The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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How Did Mugabe Win Re-Election?

The man who knows the secrets of Mugabe's re-election is Tobaiwa Mudede,
Registrar-General, the outspokenly pro-Mugabe official who runs all
's elections. More than a month before the election Mudede told a
the International School in Harare that he could imagine no
which he would declare anyone other than Mugabe the election winner.
Pictures in the state-run Herald of how the results were announced are
almost beyond parody. In the centre sits Obriel Mpofu, who announced the
results on TV, flanked by Mudede and a series of other Mugabe loyalists,
including the Police Commissioner, Augustine Chihuri, in full uniform.
are not only the men who know the secrets of the results but also the
who, in large part, manufactured them.

A great deal of the mystery of Zimbabwean elections resides in the
register. Although the law says that the public have the right to
the register at will, in practise Mudede keeps it a tight secret. It
the Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (Zimcet) no less than four court
to finally get Mudede allow them to see a copy - making them the first
citizens ever to see the document - and despite three further court
requiring him to show them the supplementary voters' roll, he has to
to comply with that request.

The register Zimcet saw of 5.2 million voters was supposed to be closed.
However, in the remaining two months Zanu-PF rushed out and illegally
registered 400,000 extra voters in rural areas, all of whom Mudede added
his final roll which came out at 5,612,272 voters. The MDC made urgent
application to the Supreme Court that this clandestinely compiled
supplementary roll not be used but Mugabe's handpicked Chief Justice
Chidyausiku declined to make a ruling on this application - and, indeed,
yet to do so.

It is child's play to show that this voters' roll of 5.6 million is
nonsense. The inter-censal survey of 1997 suggests that there are only
million Zimbabweans and market research organisations such as Probe
Research (a Gallup subsidiary) still use that figure today: while the
rate is high there is also a calamitous Aids death rate and many
leave to seek work in South Africa. With an average family size of six
children, over 50% of Zimbabweans are under 15 and 60% are under 18.
leaves only 4.8 million adults of voting age. Probe's research shows
the maximum who have ever registered to vote is 80%, suggesting that the
maximum number of names on the roll should be 3,840,000. Thus around 1.8
million of the people on Mudede's roll do not really exist - thus
him and Zanu-PF with a vast reservoir of fictional voters who can be
"mobilised" at will when the going gets tough.

Zimcet's audit of the roll - carried out for them by Probe on a
representative national sample - reveals that only 50% of the names on
roll actually live at the addresses given and are thus entitled to vote
their constituency. Generously assuming that a further 10% have moved
stayed within the same constituency, Zimcet came up with the figure of
a maximum of 2,304,600 being legally able to vote (ie 60% of 3,840,000).
Even if one then assumes a voter turnout of 75%, this means that the
of votes cast could not exceed 1,728,450. Let us, however, be generous
assume that the total population is 12.5 million, that the over-18
population is thus 5 million, that the maximum number on the roll is
million. With only 60% of them then being found in their right
constituencies there would then be 2.4 million legally entitled voters
which, on a 75% turnout, comes to 1.8 million votes actually cast. Even
one bumps this figure up a little to allow for army/police/other public
servants allowed a postal vote out of their constituency it is difficult
see how one gets to 1.9 million votes cast. In addition, however, let us
assume - generously - that as many as 200,000 voters now living outside
their constituencies travel back there in order to vote. This would
total votes cast to 2.1 million.

In practise, though, the number was bound to be very much lower because
the strenuous attempts made by the Mugabe government to strike
voters off the roll. First, anyone with any claim to a foreign passport
(often even if they had renounced such a claim) was struck off,
even Sir Garfield Todd, a citizen of 67 years' standing. Then the
Zimbabweans abroad were disenfranchised and many scores of thousands of
workers were driven off their farms and out of the constituencies in
they were registered. And, most notoriously of all, the government went
elaborate lengths to depress turnout in the opposition's urban bastions,
reducing the number of polling stations to the point where it would have
taken Harare citizens nine whole days to vote if they had all tried to.
made certain that turnout was far less than 75%. Indeed, in the biggest
province - Harare - turnout was under 50%, by express design.

According to Mudede the results were as follows:

Registered voters:  5,612,272
Total votes cast:     3,048,752
Mugabe                  1,688,939
Tsvangirai              1,254,930
Kumbele                     31,179
Maya                           12,376
Siwela                         12,169
Spoilt                          49,156

(Oddly, the totals in the second column come to 3,048,749 - leaving 3
In fact these numbers are quite impossible.  Fraud is not only patent
clearly took place on an overwhelming scale.   The key was the fact that
MDC were unable to monitor 52% of polling stations and 9/120 counting
stations. The name of the game was stuffed ballot boxes. But it was
perfectly clear, even by March 10, what was going on - with huge
being recorded for Mashonaland villages in which observers saw almost no
queueing to vote at all. The Economist (March 16, p.29) records some of
absurdities this produced with villages of 300 producing turnouts of
and so on. But it is important to start from the global situation set

Even if one takes the higher population estimate any figure of over 1.9
million voters is suspect and any figure above 2.1 million is a
fraud. In fact, according to Mudede no less than 3,048,752 people voted.
implication is that somewhere between and 900,000 to 1.1 million votes
manufactured. It's not difficult to see how. According to Zimcet 27% of
names on the register were either dead, abroad or no one at all knew
they were. It's quite possible that Mudede has just been leaving dead
's names on the list for years and years past. In addition, of course,
numbers more are now living out of their constituencies so if someone
in their name in their constituency this can only be because they have
travelled the necessary distance to do so - or by fraud.

