The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Farmer abducted in Mwenezi
On Wednesday 2nd April 2003, Ken Fraser (65) of Solomondale Farm, Mwenezi, was abducted from his workshop area by a militant group of known settlers. Four of his farm labourers were also taken.
They were forced into the bush and Mr Fraser was repeatedly beaten and thrown to the ground in front of the mob numbering approximately 200. The workers were left alone when Mr Fraser said the attackers should beat him rather than them.
Mrs Val Fraser followed the mob in a vehicle and at one point fired shots into the air, but this served to incense the mob further. She was not attacked.
Mr Fraser was forced under duress to sign a document agreeing to leave the farm within seven days, and was then released.
Police were informed of the attack and a neighbour collected two constables from Mwenezi Police Station and proceeded to the farm, arriving when things had calmed down. Mr and Mrs Fraser were taken to Triangle Hospital where Mr Fraser was treated for foot injuries and torn ligaments in his shoulder and neck. No bones were broken.
Mr Fraser was today (Thursday) planning to lay a charge of attempted murder against the attackers.
Commercial Farmers' Union of  Zimbabwe
P O Box WGT 390
Tel: 04-309800
Fax: 04-309873
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 Bringing down Mugabe

 The Economist  Saturday, April 5, 2003

London It is always a bad idea to compare an adversary to Adolf Hitler. The
comparison never rings true, and you end up sounding silly. But what do you
do when the object of your disapproval compares himself to Hitler, as Robert
Mugabe, Zimbabwe's president, did last week? In fact, he went further than
that, describing himself as "Hitler tenfold." Mugabe's critics, who probably
include most of the people of Zimbabwe, may feel that he has stolen their
To be clear about this, despite what he says, and despite the two men's
similar racist rhetoric and moustaches, Mugabe is no Führer. He may rig
elections, goad his militia to torture dissidents and deny food aid to
people suspected of supporting the opposition, but he has not yet tried
systematically to exterminate everyone he hates.
Mugabe does not resemble the Nazi leader in the way he would like to think
he does, either. He compared himself to Hitler because he sees himself as a
nationalist strongman standing up to British imperialism. He argues that all
Zimbabwe's problems stem from Britain's attempts to crush his regime. But
the truth is that neither Britain nor any other Western power has made more
than token efforts to curb Mugabe, because he poses no threat to their vital
interests. If the people of Zimbabwe desire a change of regime (and it is
obvious that they do), they can expect little outside help.
The main Zimbabwean opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, or
MDC, is at last waking up to this reality. A general strike last month
brought cities to a standstill, and rattled the regime enough to prompt it
to arrest more people than usual. The opposition's leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, gave Mugabe an ultimatum. If, by March 31, he did not make
certain concessions, such as stopping the harassment of opposition
supporters and the politicization of food aid, he would face "mass action."
Predictably, Mugabe ignored the deadline. What next?
Tsvangirai is pursuing a dangerous strategy. If Tsvangirai summons up big,
angry crowds, Mugabe's men may simply shoot them. But if he does nothing,
the regime will stay in place, the country will continue to grow poorer, and
legions of Zimbabweans will continue to weaken from hunger and succumb to
the diseases of poverty.
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The Telegraph

Task force acts on Zimbabwe
By Peta Thornycroft in Harare
(Filed: 05/04/2003)

A southern African task force will go to Zimbabwe next week to investigate
political violence following an alarming wave of arrests and beatings of
opposition activists.

The Southern African Development Community, SADC, usually supportive of
President Mugabe, finally reacted to mounting violence with an announcement
that it was sending a "task force" to Harare "to evaluate the situation".

More than 500 people have been arrested, 300 taken to hospital with injuries
and scores beaten and tortured while in police custody following a general
strike called by the opposition Movement for Democratic change two weeks

SADC, southern Africa's equivalent of the EU, has frequently been criticised
for not putting enough pressure on Robert Mugabe's government to end
political violence.

Part of SADC's mission will be to look into the detention of Gibson Sibanda,
the MDC's vice-president.

A United Nations delegation in Harare said it would be making its concerns
"known to Mr Mugabe". An official said: "Something is going to be done. We
know what is going on."
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New York Times

The World's Other Tyrants, Still at Work

With international attention focused on Iraq, despots are seizing the
opportunity to get rid of their opposition - real or imagined. In Zimbabwe,
Cuba and Belarus, independent journalists, opposition leaders and human
rights advocates have been thrown in prison. Absent scrutiny, the leaders of
these rogue regimes have been emboldened, aware that their actions are
causing little more than a ripple of protest beyond their countries.

The outside world has ignored Zimbabwe, which is holding critical
parliamentary elections whose outcome could help determine whether President
Robert Mugabe will be able to amend the Constitution and handpick his
successor. Since the start of the war in Iraq, Mr. Mugabe has intensified a
campaign of intimidation, arresting more than 500 democracy advocates and
opposition leaders, including Gibson Sibanda, vice president of the main
opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change.

The campaign of state-sponsored violence is not limited to the opposition
leaders in Zimbabwe. A worker on the farm of an opposition parliamentary
deputy died of injuries after being beaten by Mr. Mugabe's security agents
for participating in a two-day general strike. Other farm workers have also
been beaten by men in army uniforms who claimed that the farms were being
used as staging grounds for opposition activities. Hundreds of people
accused of taking part in the strike were treated for broken bones in
private clinics, fearing more reprisals if they sought care at public
hospitals. Meanwhile, Zimbabwe, once a breadbasket for southern Africa,
falls ever further into poverty and famine.

In Cuba, the war is giving Fidel Castro cover for an unprecedented assault.
Over the past two weeks his state security agents have arrested about 80
dissidents. Prosecutors are seeking life sentences for 12 of those detained
and 10- to 30-year prison terms for the rest. They include the economist
Marta Beatriz Roque, the poet and journalist Raúl Rivero and the opposition
labor activist Pedro Pablo Álvarez.

The list of arrests reads like a Who's Who of Cuban civil society - with the
obvious exception of those who were already in jail when the roundup
started. They are the unsung heroes of a movement to liberate the minds of
Cuba. But the names do not mean much to a world public now concentrated on
becoming more and more expert on the latest in military equipment and on the
geography of Iraq.

In Minsk, the capital of Belarus, the authorities last week detained 50
opposition protesters who had gathered for the 85th anniversary of the
declaration of the short-lived Belarusian Democratic Republic. On Thursday,
demonstrators supporting the Iraq war - which President Aleksandr Lukashenko
opposes - were arrested. It seems clear that Mr. Lukashenko, Europe's sole
remaining dictator, is intent on tightening his grip on Belarus.

Sadly, Zimbabwe, Cuba and Belarus are not alone. Other countries have used
the Iraq war to step up human rights abuses. Vietnam's most renowned
dissident, Nguyen Dan Que, a 60-year-old writer who is a physician by
training, was arrested late last month. Hardly anyone protested. In Egypt,
hundreds of war protesters were detained, with dozens beaten and tortured.
In Thailand, the government has justified what appear to be summary
executions in the name of a war on drugs. At least 1,900 people have been
killed, including innocent bystanders. These crackdowns, too, all passed
with little notice or comment.

That dictators move in times of world crisis comes as no surprise. The
Soviets crushed the Hungarian revolution in 1956 during the Suez crisis. In
1968, when the Johnson administration was preoccupied with Vietnam, and
Germany and France as well as the United States were convulsed in antiwar
demonstrations, the Soviets moved into Czechoslovakia.

In January 1991, just as today, the international community was focused on a
war in Iraq. As the Persian Gulf war was starting, the Soviet Army took
advantage of the international community's inattention to crack down on an
independence movement in Lithuania. More than 200 people were wounded and 15
killed as Moscow seized control of the television broadcast center in

If we let tyrants escape the international condemnation that is often the
only way to protect their critics against abuses, the brutal campaigns in
Zimbabwe, the clean sweep of dissidents in Cuba, and the arrests of
demonstrators in Belarus may have to be added to the list of unintended
consequences of the war in Iraq.

Aryeh Neier, president of the Open Society Institute, is author of "Taking
Liberties: Four Decades in the Struggle for Rights.''

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Sunday Times (SA)

Zim fact-finding mission welcomed

Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change cautiously welcomed an
initiative by regional governments to send a fact-finding mission to examine
the crisis in the country.

Said MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi: "When Paul saw his light on the way
to Damascus, it didn't matter how late it was, what mattered was that he
eventually saw the light.

"It looks like there is finally some realisation that they cannot continue
the soft pedalling."

