
may fail, "We did not imagine such
kind of behaviour from them( the police)
in this new political setup."
Yours in the (continuing) struggle PH.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14587
April 3, 2009
By Sibangani
Sibanda
WE in Zimbabwe have not had a telephone service that works
efficiently in a
very long time. Even in the "good old days" (as they now
seem to be) of
white rule, telephones were not easily accessible, nor were
they efficient.
Of course, at independence, the new government was going to
make everything
(including telephones) accessible and affordable to all by
some year or
other.
That, I am afraid, still remains a
slogan.
Enter the mobile telephone era. Our government, bent on control
as they
were, took a very long time to decide if it was a good idea to allow
us,
"their" people, to have such easily available communication at our
fingertips, as it were. Even when they did allow it, the licensing of it was
such that it took a man of great courage and tenacity to ensure that this
very important means of communications did not stay a government
monopoly.
For a very brief moment (even briefer than an earlier "moment
of madness"),
it seemed that our telephone problems were "a thing of the
past", to quote a
much used state media cliché.
Having caught the
imagination of just about every Zimbabwean (a visitor from
overseas
commented on the fact that most Zimbabweans seem to walk around
holding
their cell phones out in front of them as if they fear that putting
them
away in their pockets or bags might be the last time they see them),
the
service providers were unable to put in place the necessary
infrastructure
for an efficient service - thanks largely to the crazy
economic and monetary
policies of the post independence era.
Soon, we were back to congested
lines, lines that cut one off at crucial
moments or lines that just did not
connect at all. The cell phone, instead
of being an important tool for
business, became a largely symbolic gadget
valued mostly for the status it
apparently conferred on those who owned it.
The national pastime of swearing
at one's telephone was back in vogue - and
this time, it was mostly in
public!
The coming of e-mail and the internet was thus a God-send for the
much
abused Zimbabwean communicators. At last here was a means of
communication
that actually worked and worked well. We all climbed in and if
one could not
telephone, there was always e-mail and (for a few), skype.
Internet Service
Providers and Internet Cafes did brisk business connecting
us to the rest of
the world and we felt that, even though Zanu-PF had done
its best to take us
back several centuries, we were still up there with the
rest of the world.
That was until about a week or so ago. Suddenly, my in
box that always had
something in it every day (even if it was junk mail) is
receiving nothing.
People that are normally prompt at responding appear to
be dragging their
feet at giving answers to sometimes very important
questions. Has the rest
of the world started to impose, in their individual
capacities, sanctions on
Zimbabweans, by any chance?
The rumour doing
the rounds now is that Tel One, our one and only fixed
telephone service
provider, is having trouble settling some of its debts
with their
international partners and have thus been cut off. They are the
weak link in
our attempt to embrace newer, more efficient technology,
because our
government refuses to let go of sectors that thy believe are of
"National
Importance" - which means that losing control of such sectors is
seen as
pausing some imaginary threat to Zanu-PF.
This, at least helps to explain
the incredible bills that Net One have been
sending out for their laughable
service. They need money to settle their
bills. They need to cover up for
years of inefficiency and mismanagement.
I have tried to get a print out
from Tel One to see why my bills are so
high. They gave me an incomplete
print out because apparently, their
"system" is only picking up
international and cell phone calls. It cannot
pick up local fixed line
calls! Is that why they are not sending out bills?
Or are their motives more
sinister? If they cannot give you a bill or a
complete print out, they can
just stick a figure on a piece of paper and ask
you to pay whatever they
believe they need you to pay!
At least my print out revealed an
interesting fact. I am supposed to have
made a call from a number that is
not working because they did not transfer
it to my new premises (because
they have no manpower, they say). More
interestingly, this call was made -
or rather, is to be made - on
06/09/2009 - nearly six months from today! The
call was made - is to be
made - to London!
I wonder if they are any
pigeons around. Surely, they must have been more
efficient!
Mugabe and the White African is an intimate and moving
feature-length documentary, charting one family’s extraordinary courage in the
face of a relentless campaign of state-sanctioned terror. In 2008 Mike Campbell, 74 years old - one of the few remaining white farmers
to have so far held-out against Mugabe’s brutal land seizure programme - took
the unprecedented step of challenging President Mugabe before the SADC (South
African Development Community) international court - to defend his property and
to charge Mugabe and his government with racial discrimination and of violations
of Human Rights. This film, much of it shot covertly, documents the astonishing
bravery and dignity of a white African family who risked everything they have
and everything they are in defence of what is right. (From the film’s
website.) Via Screendaily: Mugabe And The White African a British made theatrical documentary from
Arturi Films, will premiere at the 2009 Hot Docs Canadian International
Documentary Festival which runs from April 30 to May 10, 2009. It will be presented in the International Spectrum programme, the official
competition for International productions and is also eligible for the Audience
Award. The documentary, which was shot covertly in Zimbabwe in 2008, charts white
farmer Mike Campbell who takes president Mugabe to court for racism. Campbell
won his case despite intimidation, threats and violence against him, his family,
the 500 black workers and their families who share life on the farm. Produced by David Pearson and Elizabeth Morgan Hemlock, it is directed by
Lucy Bailey and Andrew Thompson. The film has been pre-sold to Channel 4 and an
international sales agent is yet to be attached. Pearson, a BAFTA nominated documentary director and festival director of the
International Screenwriters’ Festival, said, “We follow Mike’s unique challenge to President Mugabe across the last year,
as he takes Mugabe to court, accusing him of racism and violation of his Human
Rights. Mike and his son-in law Ben Freeth stand ready to protect their farm,
and their lives’ work at any cost.” Read the following Sokwanele posts for insight into Mike Campbell’s and his
family’s experience.
Friday, April 3, 2009