One begins to understand why Mudede has been so reluctant to allow
inspect the roll, indeed why he has defied repeated court orders
him to do so, and why he has also turned down generous offers from
donors to help carry out  a comprehensive re-organisation and
of the roll. As it is the roll is a shambles - Zimcet found that only
the population actually appeared on the roll in the constituency in
they said they had registered - but it has been an extremely useful
for Zanu-PF. One result of the work Zimcet and I have done to date is to
make one realise that the official turnout given for the 2000
elections of 2,490,496 is also way too high. In those elections the MDC
trailed with 47.1% to Zanu-PF's 48.3% - on the official figures.  In
putting together the Zimcet figures with the fact that in two separate
surveys which I carried out on the 2000 elections the figure for turnout
varied between 69% and 71%  - which one may standardise at 70%. Assuming
that the higher figure of 2.4 million were legally entitled to vote, one
calculate that the right number of votes cast should have been 1,680,000
plus, again, 100,000 postal votes from public servants plus 200,000 more
travelling back to their home constituencies to vote - giving 1,980,000
votes as a maximum.

The implication is that the MDC would really have won the June 2000
elections handily but for a minimum of 510,000 manufactured votes. If we
assume that all these votes were Zanu-PF votes and that the figures for
Others (115,000) and MDC (1,172,000) were genuine, one may recalculate
figures. On that assumption we find that the MDC would have won 59.2% of
vote to Zanu-PF's 35% and Others 5.8%,  a landslide which would have
Mugabe of a parliamentary majority - and thus control of the
government -
two years ago. Thus massive electoral fraud is not new in Zimbabwe:
it Mugabe would have been out of power some time ago.

We are now in a position to understand the even greater fraud
last week. The first element was, of course, terror. In 2000 we found in
separate surveys that 13% of voters admitted that they had voted against
"the party I really preferred" because of intimidation. We suspect that
real number was greater, not only because 31% of voters said they knew
people who had voted in this fashion but because it is rather
humiliating -
and perhaps unsafe - for voters to own up to having been  successfully
bullied. Be that as it may, the scale of terror in 2002 was vastly
than in 2000. The number of voters forced to vote against their
by direct physical threat must have been at least 13% again - and was
probably far more. Throughout the province of Mashonaland West men were
noticed sitting in polling stations taking the names of those who voted
in what order, a clearly intimidatory device for villagers had been told
would then be possible to divine how each of them had voted - and woe
those had cast a ballot against Mugabe.

Second, there were the deliberate disenfranchisements noted above - and
third the forcible way in which police and army personnel were made to
postal ballots for Mugabe under the eyes of the authorities: angry
from policemen made to vote thus against their will are now appearing
pseudonymously in the independent press here.
  Fourth, there was the deliberate ruses used to prevent voters in Harare
from being able to cast their ballots - the insistence, against court
rulings, on having council and mayoral elections on the same day in the
capital so that voting would take three times longer; the illegal
polling stations for many hours, also in the face of court rulings; the
deliberately slow handling of voters by officials within the stations
sometimes slowed throughput to as little as 20 voters an hour; the use
police to harass and tear-gas voting queues and of Zanu-PF youths to
into the queues, creating disturbances and frightening the timid away
when they had voted, to stand in the queues again in order to lengthen
and then the arrest of people in particularly long queues for
vote twice".

But most of all there was ballot stuffing. As one examines the results
can see that this must have gone on quite generally. In the MDC
of Harare, Bulawayo and the two Matebeleland provinces not only was
down but, in the last two months when 400,000 names were clandestinely
to the rolls, the numbers registered in these four provinces either
stagnated or actually fell - an astonishing outcome. Across the country
monitors were abducted, arrested, assaulted or chased away from 52% of
polling stations, according to their candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai - thus
creating the possibility for the police to ship in extra ballot boxes
of Mugabe votes, doubtless prepared well in advance. Given that the
officials in charge of polling stations were arm y, police, civil
or war vets all hand-picked for their pro-government loyalties, the
insertion of these boxes would not have been difficult. Then, in nine of
120 counting stations the MDC agents watching the account were jailed,
assaulted or driven away. In all nine cases there were large and
unaccountable increases in turnout - with over 60,000 extra votes cast
the doubtless already inflated totals for 2000 - massively in favour of