Mozambican foreign minister Leonardo Simao announced after a meeting of the
security committee of the Southern African Development Community that a
"task force" would visit Harare next week to hear the views of "all
stakeholders" in the country.

Observers said it was an indication that the regional body was shifting from
its position of general support of President Robert Mugabe's government.

The SADC move came in the wake of the Commonwealth's decision last month to
extend Zimbabwe's suspension from the body until the end of the year because
of the regime's failure to restore the rule of law and end state-directed
violence against Mugabe's opponents.

It also followed the state's vicious crackdown against the MDC after the
pro-democracy party demonstrated its massive support by shutting down the
country for two days last month with a national stayaway.

Despite international outrage against the violence, mostly by uniformed
soldiers armed with whips and clubs, attacks on MDC members and officials
have continued.

Nyathi confirmed a gang of 15 men in military uniform descended on the home,
in the sprawling southern township of Seke, of MDC MP Fidelis Mhashu and
assaulted his wife, Monica, and three relatives staying there.

Mhashu is away, on study leave in the United States.

"They said they were looking for Mhashu because they wanted to kill him,"
Monica Mhashu said.

"They beat us with batons, whipped us and stole money and food."

They also took away the MP's pistol.

The independent Daily News reported yesterday that a ruling ZANU(PF) party
supporter appeared in court in the western city of Bulawayo, charged with
raping a woman inside the local ZANU(PF) party offices.

State prosecutor said Richard Munthuli grabbed the woman, carried her on his
shoulders into the offices and raped her twice, because he was angry over
the MDC's victory in two by-elections against ZANU(PF) in Harare.

The country is faced with a famine affecting seven million, the economy is
in a state of accelerating collapse and business and industry are being
ground down by critical fuel and power shortages.

Diplomats say that Mugabe's failure to arrest the crisis in the country has
finally begun to turn even staunch supporters like South African president
Thabo Mbeki against him.

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Dear Family and Friends,
A few days ago a large and menacing Gymnogene repeatedly circled lazily over my garden. This big grey bird of prey came to rest on a branch of a dead tree on my front lawn and immediately started trying to get the chicks of a pair of crested barbets out of their nest. It was an amazing sight watching the huge raptor using first it's curved claws and then it's bright yellow and very sharp beak trying to spear the helpless babies. The barbet parents were going mad, screeching alarm calls and hurling themselves at the raptor trying to stop it from destroying their babies. They mobbed him, flying closer and closer to the huge bird, hitting him with their own bodies in desperation. I ran outside to try and scare the Gymnogene away. The barbets are residents in my garden and having watched them over the weeks as they built the nest and then incubated and hatched the eggs, the barbets had become a part of my life. It wasn't easy persuading the raptor to leave. Shouting didn't do it, waving my arms was pointless and it finally took a stone hitting the trunk inches from the bird's feet that made him leave. The Raptor didn't go far, he sat in a tree across the garden and whenever the coast was clear he tried again. All afternoon it was only the screaming of the adult barbets that told me he was back and I would run outside again to chase him away.
For the last three years ordinary Zimbabwean have been very much like the crested barbets in my garden. We've been screaming out for help, we've been shouting out alarms and have been desperate for someone to hear our calls. In the last month our calls have got more frantic but now no one is hearing them. The Iraq war has totally overshadowed the horrors in Zimbabwe. Day after day, hour after hour, the BBC, CNN and SKY television tell of the moment by moment developments in Iraq. We scream of murder, torture, beating, abductions and gang rape of school girls as young as 12 but no one is listening. Night after night Short Wave Radio Africa interviews ordinary men and women in Zimbabwe who tell of horrors so barbaric that they belong in 16th century history books. Our government are using the incessant international media coverage of the Iraq war as a smoke screen and behind it they are crushing all dissent in Zimbabwe.
Opposition supporters, activists and even MP's  are being arrested and held for days without bail, charged with being involved in last month's two day stay aways. This week there were more reports of how men, wearing army uniforms and carrying rifles, force their way into people's private homes, accuse them of supporting the opposition and then ransack and steal, beat and humiliate, rape and violate. One man told of a 12 year old girl being gang raped in Chitungwiza this week and how friends and neighbours were beaten and then forced to watch. The wife of the MDC MP for Chitungwiza had her home invaded in the middle of the night by 14 armed men who arrived in an army vehicle and a private car. The men said they were looking for the MP as they wanted to kill him. The violence has escalated over the last week as ruling party supporters have rampaged in angry retribution after the opposition won the two by elections in Harare.
A visiting delegation of Southern African Foreign Ministers were in Zimbabwe this week. At the close of their 9 hour meeting in Harare, a spokesman for the South African Foreign Ministry said: "Our position is that the people of Zimbabwe must be the masters of their own destiny." That's a bit like saying that two tiny, naked, helpless and flightless chicks should get rid of a massive bird of prey without assistance. This month it is our 23rd anniversary of Independence and already the intimidation has started. In villages, suburbs, towns and cities the government supporters are banging on our gates and doors demanding that each household give them 500 dollars for Independence celebrations. If you refuse to pay they take your name off the lists for food distribution and say you may not even line up to buy maize when it is available. There are no receipts but no one stops these freelance revenue collectors and if you were hungry what would you do? As I have said for 3 years, the terrible tragedy that has engulfed Zimbabwe for the last 37 months is not about land or race but about political power - the proof is there for anyone who cares to see it. This week I wear my yellow ribbon in support of the brave men and women who languish alone, cold and hungry in our prisons because they dared to differ with our politicians. If anyone receiving this letter has copies of any of the letters I sent out in 2000, I would be so grateful if you could contact me. Until next week, with love, cathy. Copyright cathy buckle, 5th April 2003. "African Tears" and "Beyond Tears" are available via my website or from and  
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Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.


Letter 1: Ann Hein

A word to the unwary that there are easier ways of skinning a cat than
catching him.  You do not need to go to the lengths of invading, and the
rigmarole to get rid of a farmer.

If you know he is going fishing, just loosen the bolts on one of his
wheels.  This happened to my husband last week, A new car, so you cannot
say the wheel came off from wear.  The bolts were deliberately loosened,
and only luck, it seems, saved them.

Check your vehicles on a regular basis.


All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice
for Agriculture.

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In its early days cricket comprised Gentlemen and Players;  Andy Flower, you were both a gentleman and a player.   Feared, respected by the opposition for the mayhem you created against them with the bat, and for so long a power behind the stumps and in your captaincy;  looked up to by your team, idolised by the Zimbabwe public.   In sport you made us proud to be Zimbabweans.   With you still there Zimbabwe always had a chance of victory;  with you dismissed, so often the team just fell apart - as in your last match for Zimbabwe against Sri Lanka.
And what a sad way to be dismissed in that match, given out leg before wicket to a ball that clearly struck your bat first before the pad.   You walked - you had to - unfairly dismissed then as you and Henry Olonga have been by your country's cricket authorities.   Interesting that that bad decision quite probably put Sri Lanka into the World Cup semi-finals instead of New Zealand;  while you were there with brother Grant Zimbabwe could battle on with a more than fighting chance.   That died with your departure from the crease.
As I suspect Zimbabwe cricket will die with you gone;  with an administration that kowtows
to the "ruling party" does it deserve any better?   (I believe that the patron has blighted the sport in just the same way he has destroyed the country.   Anything he touches...).
I was disappointed and a little surprised that your team mates did not join you and Henry
in your stand for justice and good governance;  no doubt they each individually had their reasons.
Well done, Henry, you too will be remembered for your armband and your statement (as well, especially, as for your three wickets in the final over against India so, seemingly, long ago).   Devastatingly sad to read that you will not even be returning to this country from South Africa.   "Might be dangerous for him to return to Zimbabwe in the current political climate"
- so much for the peace and tranquillity that the "ruling party" tried to trumpet to the world.
Go well, Andy and Henry;  we shall never forget you.   You are held proudly in our memories.   And when things come right here again you will be so welcome, if you can bear to return, even just for a visit.   May all the gods go with you and your families wherever you settle.
P.N.R. Silversides
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Daily News

      US tightens screws

      4/5/2003 12:20:54 PM (GMT +2)

      By Brian Mangwende Chief Reporter

      THE United States Agency for International Development (USAid) has
withdrawn its funding - channelled through the Southern African Development
Community (Sadc) - from 76 government and ruling Zanu PF officials.

      This was disclosed by Stan Mudenge, the Minister of Foreign Affairs,

      The funding enabled Zimbabwean ministers to attend Sadc meetings.