Only the addition of these extra boxes of Mugabe votes can account for
fact that turnout soared in all the safest Zanu-PF areas even though
observers on the ground found almost no one voting there  on the second
and generally predicted a very low turnout there. Thus compared to
in 2000 (an already inflated figure) turnout rose by 82,000, 80,000 and
60,000 in the three Mashonaland provinces, by 96,000 in Masvingo, 90,000
Manicaland and 78,000 in Midlands - while in the MDC areas it rose
actually fell. What is particularly striking was the ability of the
government to achieve politically convenient results in particular
Thus Manicaland had swung clearly to the MDC in 2000, much to Mugabe's
and Zanu-PF was determined to get it back. Yet in 2002 Eddison Zvobgo,
Zanu-PF boss of Manicaland almost openly sided with Tsvangirai, making
hopelessly lost cause for Mugabe. Yet somehow the votes piled up so
that Mugabe came out just 3,000 ahead in Manicaland and thus able to
triumph there. Similarly, Jonathan Moyo, Mugabe's Information Minister,
been humiliatingly beaten by more than 2:1 in Tsholotsho in 2000 - it
one of the safest MDC seats in the country. Thus it was of great
importance for Moyo that Mugabe should win Tsholotsho this time - and
miraculously, he did, by just 0.5%.on a swing suspiciously four times
than the national average. Similarly, it was of symbolic importance for
Mugabe that he win his birthplace of Zvimba by a particularly large
margin -
and so he did, so much so that in Zvimba South (a tiny village) more
were cast than in large town like Kwekwe in the Midlands - a complete
absurdity. In the constituency of Mudzi Mugabe excelled himself by
the miracle of a 100% turnout. But the beauty of Mudede's voters' roll
that there are so many dead or non-existent people on it that there is
room for ballot-stuffing without such suspicious results really being
necessary at all.

As we have seen the number of manufactured votes in 2002 was somewhere
between 900,000 and 1.1 million. It must have been the work of many
to get this many ballots filled in, ballot boxes sealed etc - that is,
fraud must have been devised and carried out a long time back. This
of course, explain Mugabe and Zanu-PF's air of blithe confidence in a
campaign which on any normal basis they should have expected to lose.
would, at the least, have expected to see Mugabe wear an air of frantic
worry. We now see why he was so serene. In fact, it seems certain that
despite the effects of terror and intimidation that he did actually lose
election quite heavily. For one must assume that the 900,000 - 1.1
manufactured votes were all cast for him and his winning margin was
434,009. Even if we take the lower number of 900,000 stuffed ballots
would appear that Tsvangirai actually won the election by 466,000
votes -
that is, Mugabe's correct total should have been just under 790,000.

The extraordinary thing is that only the Norwegian observers seem to
spent any time considering the defects of the register. Most of the
observers were so concerned to find the elections free and fair that
actually delivered their verdicts before the results containing these
extraordinary anomalies were even declared. In the extreme case of the
African observers, who had arrived with strict instructions to
Comrade Mugabe's victory, almost all the observers had returned home
before the results came out.

RW Johnson
19 March 2002

RW Johnson has carried out six opinion surveys in Zimbabwe. An Emeritus
Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, he has taught political science at
universities of East Anglia, Oxford, the Sorbonne (Paris), Natal and
Town. Formerly director of the Helen Suzman Foundation, he is the author
six books and many articles in academic journals and the international

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Police block civic protests in Zimbabwe

Police in Zimbabwe are blockading towns to stop disputes by civic groups.

Demonstrations have been called at strategic locations across the country in protest at the recent presidential elections.

Small groups of protestors have been stopped from reaching the planned site of a march through downtown Harare.

Police manned roadblocks have sealed off the central square and riot police have been posted on pavements, street corners and at bus and car parks.

Douglas Mwonzora, a spokesman for the organisers says there are no immediate reports of arrests of demonstrators.

He says police blockades have also prevented protesters gathering in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second largest city, and the provincial towns of Mutare and Gweru.

Authorities have banned the protests under security laws but organisers in the National Constitutional Assembly have vowed to defy the ban.

Meanwhile, witnesses in Harare say Edwina Spicer, a television journalist, has been arrested, while apparently filming police deployments.

Spicer, accompanied by her husband, is now being questioned, according to Pat Lewin, the couple's lawyer.

Police officials were not available for comment on the arrests.

Story filed: 12:25 Saturday 6th April 2002

Zimbabwe police chase protesters

April 6, 2002 Posted: 5:44 AM EST (1044 GMT)

Opposition has dismissed Mugabe's reelection as fraudulent Opposition has dismissed Mugabe's reelection as fraudulent

HARARE, Zimbabwe (Reuters) -- Zimbabwean police chased over 100 protesters through the streets of Harare on Saturday in an attempt to break up a banned demonstration demanding a new constitution.

Zimbabwe introduced tough new security laws this year banning public protests and gatherings without police approval. Penalties range from fines to a year in prison.

The demonstration by the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) comes two days after 350 of its members were arrested for holding an unauthorised meeting.

The NCA wants a new constitution to replace laws that critics say President Robert Mugabe has used to entrench his rule.

Police had banned the demonstration because they said the political situation in Zimbabwe was not conducive to protests.

They accused the NCA of trying to "impose its constitution on the government."

The protest got off to a slow start as riot police broke up small gatherings, but by mid-morning a sizeable crowd of chanting and shouting protesters had gathered for the march.

"Police keep breaking us up and we will try to regroup again and march towards Unity Square (near parliament)," NCA chairman Lovemore Madhuku told Reuters.

Election criticised

The NCA, a coalition of student and church groups, political parties and human rights organisations, says deeply rooted flaws in the current constitution make it impossible to hold free and fair elections in Zimbabwe.

Mugabe was re-elected for a further six-year term last month following an election which Western countries and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) condemned as fraudulent.

The NCA denies government and police charges that it is pursuing a political agenda in favour of the MDC.

In February, dozens of riot police armed with batons and guns broke up an NCA-organised protest against the government's refusal to adopt a new national supreme law.