      Mudenge said the aid agency had threatened similar action on Sadc
member states if they continued to invite Zimbabwe to regional conferences
on politics, security and defence.

      A US official in Zimbabwe, who declined to be named, confirmed the
move yesterday.

      This latest development comes at a time when several southern African
countries, including Mozambique, have broken their silence on the Zimbabwe

      On Thursday, Sadc foreign ministers grilled Mudenge over reports of
gross human rights abuses, muzzling of the Press through draconian laws like
the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Public Order
and Security Act, general lawlessness and the collapse of the economy.

      At a Press conference at his Munhumutapa Building offices, Mudenge
said: "As you may know, USAid funds Sadc conferences. They have taken a
position that their money must not be used by Zimbabwe at Sadc conferences.
But the Sadc countries said they will not accept any funding if Zimbabwe is
excluded from Sadc conferences.

      "The Sadc Troika should engage the European Union to remove 'smart'
sanctions against Zimbabwe. Sadc countries have made it clear that there
would be no EU-Africa meeting without Zimbabwe."

      The Sadc Troika is made up of Angola, Malawi and Zimbabwe.

      But because the spotlight was on Zimbabwe, the country would not
participate in the
      initiative. The troika is chaired by Angola.

      Mudenge said all Sadc countries had opposed Zimbabwe's continued
suspension from the Commonwealth councils and "besides, we don't recognise
the suspension".

      Last month, the US government and the EU renewed targeted sanctions
against President Mugabe and his inner circle, while the Commonwealth
extended the country's exclusion to December.

      Zimbabwe was initially suspended from the 54-member group of mainly
former British colonies for 12 months last year. The suspension, which ended
on 19 March, was extended for another nine months.

      As pressure mounts against Mugabe's dictatorial regime, the umbrella
Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) added its weight behind
dissenting voices against the Zimbabwean government amid growing concern by
the international community and other African leaders over renewed
State-sponsored violence.

      Hundreds of people labelled "enemies of the State", a term used by
government supporters to justify persecution of opposition supporters, have
been assaulted allegedly by the army, police and Central Intelligence
Organisation operatives.

      These, in conjunction with the ruling Zanu PF's storm troopers, the
Green Bombers, have allegedly unleashed an orgy of violence and intimidation
against suspected opponents of the government.

      Over the weekend, armed men claiming to be members of the army were
reportedly forcing residences to sing Tongai Moyo's hit song, Samanyemba, in

      Sadc foreign ministers who met in Harare on Thursday said they would
send a task force to the country possibly by next week to assess the
Zimbabwe situation.

      However, Mudenge said yesterday it was not their initiative, but his
alone to counter "adverse media reports".

      Mudenge said: "I invited the Task Force to Zimbabwe so they can see
for themselves. It was my initiative and my strategy so that my colleagues
in Sadc come and get a better view on the situation in Zimbabwe. I took that
decision while I was in Luanda, Angola, so it was not a decision arrived at
when we met on Thursday."

      According to the South African Broadcasting Corporation, Patrick
Craven, the Cosatu spokesperson, said: "Cosatu condemns the continued brutal
repression of activists, through arrests, beatings and torture, by the
government of Zimbabwe, following the two-day general strike on 18 and 19
March, organised by the opposition MDC."

      On Monday, Gibson Sibanda, the MDC vice-president, leader of the
opposition in Parliament was arrested in Bulawayo for allegedly organising
the stayaway. His bail application ruling is set for Monday.

      Craven said: "Cosatu demands the immediate release of MDC
vice-president Gibson Sibanda and all other activists who have been
arrested, including a number of trade unionists, several of whom were

      He said Cosatu believed those who participated in last month's mass
action were exercising their right to protest in support of democracy. They
were demanding their socio-economic rights, and were not subverting the
Zimbabwean government, he said.
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Daily News

      Police refuse to evict Zanu PF militants

      4/5/2003 12:31:39 PM (GMT +2)

      Municipal Reporter

      The police have refused to help the Harare Municipality eject Zanu PF
militia groups camped in council properties in Kuwadzana, confirming fears
that their violent actions are sanctioned by the State.

      The police last month refused to help the Harare Municipality to evict
Zanu PF youths from a council library and hall in Kuwadzana, according to a
letter leaked to The Daily News yesterday.

      They, instead, advised the council's municipal police against evicting
the youths.

      The ruling party's supporters occupied the properties in the run-up to
the parliamentary by-election in Kuwadzana on 29 and 30 March. They
subsequently turned the properties into bases from which they launched raids
on suspected MDC supporters in the constituency.

      The opposition has in the past accused the police of applying the law

      The police declined to comment on the issue yesterday.

      Superintendent H Dhlakama, the Crime Prevention Officer for Harare
Province, wrote the letter in response to a request by Tavanani Gomo, the
council's chief security officer. The police had been asked to help council
remove the illegal occupants.

      Part of the letter, dated 17 March 2003, reads: "We received your
letter dated 11 March 2003 in which you requested us to assist you in the
removal of youths illegally occupying Kuwadzana Library and Kuwadzana Hall,
your properties.

      "We are advising you that we only carry out evictions in such type of
cases through
      a court order.

      "You may choose to go it alone without a court order, but we are
kindly advising
      you not to take the risk."

      Gomo appealed to the police for assistance following a council
resolution on 27 February ordering him to eject the illegal occupants from
Kuwadzana Hall.

      The squatters had since left the library, leaving behind a trail of
damaged property in their wake.

      Vusimusi Sithole, Harare's acting director of works, has been tasked
with assessing the extent of the damage.

      Gomo made the request for police assistance, saying the municipal
police were not peace officers since they did not have arresting powers.

      In the absence of the police, the safety of the municipal guards was
not guaranteed, he said.

      The chief security officer told the councillors that a report on the
illegal occupation had already been made to the police, but no action had
been taken thus far.
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Daily News

      Shortage of pathologists hits hospitals

      4/5/2003 12:32:14 PM (GMT +2)

      By Lawrence Paganga

      A SERIOUS shortage of pathologists has hit Harare Central and
Parirenyatwa hospitals, the country's major referral hospitals, resulting in
the two institutions suspending post-mortems when the only government
pathologist was on leave since last month.

      Dr Salvator Alex Mapunda, the pathologist, is believed to be in
Tanzania on holiday and is only expected back later this month. The
situation had caused delays in burials as a number of bereaved families
needed post-mortem results before interment.

      Investigations this week revealed that 15 bodies were lying at Harare
Hospital mortuary since last month, due to Mapunda's absence. The bodies
would only be buried following post-mortems when Mapunda returns.

      The situation is believed to be the same at Parirenyatwa Hospital
although officials at the hospital were not forthcoming with details.

      Dr Chris Tapfumaneyi, the Harare Hospital medical superintendent, said
there was a marked increase in the number of bodies waiting for post-mortems
at the hospital.

      Said Tapfumaneyi: "The hospital cannot do much about the piling bodies
as it is a matter that is handled by the police since they are responsible
for bringing in the bodies," he said.

      A post-mortem has to be conducted before burial in all cases involving
murder. Dr David Parirenyatwa, the Minister of Health and Child Welfare,
said he would investigate the shortage of pathologists and issue a

      An official with the Hospital Doctors' Association, said Zimbabwe
needed at least six government pathologists at hospitals in Harare alone.
The HDA official said a number of pathologists had left the country for
greener pastures.

      A Chitungwiza family this week claimed that they had not been able to
bury their relative since 14 March because a post-mortem was still to be

      The Magaya family suspect that their relative died under unclear
circumstances in Highfield.

      Another family said they had to bury their relative, Brighton Manasa,
in Rusape without autopsy results as they could not afford to wait any
longer. Manasa is suspected to have been murdered by unknown assailants last
month in Warren Park.

      "We could not afford to keep his body at Harare Hospital mortuary for
too long because of the funeral expenses," said Austin Gwaure, his uncle. As
a result, we had to bury him without post-mortem results."
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Daily News

      Settlers defy moves to evict them from farm

      4/5/2003 12:33:26 PM (GMT +2)

      By Sam Munyavi

      Illegal settlers at the Jesuits' Manresa Farm near Tafara in Harare
insist they will not vacate the property until they are compensated and

      A fortnight ago, a group of between 40 and 50 so-called war veterans
and Zanu PF youths, reportedly attacked nine workers from a construction
company, the Surveyor-General's Office and the Manresa Development Board who
were working on the site.

      Part of the farm falls under the Harare municipality's jurisdiction
and the council approved it for development into 890 low-density housing
stands last October.