In 2000, the NCA was instrumental in the rejection by the majority of Zimbabweans of a proposed new constitution crafted by a government-appointed commission, which critics said left Mugabe's overwhelming presidential powers intact.

Mugabe has amended the constitution 16 times since assuming power at independence in 1980 in what are seen as attempts to tighten his grip on power.

Yahoo News

Zimbabwe police crack down on protesters
By Stella Mapenzauswa and Lucia Mutikani

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwean police chased protesters demanding a new
constitution through the streets of Harare today and arrested 20 of them,
according to organisers of the banned march.

An official for the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) said on Saturday
the group's chairman, Lovemore Madhuku, was among the 20 and that 19 other
people were arrested in protests elsewhere.

They were the country's first major demonstrations since President Robert
Mugabe was re-elected last month in a poll Western countries and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) condemned as fraudulent.

Eyewitnesses said some protesters were beaten as riot police swarmed on a
group trying to join the demonstration. Police were not immediately
available for comment.

Zimbabwe introduced tough new security laws this year banning public
protests and gatherings without police approval. Penalties range from fines
to a year in prison.

A further 19 people, including a senior NCA official, were arrested in
similar protests around the country.

"In Mutare, seven people were arrested, and 11 in Bulawayo," the official

The NCA, a coalition of student and church groups, political parties and
human rights organisations, wants a new constitution to replace laws critics
say entrench Mugabe's rule.

They say deeply rooted flaws in the current constitution make it impossible
to hold free and fair elections in Zimbabwe, including the March 9-11
election and, after Mugabe's victory, vowed to continue protests until the
constitution was changed.

The protests came two days after some 350 female NCA members were arrested
for holding an unauthorised meeting.

The women began arriving at Harare magistrate's court on Saturday after the
High Court ruled they must be brought before the courts by 2 p.m. (1200 GMT)
or be released.

Mugabe has amended the constitution 16 times since assuming power at
independence from Britain in 1980, in what are seen as attempts to tighten
his grip on power.

On Friday, he ruled out rerunning the election, as demanded by MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, and warned he would not brook any challenge to his

Nigerian and South African envoys met Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party and the
MDC last week to map out an agenda for talks between the two rivals.

But Tsvangirai, who calls Mugabe's victory daylight robbery, has said he
will discuss nothing but fresh elections.

The Commonwealth suspended Zimbabwe for a year on March 19 after its
election observers accused Mugabe of electoral fraud.

The government dismisses the fraud accusations, saying they are being pushed
by Western powers who want to see Mugabe ousted because he is seizing
white-owned farms for landless blacks.

Zimbabwe is reeling from its worst economic and political crisis since
independence in 1980, blamed on the land seizure and Mugabe's economic
policies. Analysts warn more protests could be on the cards if he fails to
revive the economy.

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Article copied from Mirror Independent Newspaper in Masvingo, 5 April 2002.


Ngundu: - Shuvai Mahofa, the Deputy Minister for Youth, Gender, Employment Creation and Development, and Gutu South MO, has threatened MDC supporters with retribution if they continue to support the opposition party. Mahofa made the remarks at a victory to celebrate the re-election of President Robert Mugabe, which was co-ordinated by the Cross Border Traders Association at the Ngundu Halt Business Centre over the weekend.


"Our youths should be on the lookout for people who support MDC and you should be reminded from now onwards in Ngundu that no MDC T-shirt should be worn publicly," warned Mahofa.

She said any person who supported MDC should be beaten thoroughly and deprived of maize.


"Zanu PF will not continue to sell maize to MDC supporters because they oppose us. They gave us a torrid time during the election and anyone who continues to support MDC should be beaten," said Mahofa.

Mahofa left her audience shell-shocked when she started to use obscene language to demonise the MDC.


She threatened chiefs who support the MDC that their chieftainship would be revoked because the government would not tolerate such insubordination.

"We want to warn chiefs that we will not tolerate you if you are aligned to the MDC," she said.


Mahofa was recently involved in a bitter wrangle over the death of war veteran Amos Museva. The relatives and friends of Museva dumped the body at Mahofa’s homestead, demanding $2million and 40 head of cattle, or $4million.

Museva died after he was attacked over a farmhouse dispute with Mahofa’s daughter. The war vet’s body was buried only three weeks later, following the intervention of Mahofa’ relative, Vice President Simon Muzenda.


Mahofa also reiterated at the victory celebration that civil servants who supported opposition parties would be fired.

People at Ngundu were still shocked after the rally about the statements made by Mahofa. " A senior, mature politician like Mahofa should not be seen to be promoting retribution. It was an irresponsible and derogatory speech," said a resident who refused to be named in case of victimisation.

Killa Zivhu, the general director of the Cross Border Traders Association, said since Zanu PF had won the elections, its members should start fulfilling their promises.

Starting next week, Government will be distributing $150million countrywide to help Cross Border Traders Association (an arm of Zanu PF).

CBTA held 120 rallies around the country to campaign for Mugabe, the Zanu PF candidate. - ZC

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No support from the ANC for MDC ........... and no mention of Nelson Mandela who has demounced Mugabe's policies........


Issued by African National Congress - KwaZulu Natal

23 March 2002

Viva President Thabo Mbeki, Viva!
Viva ANC, Viva!
Viva SACP, Viva!
Viva Cosatu, Viva!
Viva Sanco, Viva!
Viva ANC Women's League, Viva!
Viva ANC Youth League, Viva!

The Chairperson,
Members of the ANC National Executive Committee;
Representatives of the South African Communist Party;
Representatives of the Congress of South African Trade Unions;
Representatives of Sanco;
Members of the ANC Women's League;
The Young Lions;
Former Commanders, Commissars, Men and Women of our People's Army, Umkhonto We Sizwe;
Comrade Veterans;
Minister of Land and Agricultural Affairs, Minister Thoko Msane Didiza,
The Premier, N. J. Mahlangu,
MECs, Members of the Legislature, Members of the National Assembly and Councillors.
Dear Delegates.

The eyes of the nation are focused on this Provincial Conference. Comrade President Thabo Mbeki, the ANC National Executive Committee, the entire membership and supporters of our revolutionary organisation, the ANC, expect only one result from this Conference - maximum unity of purpose and a hundred-fold increase in the combative capacity of our organisation. We cannot but ensure that we come out of this Conference more united and more combat ready than ever before.

Our enemies wish us the very opposite. They have spent sleepless nights plotting our undoing. They hope that we will come out of this Conference divided into thousand splinter groups and at each others' throats. They hope we will come out of this Conference having renounced our very being - a being of being revolutionaries. But they shall fail because Oliver Oliver Tambo, Chief Albert Luthuli, Gert Ntsibande, J.B. Marks, Moses Kotane, Moses Mabhida, Alfred Nzo, Joe Modise, Lilian Ngoyi, Florence Mposho, Dorothy Nyembe, Chris Hani, Joe Gqabi, Cassius Maake and Comrade Mashego Morodi taught us to be revolutionaries, to defend the unity of the ANC even with our own lives. We cannot but follow the instructions of these great men and women.

The Mpumalanga province has always occupied a strategic point in our struggle. It was from this province, in Bethal, that the Lion of the East, Gert Ntsibande, roared in the 1950s. It was through this province that the Luthuli highway of soldiers of Umkhonto We Sizwe to the then Transvaal and Natal passed. It is in this province where the mortal remains of most of our fallen soldiers lie strewn in unmarked graves. Mpumalanga is a frontline province both literally and figuratively.

The enemies of freedom, having recognised the strategic importance of this province, practised and perfected their strategy to weaken and frustrate our revolutionary advance in this province and throughout the country. Mpumalanga became a testing ground for all counter-revolutionary strategies and tactics.

Having achieved a strategic victory in 1994, nevertheless the enemy did not accept its defeat lying down. Now and again it carries out counter-offensive attacks against us using the counter-revolutionary network it has built over decades, especially in this frontline province. It is still able to sow the seeds of despair, mistrust and suspicion. We are fighting an enemy that fights back. When it scores victories it usually does so out of its own strength and not because of our weaknesses.

But on the whole, the enemy is on a retreat. We must cut out its retreating routes and turn its retreat into a complete rout. To the battle, Comrades!

We can only be equal to our tasks if we close our ranks as never before. Unity in action means the very survival of the ANC and our revolution. We shall not allow any space for rumour-mongerers; people who sneek in the death of the night to character assassinate our leadership; populists and careerists who feed on the basest instincts among our people such as tribalism, regionalism, backwardness and ignorance. We shall seek and isolate those who ride on the wave of cheap populism.

Dear Comrade Delegates,

The National Executive Committee has full confidence in you. Over years the National Executive Committee has sought to strengthen the ANC leadership in this province through various interventions. Senior comrades have been deployed in this province. A series of meetings have been held to try and resolve problems among comrades. Strategic changes have been made in our caucuses. Comrades from the National assembly have been deployed into the province and vice versa. Intense political work is being carried out in our structures. Vital time, money and personnel have been deployed into the province.

As a result of all these efforts, the ANC remains the premier organisation in all spheres of life in the province. In the 1999 general elections, the voters returned us even with a greater majority. The prophets of doom and gloom were confounded. We are in full control of the three District Councils.

There were those among us who having thought that they were more popular than the ANC, stood as independent councillors. They behaved like a donkey that carried Jesus Christ to Jerusalem and mistook the popularity of Jesus Christ for its own. It was surprised when it came the second time to Jerusalem without Jesus Christ and was stoned by the very crowds that had cheered Jesus Christ. These independent councillors had decided to be independent of the people and of the ANC and met the wrath of our people. All the wards they contested were won by the ANC candidates.

The revolutionary culture of the ANC is finding its way back into our ranks. Ideological coherence is taking shape. We have approached the re-alignment process not simply as a technical process but it has been informed and superceded by our all-round political and ideological work. We shall continue along this path as we negotiate all the obstacles lying ahead of us. It does not mean that the leadership you elected was faultless.

The intervention of the national leadership was not aimed at destroying any member of the ANC. Yet it was aimed at defending the best interests of the ANC, our people and our revolution.

Comrade Delegates,

You will note that the intervention of the NEC did not lead to the disbandment of elected structures in the province as it was the case in the Free State, Gauteng and the Limpopo provinces. This is not an indication that there were lesser problems in your province than in the other three provinces. But it is an indication that the NEC has full confidence, that you dear comrades, have got the capacity to keep the movement intact; to keep the movement moving forward. You dare not fail President Thabo Mbeki. You dare not fail the national leadership. You dare not fail our people. You dare not fail our revolution.