      The council said it was unsuitable for high or medium-density housing.

      Brother Dominic Shonhiwa, who heads the Manresa Development Board,
said on Tuesday: "The development has been on the cards for a long time. The
idea is to develop it into a decent suburb."

      On Wednesday, a Zanu PF youth who claimed he did not participate in
the attack, said the assailants went after Chris Tapfumaneyi, a member of
the Manresa Development Board.

      The youth, who refused to give his name, fearing reprisals, said:
"They accused Tapfumaneyi of initiating the evictions."

      An illegal settler, Anna Mareke, 30, said: "We came here in 1998. Now
we have been told to leave or buy a stand if we want to stay. They cost at
least $5 million each and we don't have that kind of money. My husband is a
self-employed painter."

      Tapfumaneyi said 141 families were officially settled on a section of
the farm by the Jesuits around 1982.

      He said these particular families would be compensated while the
Jesuits would assist them to be resettled elsewhere on humanitarian grounds.
The rest, numbering more than 800, were illegal settlers, he said.

      Most of them, led by Zanu PF supporters, have vowed not to move until
they have been compensated and resettled.

      The illegal settlers have been invited to a meeting with the
developers and the police today to discuss the issue.
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Daily News

      SA churches condemn violence in Zimbabwe

      4/5/2003 12:33:51 PM (GMT +2)

      Staff Reporter

      THE South African Council of Churches (SACC) has deplored the
deteriorating human rights situation in Zimbabwe and says it will support
fellow churches in the country fighting against government repression.

      Molefe Tsele, the SACC general secretary, in a solidarity message to
the Zimbabwe National Pastors' Conference, said:"The situation in Zimbabwe
has been going on unabated for a period exceeding a year by now with reports
of human rights violations.

      "We are pained by the fact that this occurs simultaneously with the
famine that has engulfed the region, therefore, inflicting pain and poverty
to many who are weak and vulnerable."

      The South African clergy's message came after riot police arrested and
detained 23 pastors outside the Police General Headquarters in Harare on 28
February as they demonstrated against police harassment and brutality.

      Among those arrested was a blind Harare pastor.

      The demonstration followed a government crackdown on perceived
dissenters which saw the arrests of Bishop Trevor Manhanga, the Evangelical
Fellowship of Zimbabwe president, and four civic society leaders at a church
meeting in Borrowdale, Harare.

      Tsele said: "The churches in Zimbabwe, more than ever before, are
called upon to take the moral high ground to search for solutions for those
who would, otherwise, not be able to stand on their feet because of the
pangs of hunger and poverty, looking forward to social institutions to come
to their rescue.

      "As you search for solutions to the crises that Zimbabwe and her
people are facing, please, take note that the South African churches and the
people of South Africa share your agonies and stand by your side

      "Go on, therefore, with full knowledge that your sisters and brothers
remain in prayer as you search for lasting peace and justice, seeking to
bring to a halt all kinds of violations of human rights from whatever
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Leader Page

      PAZ one more State boob

      4/5/2003 12:22:17 PM (GMT +2)

      It seems the Privatisation Agency of Zimbabwe (PAZ), which was
established in September 1999, is a facade.

      At its formation, PAZ was charged with the responsibility of
spearheading, advising on and managing the country's privatisation programme
in a transparent manner. The idea was noble, but it looks as if the
parastatal which was set up to stop parastatals like Air Zimbabwe and the
National Railways of Zimbabwe from bleeding State coffers dry, has itself
become a liability.

      The organisation has been hit by a spate of resignations involving
senior executives, grousing about not doing what they were employed to do in
the first place.

      The three senior executives complain of being paid executive salaries
and perks, and driving posh cars - for doing nothing.

      The government seems reluctant to go bull blast into privatisation.

      It is spending millions of taxpayers' hard-earned money while doing
nothing to achieve its objectives.

      The executives resigned because they believe the organisation had lost
direction. This will definitely put the brakes on an otherwise sluggish
privatisation programme.

      The executives also complain of under-staffing and the government's
reluctance to speed up privatisation.

      Last year the privatisation arm failed to meet its $40 billion target,
managing to raise only $10 billion.

      PAZ executives then blamed Simba Makoni, the former Minister of
Finance and Economic Development, for setting unachievable targets.

      Funds raised from the proceeds of privatisation, like the $7 billion
raised in 2001, were supposed to have been used to retire domestic and
foreign debts, and for strategic national capital development projects.

      The target for 2001 was $20 billion, but only a paltry $7 billion was
raised. However, up to now nobody knows how much was used for those noble
objectives. There is no transparency and accountability.

      The major problem in all parastatals - lack of accountability,
mismanagement, corruption and general graft - seems to have hit the PAZ; no
wonder it was taken to court over the Astra Corporation issue, which it

      The government turns around and pumps more money into these
loss-making entities.

      Why, like everything else, it does not want to let go is anybody's

      At one stage the PAZ called for the sale of the parastatals in foreign
currency. The companies targeted then were Olivine Industries, Astra
Corporation, Chemplex Corporation and Agribank. These four entities would
have raised billions in much needed foreign currency. The move was a direct
result of dwindling foreign receipts due to the poor performance by the
export sector.

      If that had been done, Zimbabwe would not be going through its present
crises, such as the perennial fuel shortages.

      The wisdom of putting PAZ directly under the President's Office was
questioned by players in industry and commerce.

      It is not surprising, given the fact that President Mugabe is
responsible for the mess that this country finds itself in. He suffers from
ineptitude. There is no seriousness on his part to drive this country back
to a sound economic footing. His main preoccupation is remaining in power at
whatever cost, by any means necessary.

      The programme was supposed to transfer ownership of national assets
from the State to the people. But given Zanu PF's track record, it would not
be surprising if some party top brass were sticking their fingers into
several pies in order to benefit from the exercise. Otherwise how else can
the sluggishness in carrying out the exercise be explained?

      It looks as if the government hastily put PAZ together, and drew up
noble aims and objectives to secure donor funding to launch the parastatal
which has since, like all other government-driven entities, become a white elephant.
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      Mbeki, Obasanjo mere pawns in Mugabe's shenanigans

      4/5/2003 12:22:55 PM (GMT +2)

      By Swithern Chirowodza

      It is strange to note that Nigerian and South African leaders,
Olusegun Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki respectively, have taken so long to
realise that President Mugabe's tenure of office and confrontational land
reform programme are exposing Zimbabweans to untold suffering.

      The tide of anti-Mugabe consensus has risen significantly among
members of the international community, and seems unlikely to subside until
the people of Zimbabwe are liberated. It is clear to Obasanjo and Mbeki that
they cannot continue propping Mugabe, when in 2003 alone, and in peacetime,
more civilians have been arrested at a faster rate than at the height of
Zimbabwe's liberation struggle.

      Obasanjo and Mbeki's misconception that Mugabe is amenable to advice
has been brought to bear. Mugabe has clinched the repressive jaws of the
Public Order and Security Act (POSA), gagged the Press with the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and sustained organised
violence on citizens and remaining members of the farming community.

      The result: a spit in the face of quiet diplomacy. Pharisaic Obasanjo
and Mbeki's pleas for Mugabe to order peaceful land reform and retire
respectively should, therefore, be discarded with utmost contempt.

      To Obasanjo and Mbeki's knowledge, the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) enunciated since 1999 that land reform should be
lawful and non-violent. But fearing diminished political mileage, Zanu PF
refused to involve independent expert stakeholders in the so-called Chave
Chimurenga land reform exercise. Two military organs of government, the
Zimbabwe National Army and Central Intelligence Organisation, were entrusted
with expediting land resettlement. The ZNA and CIO also resisted advice of
agriculturalists and land experts to develop infrastructure on expropriated
land for the purpose of farming and human habitation.

      Instead, organised violence epitomised land resettlement. All opposed
to violence were branded "enemies of the State". White farmers David
Stevens, Martin and Gloria Olds were shot and killed in cold blood. War
veterans barred farmers from planting and/or harvesting ready crops and
vandalised farm equipment leading to unprecedented hunger.

      In 2000, at a public meeting at Harare's Monomotapa Crown Plaza Hotel,
Tendai Biti, then MDC shadow Minister for Agriculture, warned that
fast-tracking land reform would embed corruption. That warning has been
vindicated by Zanu PF founder member Eddison Zvobgo's revelation in
Parliament that some Zanu PF chefs had corruptly seized as much as five
farms each, and amassed obscene wealth, in circumstances not commensurate to
what they legally earned.

      Furthermore, when representations were made to Mugabe by concerned
members of the international community urging him to stop the flagrant abuse
of human rights, Obasanjo and Mbeki, acting on behalf of the Commonwealth
Troika, misinformed the world about Zimbabwe's human rights record. Mbeki
labelled Zimbabwe's stolen election legitimate, and added salt to injury by
ballooning the lie that Zimbabwe's crisis was the work of "imperialist"

      At the start of March 2003, Obasanjo and Mbeki gave Australian Prime
Minister John Howard reason to believe that Mugabe had amended the notorious
POSA and AIPPA, when - with all due respect - no such amendments had been

      If anything, civil society leaders in Zimbabwe petitioned Patrick
Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, on 12
March 2003, demanding the repeal of POSA. This petition was copied to the
Minister of Home Affairs, Commissioner of Police, Members of Parliament, the
Southern African Development Community high commissioners and Commonwealth
high commissioners.

      When exposed, Obasanjo recoiled and, in an effort to retain an ounce
of honour, he publicly urged Mugabe to retire. Perhaps it was this petition
that Mbeki referred to as amended.

      Be that as it may, there have been respectively two recent events
attributed to Obasanjo and Mbeki's condemnation of Mugabe's perpetual tenure
of office and violent land reform programme. First, United States President
George W Bush issued an Executive Order freezing the assets of Mugabe and
his inner circle, an act which trivialised Obasanjo and Mbeki's deceitful
appraisals of Mugabe. Such Executive Order should encourage the European
Union to act against Mugabe until Zimbabwe's human rights record improves.

      Second, South African Home Affairs Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi's
statement at a Press conference in South Africa, attended by Kembo Mohadi,
Zimbabwean Home Affairs Minister, that his country was plagued by an influx
of Zimbabwean refugees, has awakened Mbeki to the hard fact that problems in
Zimbabwe also affect his country. Mbeki is also aware that his pro-Mugabe
stance will only buttress Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party.

      Conclusively and on Nigeria, it is not coincidental that devious Zanu
PF tactics are being imitated by Nigeria's ruling party. Election campaigns
have witnessed the callous shooting and murder by "criminals" of one
opposition leader. In November 1984, State media reported that Njini Ntuta,
then a Zapu MP, was murdered by "dissidents". Strange because factually
dissidents did not target Zapu leaders. In the 1990 general election,
Patrick Kombayi, the then Zimbabwe Unity Movement national organising
secretary, was shot and wounded by two CIO operatives, Elias Kanengoni and
Kizito Muchemwa. In Zambia, Major-General Wezi Kaunda was shot and killed by
"criminals" outside his house. Seems too much of a coincidence, but
discerning minds will not be fooled.

      One can never be certain about Obasanjo and Mbeki's utterances. In one
breath, they offer solace to Mugabe; in another, they castigate him. They
seem to me to be no more than pawns in Mugabe's foreign policy, and have a
double character which playwright, William Shakespeare, referred in one of
his plays when he said: ". . . and be these juggling fiends no more believed
that palter us in a double sense, that keep the word of promise to our ear
and break it to our hope".
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      Price of vegetables spirals as fuel shortages hit

      4/5/2003 12:14:08 PM (GMT +2)

      Business Reporter

      RETAIL prices of vegetables have risen by an average 600 percent in
the past two weeks, owing to increased demand.

      Fuel shortages and escalating transport costs are hampering the smooth
delivery of agricultural produce to the market, effectively pushing up

      Vegetables are rotting by the roadside before reaching the market
because of the transport crisis.

      The price for a head of cabbage has jumped from a $50 to over $300
inside two weeks.

      Retailers are trying to adhere to controlled prices in the wake of
intensified monitoring by the police.

      Manufacturers are continuing to circumvent price controls by coming up
with new packages and brands.

      Meanwhile, government has ordered Dairibord Zimbabwe Limited (DZL) to
revert to the 500ml milk sachets after it introduced 300ml packets to
circumvent the price control regime on 18 March.

      In a move that surprised many consumers, the price of the reduced
quantities of milk was way above the 500ml and 1 litre sachets.

      A 300ml sachet of fresh milk has been selling for between $210 and
$220 while Lacto was selling for between $245 and $260.

      The prices are far above the gazetted prices of 500ml and 1 litre

      The gazetted price of 500ml is $110 while that of 1 litre of Lacto is

      Some retail outlets had been charging more than $800 for a litre of
sour milk.

      Samuel Mumbengegwi, Industry and International Trade Minister, said
government would not tolerate companies that repackaged their products or
raised prices without following laid-down procedures.

      He was speaking to The Chronicle shortly after meeting management at
the company's Kelvin West premises in Bulawayo on Thursday.

      Mumbengegwi said: "With immediate effect, Dairibord will revert to the
500ml sachets of milk which it has been producing all along. They started
producing the 300ml sachets without government approval and violated
sections of the Trade Merchants Act in the process.

      DZL had repackaged three brands of milk, fresh, sour and Chimombe from
500ml to 300 ml sachets in contravention of the Control of Goods

      Mumbengegwi described DZL's price increases as "totally insensitive".

      "The country is going through economic hardships largely caused by the
drought. At this time the government, industry, labour and Zimbabweans at
large should be united so that we cross this difficult river together.

      "We should hold hands and cross together instead of having individuals
stepping on each other's heads so that they can cross while everyone else
drowns, like Dairibord has been trying to do," he said.

      Citing DZL as an example, Mumbengegwi said the law would be applied to
companies, which demonstrated that they did not care about Zimbabweans by
violating price controls.

      On Wednesday the senior Western Division regional magistrate, James
Mutsauki, fined the Bulawayo branch of DZL a total of $1,5 million for
repackaging its brands of milk.

      The arrest and subsequent conviction of DZL came against a background
of an increasing number of unscrupulous manufacturers and retailers that
continue to defy price controls on basic commodities by constantly
increasing prices, rebranding their products or coming up with products
whose mass or volume does not fall within the gazetted limits.

      Asked to comment on the re-packaging and increased prices last month,
Anthony Mandiwanza, DZL's chief executive, declined to comment when
approached by The Business Daily.

      Before the repackaging and subsequent price increases, milk was in
short supply.

      There has been an outcry from consumers over the milk price increases.
It seems government delayed in responding amidst claims that it had
developed cold feet because DZL was a former parastatal. The company has
been touted as one of privatisation's most successful stories.

      There has, however, been an upsurge in milk supplies following the
repackaging and increased prices countrywide.

      Below is a table showing some of the scarce basic commodities still
available in leading retail outlets in and around Harare.
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      Chigwedere preoccupies himself with trivia

      4/5/2003 12:28:01 PM (GMT +2)

      By Cyprian Muketiwa Ndawana

      PERCHED at the helm of the Education, Sports and Culture Ministry is a
man who never ceases to infuriate the populace.

      Ever since his elevation to the apex of the important ministry over
two years ago, the snuff-sniffing Aeneas Chigwedere has been firing one
dummy after another.

      With the debacle at the Zimbabwe Schools' Examination Council
(Zimsec), Chigwedere demonstrated that he is an unrepentant social irritant.

      His imprudent bid to disassociate himself from the bungling left none
in doubt at the paucity of his intellectual capacity. His failure to
recognise the weight of the social responsibility that goes with the public
office he occupies drags the entire government into disrepute.

      The government commendably made a massive investment into the
education system at independence in 1980. It embarked on a plan to build
more schools, especially in the previously disadvantaged rural areas,
thereby reducing the distances children had to travel while at the same time
availing the right to education to all regardless of social status.

      All children, be it from peasant, farm labourer or whatever family
background, benefited from the government's concerted effort to avail

      In addition to that, the government trained more teachers to
complement the expansion in the education system.

      This plan saw the opening of more teacher training colleges and the
encouragement of teachers to upgrade their education. The Zimbabwe Open
University bears ample testimony to this noble strategy as most of its
students are diploma and certificate holding teachers who are upgrading
their qualifications to degree level.

      A host of other initiatives, among them the teacher-in-service
training programmes and the review and updating of the curriculum, were
implemented in a bid to ensure quality education was delivered.

      It is against the backdrop of this conspicuous success factor why many
children from neighbouring countries are sent here for education.

      Earning the admiration, confidence and respect of those from other
countries did not come as easy as manna from heaven - it was garnered the
hard way.

      Sadly, Chigwedere has not capitalised on these achievements, nor has
he added value to the system ever since he was appointed minister.

      Instead of riding high on the wave of success that was flowing, he is
busy throwing not only the spanners into the works, but the jack and its
handle as well.