It does mean that we must continue to exercise maximum vigilance against those who may still be lurking in the dark ready to cut the jugular vein of our organisation by engaging in lies, slander, spreading of rumours, misinformation and disinformation about genuine comrades and leadership. Our document, Through the eyes of a needle says; "Some will try to subvert the ANC from within. Because they know they cannot defeat the ANC frontally, they will try to create an ANC that serves their interests."

Of course, we must also be careful of those who will create the atmosphere of paranoia to stifle open and constructive debate in our structures. We believe in democratic centralism. We believe in centralism which is democratically centralised.

Dear Comrade Delegates,

Part of the tasks you are going to performance during this Conference is to elect a leadership core that will lead us in the battles that lie ahead. In our document, Through the eye of a needle, we describe the broad requirements of the leadership as follows:

1. "As a revolutionary organisation, the ANC needs revolutionary cadres and leaders. It should put in place leadership collectives that satisfy the character of the ANC as a revolutionary democratic movement, a non-racial and non-sexist revolutionary movement, a broad national democratic movement, a mass movement and a leader of the democratic forces.

2. An ANC leader should understand ANC policy and be able to apply it under all conditions in which she finds herself. This includes an appreciation, from the NDR standpoint, of the country and the world we live in, of the balance of forces, and of how continually to change this balance in favour of the motive forces of change.

3. A leader should constantly seek to improve his capacity to serve the people; he should strive to be in touch with the people all the time, listen to their views and learn from them. He should be accessible and flexible; and not arrogate to himself the status of being the source of all wisdom.

4. A leader should win the confidence of the people in her day-to-day work. Where the situation demands, she should be firm; and have the courage to explain and seek to convince others of the correctness of decisions taken by constitutional structures even if such decisions are unpopular. She should not seek to gain cheap popularity by avoiding difficult issues, making false promises or merely pandering to popular sentiments.

5. A leader should lead by example. He should be above reproach in his political and social conduct - as defined by our revolutionary morality. Through force of example, he should act as a role model to ANC members and non-members alike. Leading a life that reflects commitment to the strategic goals of the NDR includes not only being free of corrupt practices; it also means actively fighting against corruption.

6. There are no ready-made leaders. Leaders evolve out of battles for social transformation. In these battles, cadres will stumble and some will fall. But the abiding quality of leadership is to learn from mistakes, to appreciate one weaknesses and correct them.

7. A leader should seek to influence and be influenced by others in the collective. He should have the conviction to state his views boldly and openly within constitutional structures of the movement; and - without being disrespectful - not to cower before those in more senior positions in pursuit of patronage, not to rely on cliques to maintain one's position.

8. An individual with qualities of leadership does not seek to gain popularity by undermining those in position of responsibility. Where such a member has a view on how to improve things or correct mistakes, she should state those views in constitutional structures and seek to win others to her own thinking. She should assist the movement as a whole to improve its work, and not stand aside to claim perfection out of inactivity.

9. The struggle for social transformation is a complex undertaking in which at times, personal interests will conflict the organisational interest. From time to time, conflict will manifest itself between and among members and leaders. The ultimate test of leadership includes:-

9.1 striving for convergence between personal interests - material, status and otherwise - and the collective interest.

9.2 handling conflict in the course of ANC work by understanding its true origins and seeking to resolve it in the context of struggle and in the interest of the ANC.

9.3 The ability to inspire people in good times and bad; to reinforce members' and society's confidence in the ANC and transformation; and

9.4 Winning genuine acceptance by the membership, not through suppression, threats or patronage, but by being principled, firm, humble and considerate."

In selecting leadership core we should also take into account the nine strategic tasks we identified at the ANC National General Council in Port Elizabeth. These are:-

1. The progressive replacement of the apartheid state by a democratic state.

2. The commitment of the democratic state to reconstruction and development.

3. A better life for all.

4. The mobilisation of the masses of the people to govern themselves in the context of the objective "the people shall govern".

5. Social partnership for development and transformation.

6. Economic transformation.

7. The progress of the region of souther Africa.

8. The African Renaissance.

9. The unity of the poor of the world, for peace, democracy and democracy - South/South cooperation.

Dear Comrade Delegates,

We have dealt in greater detail about the selection of the leadership core for obvious reasons. We know there has been a lot of canvassing for all the candidates. Lists have been drawn up. Constitutional structures have given you certain mandates. I am not encouraging you to forget about those mandates. But the ANC is not a federal organisation. Candidates to this conference can influence and be influenced by others. When you go to the ballot box, while taking into account the mandate from your constitutional structure, you are not forced to follow the list. Make your cross in the best interest of the ANC according to the requirements of leadership and the strategic tasks facing the ANC.

The fate of the ANC in this province is in your hands. That is why we must pay special attention to the credentials. Delegates that are here should be delegates mandated by constitutional structures of the movement, especially ANC branches.

Dear Comrades,

We are meeting here when the Western powers are geared towards rolling back the frontiers of liberation in southern Africa. They want to impose presidents of their choice in our region. Zimbabwe is only a strategic hill. The objective is South Africa. The gross interference into the internal affairs of Zimbabwe by Western powers is a dress rehearsal for South Africa. Their strategy is to weaken as much as it is possible governments and parties of the former national liberation movement in southern Africa.

Literally thousands of people in SA were massacred through apartheid state sponsored political violence between 1990 and 1994. Two months before the 1994 general elections, more than a thousand people were killed and yet the elections were deemed substantially free and fair. Of course, those thousands of people who were killed were all Africans. It did not matter to the Western powers.

The difference in Zimbabwe is that even though there were far fewer deaths during the build up to the Presidential election, about eight of those who died were whites.

We condemn an attitude that says elections shall be deemed free and fair only if the result accords to the interests of Western powers. The Western powers must not be allowed to impose Morgan "Six pence" Tsvangiraison on the people of Zimbabwe.

Unity within our ranks, unity within the Tripartite Alliance and all the progressive forces in South Africa, southern Africa, Africa and the world is a cornerstone upon which we will defend and expand our revolutionary gains. To the Battle Comrades!

Viva ANC, Viva!
Viva President Thabo Mbeki, Viva!
Wathinta, Abafazi!

Contact number: 082 8081984.

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The Times - Letter

April 06, 2002

Zimbabwe reaction
From Mr Andrew Hall

Sir, Sue Shaw (letter, March 27) says that the West reacted to the crisis in
Zimbabwe only when white farmers were attacked. This is not so. Attacks on
opponents of Mugabe of all races have been going on for well over two years
and the West has been stepping up diplomatic pressure throughout, showing
that no one wants to see a Rwanda, or the 1980s genocide of the Matabele in
Zimbabwe, occur again.
Brent van der Linde (letter, same day) is appalled at the way the Western
press portrays President Mbeki but the South African leader is very
supportive of Mugabe. If Mbeki, in his position as leader of a regional
power, had any sense of responsibility he would have followed Nelson
Mandela, who urged the people of Zimbabwe to remove Mugabe (report, The
Sunday Times, May 7, 2000). An opportunity is being missed to demonstrate
that responsible African governments have had enough of barbarism,
corruption and nepotism. It is not too late and Mbeki could still come out
as a statesman of the stature of Mandela.

Zimbabwe is the land of my birth and upbringing from which I am sadly
parted. I and my fellow countrymen have demonstrated frequently in London
against Mugabe with a wonderful sense of unity. To label us as black or
white is divisive.

Yours faithfully,
17 Gillam Street, Worcester WR3 8JT.
March 28.
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The Australian

Zimbabwe crowds protest govt

April 06, 2002
HUNDREDS of Zimbabweans defied a police ban to demonstrated against
President Robert Mugabe's government, but police broke up the crowds and
prevented the protests from gathering force.

 The chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), Lovemore
Madhuku, was arrested shortly after the protests ended, along with 10 others
in Harare, the group's spokesman said.

Two members of the NCA national task force were also arrested in the central
town of Gweru, Douglas Mwonzora said.

Police and Home Affairs Minister John Nkomo had said during the week that
the protests were illegal and warned Zimbabweans not to participate.

The NCA had planned for the protests to unfold simultaneously in five cities
around Zimbabwe, but riot police patrolling the cities prevented any large
groups from gathering.

In Harare, police found the NCA's two unannounced back-up locations and kept
riot police armed with teargas and batons patrolling those areas, Madhuku
said before his arrest.

"They were at our two unadvertised sites very early this morning, so our
people were still running in town" and unable to gather, Madhuku said.

Police broke up the groups, one of which had grown to about 300 people, and
throughout the morning, several small groups of protesters played
cat-and-mouse with riot squads roving the city.

"This is just the beginning of larger protests," one protester said after
running from the police.

The NCA has announced plans for a regular series of demonstrations aimed at
forcing the government to accept a more democratic constitution, which the
group says would prevent the abuses that aided Mugabe's re-election in the
March 9-11 presidential poll.

The next protest is set for Independence Day, on April 18.

The current constitution, negotiated with Britain at independence in 1980,
gives Mugabe broad executive powers, which he used to change electoral rules
up to the day before voting began.

NCA has declared Mugabe's election victory illegitimate, as have the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other independent
observers here.

Among key clauses in the NCA's new constitution is the separation of powers
between a non-executive president, elected by parliament and an executive
prime minister, elected by the people.

The death penalty would be retained for murder but not for treason.
Abortion - currently illegal - would be allowed in some cases.

About 100 people joined in the protest in Zimbabwe's second city of
Bulawayo, but they were quickly dispersed by police.

NCA officials said several people were injured, but police declined to
provide details on arrests or injuries.

Meanwhile, 378 women arrested at an NCA workshop in Harare's working-class
suburb of Warren Park on Wednesday went to court today, Mwonzora said.

They were charged under the security law with holding an illegal gathering,
but prosecutors agreed to grant them bail of 1,000 Zimbabwean dollars
($A34.03) each, Mwonzora said.

Saturday, 6 April, 2002, 00:06 GMT 01:06 UK
Zimbabwe warns protesters
Some of the activists arrested in the courtyard of a police station
The activists have vowed to continue their protest
The authorities in Zimbabwe have warned people not to take part in anti-government protests planned for this weekend in the capital, Harare, and elsewhere in the country.

The national poll will be held six years hence and let this sink in to Britain and... MDC (Movement for Democratic Change)

President Robert Mugabe
Home Affairs Minister, John Nkomo, said the marches were illegal, and warned the opposition that those who took part would be prosecuted.

But the civil rights organisation the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), who organised the protests, has vowed to go ahead despite the detention this week of hundreds of their supporters, many of them women and children.