      Most probably he already has also thrown the overalls and gloves,
thereby risking the system to crush to a screeching halt.

      Chigwedere's attention and focus have not been on the nuts and bolts
of his ministry.

      At no point did he ever concern himself with such issues as the
welfare of teachers and the reduction of the teacher-student ratio.

      These issues, which are the nucleus of his ministry, play second
fiddle as he froths in the mouth advocating for renaming of schools with
indigenous names and the blanketing of all schools with the same uniform. He
has preoccupied himself with trivia at the expense of the fundamentals.

      Chigwedere's latest gaffe is unpalatable. He tampered with every
parent's nerve centre - the child. A failure to administer examinations is a
grave misdemeanour that no society can ever forgive without censure, more so
when the wrongdoer shows no signs of remorse. It is a dereliction of duty
that cannot go unpunished. It warrants a severe reprimand, a summary
dismissal to be precise.

      The hasty and the straight-faced manner with which he tried to
exonerate himself from the Zimsec shambles shows that the basis of the
principle of accountability and responsibility is alien to him, a trait that
is undesirable for one entrusted with the stewardship of the country's vital
cog, the education system.

      If he does not appreciate and realise the gravity of shoddily handling
examinations, then the investment both the government and parents make in
children's education will never mean a thing to him. It will forever remain
a mystery.

      When the examinations ignominy surfaced, Chigwedere should have owned
up and apologised to the nation. He should, to borrow from the Bible, have
worn sackcloth, because the fiasco has far-reaching repercussions. It lowers
the esteem and reputation that the education standard had scaled to.

      It is an uncalled-for sad development that the Zimsec certificates now
run the risk of being accepted with suspicion, leaving a legacy that must
haunt Chigwedere, if at all he has a conscience, to the tomb. The impeccable
evidence of examinations bungling coming from schools, coupled with his own
acknowledgement of the prevalence of rampant corruption at Zimsec, aggravate
his blameworthiness. It does not exonerate him at all.

      And his vain bid to blame the media for publishing incorrect
statistics plunges both the minister and the examinations body deeper in the
mire. They both do not have any escape route from the rot that has set root
at Zimsec as they are directly responsible.

      There are, however, two role models for the beleaguered Chigwedere to
emulate. The late Edmund Garwe and Enos Chikowore stepped down from the
Cabinet amid examination leakages and hyper-corruption at the government
fuel procurement company, the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe,
respectively. The door is ajar for him to follow the former ministers'
visible footprints.
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      Jocelyn Chiwenga hogs limelight for the wrong reasons

      4/5/2003 12:19:57 PM (GMT +2)

      By Foster Dongozi Features Writer

      JOCELYN Chiwenga, the wife of Zimbabwe National Army commander,
Constantine, must be leaving her husband petrified with fear every time she
hogs the media limelight for the wrong reasons.

      Despite his prominent position as the army commander, Constantine
Chiwenga has avoided the limelight to the point that few people would
recognise him if he took a stroll in downtown Harare in "civvies".

      His wife, fast becoming a latter-day Lady Macbeth, has of late found
herself in very embarrassing situations.

      In 2002, when Zimbabwe embarked on a mission to seize land from white
commercial farmers and was wooing Libya and some Asian countries as trade
partners ahead of the Western countries, Jocelyn was reported to have gone,
on bended knees, grovelling for a visa to travel to the United States.

      The general's wife indicated that she wanted to visit Las Vegas, the
gambling capital of the United States, for a business convention.

      Las Vegas, a lasting symbol of capitalist affluence, was hosting the
Safari Club International Convention and Jocelyn, who was reported to have
interests in the safari industry, needed the visa to attend the convention.

      When it became obvious to her that she would not be given a visa by
the US authorities because her husband was on a list of Zanu PF and
government officials who had been slapped with travel sanctions, she became

      "I was at the US Embassy today and they refused to confirm whether I
was on the list of targeted people or not. In any case, I should not pay the
price for being the wife of General Chiwenga. I am just an ordinary
businesswoman doing business that will bring foreign currency to the

      "I am worried because I don't want to be embarrassed at the airport as
they are doing to other Zimbabweans. They might try to embarrass me and get
glory out of it."

      In June last year, when St Mary's Member of Parliament Job Sikhala
made startling revelations in court that former Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation (ZBC) chief executive, Alum Mpofu, was allegedly involved in a
homosexual affair with junior minister, Professor Jonathan Moyo, Jocelyn
committed what can only rank as the howler of the century.

      Moyo and Mpofu, a member of the Gays' and Lesbians' Association of
      Zimbabwe, were reported to have met in South Africa when they were
both working there.

      When Moyo was appointed minister, he lured Mpofu to head the ZBC.

      But in a move that must have left Constantine Chiwenga and his
relatives with permanently raised eyebrows, their infamous wife and
daughter-in-law sprang to the defence of Moyo's manhood.

      Using the cover of a shadowy organisation known as Heritage Zimbabwe,
a frothing Jocelyn, who seemed well-versed in Moyo's sexual preferences,
stood by him, swearing he could not possibly be homosexual.

      "Everybody now knows that The Daily News has in the past published
falsehoods aimed at tarnishing the image and good standing of Professor Moyo
'in the public eye' (whatever that was supposed to mean.)

      "The preposterous claim (that Moyo and Mpofu had a homosexual
 affair)," wailed Mrs Chiwenga, "based on the sick imagination of the MDC's
Job Sikhala is so reckless and irresponsible that it can only be published
by an equally sick, irresponsible and reckless newspaper."

      As a Daily News columnist, The Mole wrote, only someone very close to
Moyo could have come up with such an emotional and authoritative statement
in defence of his sex life.

      The Mole went as far as to proclaim that Jocelyn owed everybody,
especially her husband, an explanation.

      The women at Heritage Zimbabwe, whose main achievements include
defending Moyo's sexuality, have in the past used his offices to fax Press
statements to news organisations.

      This naturally raises questions about the link between the shady
organisation and Moyo's offices and how they could authoritatively defend
his sexuality.

      Towards the end of last year, Constantine Chiwenga must have nearly
fainted with shock after court documents suggested that his wife had
allegedly insulted Vice-President Joseph Msika.

      According to documents filed in the High Court, she was reported to
have said Msika did not have "the balls" to remove her from a farm which she
had invaded.

      What must have made the issue very uncomfortable for the general was
that Msika, who regularly deputises for President Mugabe in his absence,
also becomes acting Commander-In-Chief of the national defence forces.

      Even more intriguing about Jocelyn was her vulgar choice of words when
referring to an elderly person like Msika, something which is frowned upon
in African culture.

      The statement, according to some former PF-Zapu members, caused
consternation in their camp as they felt Jocelyn was expressing an opinion
prevalent in the ruling party about their Zapu colleagues.

      She caused an international storm when she was reported to have told
Roger Staunton, the owner of Chakoma Estates, which she had occupied, that
she had not tasted white blood since 1980 and missed the experience and that
she needed just a slight excuse to kill somebody.

      Jocelyn was once married to a white man and temporarily became Jocelyn
Mauchaza Jacobsen.

      The two started a safety clothing factory although Jacobsen was
deported, leaving the company running.

      The next time Jocelyn hit the news headlines was when she confirmed to
the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe's Corporate Affairs Director,
Gugulethu Moyo, that there was no rule of law in Zimbabwe.

      The general's wife used the opportunity to celebrate the
government-sanctioned genocide in which tens of thousands of unarmed Ndebele
people from Matabeleland and the Midlands were butchered by soldiers of the
5th Brigade in the early 1980s.

      During the stayaway, The Daily News' photographer, Philimon Bulawayo,
was detained by the police at Glen View.

      Moyo, the company's legal advisor, was trying to secure Bulawayo's
release when she came across Jocelyn at the police station.

      On learning that Moyo worked for The Daily News, Chiwenga went

      With the assistance of her flunkey and constant companion, Kelvin
Chadenyika, Jocelyn proceeded to savagely assault Moyo.

      "My name is Jocelyn Chiwenga, wife of the army commander. I am going
to show you that there is no rule of law in Zimbabwe," she said, confirming
what the Zimbabwean government has long denied.

      She then started gloating about how Zimbabwean soldiers committed
ethnic cleansing in the southern parts of Zimbabwe in the early 1980s.

      "You stupid Ndebele girl, what are you doing here? What happened in
Matabeleland in the 1980s is going to happen to you today, now," shrilled
the general's wife.

      Given that her husband has been a soldier since independence, Jocelyn'
s statements on the genocide must have caused the general untold anguish and

      That Jocelyn could celebrate ethnic cleansing carried out by soldiers
made very disturbing reading as she may have been mirroring prevailing
sentiment in government circles.

      It made disturbing reading to know that during the stayaway, she
usurped the powers of the police, telling them how to deal with cases of
civil disobedience.

      She even boasted that as the general's wife who was filthy rich and
armed, she could even order the speedy deployment of helicopters.

      For a woman who started off as a waitress in what is now a second-rate
nightclub in the city centre, her meteoric rise to infamy finds no
contemporaries to match it.

      The sordid episodes above indicate that if nobody can control this
loose canon, then she needs counselling - very urgently.
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Forex Controls Now Cover Hunting Sector

The Daily News (Harare)

April 5, 2003
Posted to the web April 5, 2003

Business Reporter

The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) is extending foreign currency controls to
the hunting business - a sector once considered insignificant.

The bank announced yesterday that companies in the hunting business would be
required to complete the Tourism Return Form (TR2) during the second half of
the year to make it easy for the RBZ to check foreign currency inflows.

Analysts said the move indicated that the central bank was desperate for
foreign currency. Recently, the RBZ revamped the Customs Declaration 1 forms
and introduced TR2 forms to the tourism industry.

Zimbabwe is struggling to generate foreign currency because of poor export
performance and donor support withdrawal due to the chaotic fast-track land
reform programme.

This has resulted in a serious shortage of foreign currency required to
import fuel, electricity and raw materials.

It was unlikely that the latest move would help the RBZ to generate
sufficient foreign currency to normalise the situation.

The RBZ said the TR2 forms would be used to tap into foreign exchange
resources generated by hunters.

Among the targeted groups are tour and safari operators, hunters,
taxidermists and bankers.
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Money Market Rates Continue to Firm

The Daily News (Harare)

April 5, 2003
Posted to the web April 5, 2003

Business Reporter

Rates on the money market have continued to firm owing to reduced money

The firming of rates means that borrowers pay more on accessing credit,
putting pressure on general lending rates.

Analysts said rates firmed after the government came onto the market last
week with two-year Treasury Bills (TB) offered at a discount rate of 32,40

This pushed rates to an all-time high of 90 percent. TBs are commercial
papers issued by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe when the government wants to
borrow from the money market.

This usually creates an appetite for money, which raises rates if it is not
matched by supply.

On average, overnight TBs are fetching between 40 and 75 percent, while 30
to 90-day TBs are attracting 65 percent.

Witness Chinyama, an economist with Kingdom Holdings Limited, said rates
were unlikely to go beyond the 100 percent mark. "Certainly there is
consensus on the market that interest rates have to go up, but the point of
departure is at what level should they settle on?"

Chinyama said the government, as the biggest borrower, would not accept
interest rates going up because its indebtedness would also increase.

By February, inflation hit a new level of about 210 percent and is set to
end the year at between 450 and 500 percent.

Commercial banks are currently under pressure from depositors to increase
lending rates to encourage savings and punish consumptive borrowings.

Chinyama said companies could collapse if rates were allowed to rise in line
with inflation.

An analyst with ABC Holdings said rates would continue to firm as long as
the market was in short supply.

"For the past weeks, the money market was in deficit, a condition that
pushed rates upwards," said the analyst.
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            SA company acquires prime mining assets in Zimbabwe
            April 05, 2003, 17:00

            A South African mining company has snapped up one of the prime
mining assets in Zimbabwe. Metallon Corporation Limited has just been
celebrating its entry into the Zimbabwean gold mining platform.

            Shamva gold mine, about 68km North West of the capital Harare is
one the largest gold mines in the country and belongs to the Independence
Gold Mining Group alongside four other gold mines. Responsible for 45% of
the country's gold production and 25% of Zimbabwe's foreign earnings,
Independence Gold Mining is a prime asset for Zimbabwe. It is now in the
hands of a South African mining company, Metallon Gold.

            The man behind Metallon is Mzi Khumalo, one of the leading
lights in black empowerment in South Africa. At the launch of his company in
Harare Thursday night, he said the acquisition of Independence Gold Mining
represented a serious commitment to Africa by his group.

            Metallon reportedly spent just over $15 million to buy these
mines from previous owners, Lonrho. Now 30% of the entire shareholding has
been offered to local Zimbabweans, an empowerment gesture from a group whose
own development has benefited from empowerment initiatives in South Africa.

            Zimbabwean mining authorities are confident Metallon's arrival
in Zimbabwe will herald the beginning of more investment in Zimbabwe by
black South African investors. Edward Chindori Chininga, the Mines Minister,
warns however, Khumalo will have to perform to make it easier for those that
will follow.

            Khumalo's company is not the only South African investor in the
mining industry in Zimbabwe. In recent months Impala Platinum and the Absa
group have invested several million US dollars in platinum mining. The
difference is Metallon has control in its new investment and with that
control, a lot of responsibility.
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Tengenenge Museum Opens in Guruve

The Herald (Harare)

April 5, 2003
Posted to the web April 5, 2003

Celia Winter Irving

THE history of Tengenenge is a cultural history of how various aspects of
creative expression have shaped, determined, identified and developed what
has become a famed community of sculptors and painters.

All these aspects of creative expression came together at the ceremonial
opening of the Tom Blomefield Tengenenge Museum at Tengenenge on March 26
this year.

There was Guruve district administrator Mr Rupiya, the Nyau dancers, the
knock-kneed Makanga's entrance through the trees a droll piece of African
theatre and the local Kokekore frantically thumbing their mbiras.

Tom Blomefield founder director of Tengenenge twirled his twinkle toes and
within the Museum early Tengenenge sculptures, effigies in stone, stared
with sightless eyes.

The museum, designed by Dutch Architect Mrs Geja Stassen, is sympathetic to
the natural environment of Tengenenge, the roof thatched in the manner of a
pole and dagga houses. At Tengenenge, the cement walls plastered locally,
gaps in the walls filled with early Tengenenge sculptures, strange
undetermined creatures, mysterious in stone.

At the opening, those living sculptors who constitute the history of
Tengenenge stood in noble alignment, Fanizani Akuda, Amali Mailolo, Tom
Blomefield himself, Enos Gunja, Biro Fernando, Edward Chiwawa and "Violet"
among them.

There was a network of Tengenenge families, great ages ranges of
Muchembereres, Chiwawas, Chakawas and Manzis, the firmament of Tengenenge.

The Master of Ceremonies was Chairos Muchemberere, Managing Director of
Tengenenge, welcoming the guests, and monitoring a bun rush of sculptors to
see the interior of the Museum.

Mr Rupiya stressed that Tengenenge was part of the communal life of the
Guruve district, that many sculptors at Tengenenge had roots, and family and
spiritual ties with the Guruve district.

He commended Tom Blomefield for what he has done to make Guruve a creative
centre for Zimbabwe, his words accompanied by a ground swell of mbira
playing, drumming and dancing.

In his speech, the Ambassador for The Netherlands, Royal Netherlands
Embassy, Dr Hans Heinsbrock said the works at the Museum and at Tengenenge
exemplified the success of the stone sculpture as a profession.

He cited the sculptures an example to their local community of a happy and
culturally harmonious way of life.

Mrs Geja Stassen said that the Museum spoke of the overall aim of
Tengenenge, the preservation of African culture through creativity, and that
the work on the museum, the construction and building aided by many
Tengenenge sculptors and their family members was a means of creating the
essential common goal.

Presiding over the whole occasion was the Museum itself, sited on the right
hand side of the road as Tengenenge is reached.

Visitors entering the Museum were aware of a hallowed space, a sense of the
sacred and of history, a reconfiguration of time, putting the past to the
forefront of the present.

Silence a feature of all good museums was present, stillness as well. In the
room, which is most effective, are the early Tengenenge sculptures, eerily
lit, moments in stone to time long past.

Designer stands do not detract from the feeling of antiquity, of the ancient
times of Tengenenge.

The other room contains sculptures of today, prized from their natural bush

There are Wilfred Tembo's "Cats" with twirling moustaches and cream bowl
licking lips, stylish forms in stone by Josia Manzi and his son Moveti, and
sculptures which glorify the flamboyant colours of new stones.

The creative use of space and special dynamics are a challenge to all who
build and work in museums today, as is the adaptation of space to changing
exhibits, and new ways of exhibiting objects.

Perhaps in the future some of the space could be adapted to form a room for
the sculptures of the late Bernard Matemera, master sculptor of Tengenenge,
and a Documentation Centre with books, journals and videos of Tengenenge.

Biographies of sculptors whose work is exhibited at the Museum, together
with a short "give away" history of Tengenenge.

But meanwhile let the people of Guruve see the Museum as an achievement for
their District. Let the local school children leave their satchels by the
door, and enter another time zone, that of their cultural past, and find a
new way of learning about their history and cultural background, through
stone sculpture.

Let the local school children learn the story of Tengenenge and of Tom
Blomefield who made it possible from what they see at the Museum.

And let them learn that if they simply put their hands, minds and
imaginations upon a stone, they too can become sculptors of note someday
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Independent (UK)
UN brings food aid to cities as Zimbabwe's plight worsens
06 April 2003

By Basildon Peta, Southern Africa Correspondent

The United Nations has started two pilot projects to distribute relief food
in urban areas in Zimbabwe as shortages continue to worsen. Even people in
cities and towns who have the money to pay for food cannot find supplies.

The UN's World Food Programme (WFP) has been distributing food for some time
in rural areas, which have suffered worst from drought and economic collapse
under President Robert Mugabe's regime, but its decision to start giving aid
in the urban areas is unprecedented.

The humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe is continuing to deteriorate, said
Judith Lewis, the WFP's regional director for southern Africa and regional
co-ordinator for UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's special envoy on
humanitarian crises. Some people were even approaching UN storage centres
and offering money or possessions in exchange for relief food.

Asked why the UN had to spread its operations to cities and towns, where
many people still have jobs, she said: "The issue is access to food. What we
are seeing now is less and less food available, even to people who still
have resources. That is a sign of vulnerability. If people are starting to
suffer because they don't have access to food, we must look to that. We want
to help people who need assistance, not because they have a label one way or
the other."

The government has been accused of using food as a political weapon in the
rural areas, where aid has been denied to people unable to produce a
membership card of the ruling Zanu-PF party. Whole districts known to
support the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) have been
deprived of food. Ms Lewis said the UN had adopted a "zero tolerance policy"
and had stopped food distribution in 12 places where there had been
interference by government agents.

But Urban Johnson, Unicef's regional director for southern and eastern
Africa, said malnutrition among young children was accelerating fastest in
Harare and Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's two largest cities.

The plight of those like Tim Chikwate, a security guard who earns £12 a
month, illustrates why the WFP is moving into the urban areas. "From my
salary I can only buy a 10kg bag of maize meal - if I ever find it on the
black market," he said. "That leaves me with nothing to buy any other food,
and I walk more than 18 miles to and from work every day. It's unbearable."

Emmanuel Muchagonei works in a financial institution. He holds a degree in
economics but wants to leave Zimbabwe to work in another country. "I have
given up dreaming of a decent flat in town or owning even a battered car. My
salary can't buy anything," said Mr Muchagonei, who lives in the slum
township of Highfield. Inflation in Zimbabwe has soared to 230 per cent and
the supermarket shelves continue to empty.

Ms Lewis said the government "needs to have a plan", especially for the
black farmers settled on land seized from whites, many of whom now have to
be fed by the UN. But instead of focusing on the food crisis, say Mr
Mugabe's critics, the President has launched a crackdown against opponents
while the world's attention is focused on Iraq.

More than 1,000 people have been arrested since the MDC organised a protest
against his rule two weeks ago. Last week the President ordered his police
to "shoot and kill" anyone who entered his official residence, amid threats
that protesters would march to his house to demand his resignation.

The MDC's deputy head, Gibson Sibanda, has spent a week in jail and will
remain there this weekend on charges of treason for helping organise the
anti-Mugabe protest.
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African Famine To Last For Decades

CHIBOMBO, Zambia, April 5, 2003

 Some 38 million Africans are threatened by starvation this year from a food
crisis that relief workers predict could last for generations because of

Relief workers say the devastation from AIDS is combining with the effects
of poverty, war, bad governance, corruption and erratic weather to cripple
the ability of societies in sub-Saharan Africa to recover from famine.

"The stark message is this crisis is not going to go away. We will have a
perpetual crisis," said Brenda Barton, the World Food Program spokeswoman in
Nairobi, Kenya.

"We are seeing a redefinition of famine, of humanitarian crises as we know
them," she said.

Within the United Nations that new definition is known as "new variant
famine." It means that despite the best efforts of aid groups and donors,
population losses to AIDS are wrecking agriculture, economies and health

Some 29 million people in sub-Saharan Africa are infected with HIV, about 70
percent of the world's total. Overall, 9 percent of adults in the region of
633 million people are infected, but the rate ranges up to nearly 40 percent
in some places. In those countries life expectancy has already fallen into
the 30s because of the growing pandemic.

In less than 20 years, the United Nations says, AIDS has killed more than 8
million farmworkers in Africa. It has killed the breadwinner in millions of
families, devastated poor rural villages, orphaned 4.2 million children.

"It is driving another stake into the heart of the poor. How do you recover
when no one is alive to plant the food?" said Barton.

"What you are seeing is the humbling of society," she added. "We have not
seen the peak of the HIV statistics. We have not seen the worst of it."

In fertile fields around Chimbombo, 90 kilometers (55 miles) north of
Lusaka, Zambia's capital, a U.S.-government sponsored aid group, the
Cooperative League of the U.S.A., teaches subsistence farmers techniques for
dealing with drought and increasing crop yields.

Behind one ramshackle house a small boy hacks at the reluctant earth with a
long-handled hoe. His mother, Freda Sichalwe, walks through tall, uneven
rows of healthy corn. She says the new methods have increased the yield from
her small plot fivefold. After the harvest, she will no longer need food aid
for her family of six and will also have some corn to sell.

Kinston Munkonze, of the Cooperative League, said 500 of the farmers he
works with around Chimbombo have shown similar gains. The other 300 have at
least doubled their crops, he said.

All over Africa, humanitarian groups work tirelessly to use food aid to pay
for agricultural improvements and maintain farm families while they learn
new techniques. They also try to introduce new drought-resistent crops in
some places, lower trade barriers and improve market conditions.

Despite limited successes, relief efforts are like spitting in the wind,
said Renny Nancholas, the Southern Africa food security coordinator for the
International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent societies.

"No one organization is ever going to dent such a huge crisis," Nancholas
said. "It is really getting out of control."

Brenda Cupper, the program director for the aid group CARE in Zambia,
agreed. "We need a unified strategy and we don't have one," she said.

Donor response to the current food crisis has been adequate so far, but aid
workers worry that the war in Iraq and humanitarian needs elsewhere may cut
into the help coming to Africa.

"We have prevented a catastrophe, but the crisis is far from over," said

With this crisis, aid groups find they must feed increasing numbers of
people in major urban centers who simply can't afford to buy food.

The United Nations says 300 million people in Africa - 51 percent of the
sub-Saharan population - struggle to live on less than a dollar a day. The
World Bank estimates the number could rise to 345 million by 2015.

Africa is the poorest continent, the only one to have declined since 1960.
Bad governance and widespread corruption have contributed to the fall and to
the lasting hunger crisis.

In Zimbabwe, for example, aid workers say the government has devastated
agriculture by seizing commercial farms in a hasty and violent land reform
program. Fertile land now lies fallow, and a country that was a regional
breadbasket now has 7 million people in danger of starvation.

Aid workers and Western diplomats say about 200,000 metric tons of
government food aid to Zimbabwe is unaccounted for, an amount roughly equal
to what the World Food Program delivered to feed 4 million people in

The missing food probably was diverted to the black market, they say. There,
a sack of corn meal, the staple food, sells for 10 times the official price.

Diplomats and aid workers also say a third of government-produced fertilizer
has been sold illegally in neighboring countries.

In Malawi, the government sold off its food reserves in 2001, at a time when
the United Nations said food shortages were becoming apparent. The
International Monetary Fund says official corruption cost Angola more than
the value of its international aid requests.

But the single biggest factor in the persistent hunger is the AIDS pandemic,
said Richard Ragan, the World Food Program's country director in Zambia.

"It permeates everything you do in this part of the world," he said.

Ragan said AIDS lowers production, increases poverty and inhibits the
ability of agencies to react to crises.

As an example, he noted the World Food Program had trained 40 African road
engineers to look at roads and help plan the distribution of food aid. "Only
four of them are still alive," he said.

To conquer hunger, the United Nations and African governments must wage an
all-out, coordinated campaign against AIDS, Ragan said.

"If they don't, it is going to decimate the entire continent," he said.

© MMIII The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be
published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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