Earlier President Robert Mugabe ruled out another election, warning that he would not accept any challenges to his authority.

"The national poll will be held six years hence and let this sink in to Britain and... MDC (Movement for Democratic Change)," he said in a speech to his ruling Zanu-PF party.


A coalition of churches, trade unions and students groups had called for massive street protests following President Robert Mugabe's controversial re-election last month.

Robert Mugabe
The NCA says Mugabe has too many powers

The police have declared the protests illegal and 354 activists have been arrested and held for 24 hours, said Lovemore Madhuku, one of the protest's organisers.

The arrests come as mediators from South Africa and Nigeria are in Zimbabwe, trying to reconcile Mr Mugabe's government with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

They hope to cool the political temperature, possibly with the aim of setting up a government of national unity.

The NCA is an umbrella group set up to campaign for a new constitution - in particular a curb on the powers of the president.

"It is totally repressive. The police ban on our planned peaceful demonstrations in unlawful and unconstitutional. We are going ahead, even if they have to keep jailing people," said Mr Madhuku.

The MDC insists that the election was rigged and its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai has said he is only prepared to discuss the date of a new poll, held under international supervision, not any proposals for a government of national unity.


Meanwhile in the Zimbabwe countryside, the MDC says its members are still being victimised by triumphant Zanu-PF supporters.

Morgan Tsvangirai
Tsvangirai will only discuss Mugabe's departure

The claim is backed by the Commercial Farmers' Union - the voice of Zimbabwe's white landowners - which has been reporting an increased level of farm invasions, looting and harassment of its members.

It says a large proportion of the incidents seem to have been retribution against farmers who supported Mr Tsvangirai.

The War Veterans Association, which led the farm invasions, has now issued an ultimatum to all farmers whose land has been designated for resettlement to pack up and leave.

It says they are using their farms to organise against the government, and make negative publicity against Zimbabwe.

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From SABC News, 5 April

Mugabe fares worst in African survey

Zimbabweans were fed up with President Robert Mugabe and his government 18 months before his re-election last month, African researchers said today. Zimbabweans were the least satisfied and least trustful of their government of 12 nations in emerging African democracies, Gyimah Boadi, of the Ghana Centre for Democratic Development, told a news conference in Cape Town. Masipula Sithole, a Zimbabwean academic, said the research vindicated those governments that rejected the outcome of last month's presidential election, which was marred by violence and intimidation. Presenting the results of a comparative study of public attitudes to government in 12 African countries, Boadi and other researchers in the pan-African study said Zimbabweans were the least satisfied on almost every standard measured by the Afrobarometer Network in a 27-month study.

The Afrobarometer project polled between 1 200 and 2 400 people in each of 12 African countries that had implemented some measure of political and economic reform, to test their perceptions of government, their concerns and expectations. Mugabe earned the lowest personal score with only 20% saying they trusted him to any degree at all. Only 3% said they were at all satisfied with his economic management. The next lowest score, 38% trust, went to then-president Frederick Chiluba of Zambia, who chose not to stand for an unconstitutional third term last year. The survey, which will be repeated over the next 12 months, showed that Africans put freedom, civil liberties and delivery ahead of elections and multi-party competition in their definition of democracy. The surveys were conducted in Botswana, Ghana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mali, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

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War veterans shoot at owner of wildlife reserve in Zimbabwe
HARARE, April 6 AFP|Published: Saturday April 6, 7:53 PM

Shots were fired today at the home of the white owner of a wildlife reserve which has been occupied by around 50 veterans from Zimbabwe's war of independence, a spokeswoman for the Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) said.

The problems began yesterday with war veterans threatening the owner and demanding that he leave the farm, following a dispute over the death of a rhinoceros at the reserve, CFU spokeswoman Jenni Williams told AFP.

The CFU groups mainly white farmers, who control a large part of Zimbabwe's prime farmland.

The war veterans, who have occupied the reserve at Inyati, in Matabeleland North province in southwestern Zimbabwe, for several months, had demanded the owner, Richard Pascal, pay them compensation for the rhinoceros's death.

The dispute appeared to have been settled yesterday evening. But when Pascal came out of his house this morning, he was threatened by an axe-wielding war veteran. When he tried to go back into his house, shots were fired at him.

The shooting continued even after Pascal had re-entered his house, according to Williams, who was unable to say if anyone had been injured in the incident.

The CFU spokeswoman did say, however, that "one person has been abducted".

A police unit has been called to the reserve and was expected to arrive there sometime on Saturday morning, Williams said.

Invasions by war veterans of land owned by Zimbabwe's white minority began more than two years ago when President Robert Mugabe stepped up a controversial land reform programme aimed at correcting imbalances in ownership that date from the colonial era.

The invasions - often mired in violence and carried out with the backing of Mugabe's government - usually target land owned by white commercial farmers who make up just one per cent of the population but own around 30 per cent of the country's prime farmland.

Under the controversial land reforms, Zimbabwe has listed for acquisition 95 per cent of all land owned by some 4,500 white commercial farmers in Zimbabwe, according to the CFU.

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Protests: South African Embassy & Zimbabwean Embassy - London

Zimbabwe Human Rights Protests

Venue: South African Embassy, London
Date: 20th April 2002
Time: 12.00hrs to 14.00hrs

Venue: Zimbabwe Embassy, London
Date: 20th April 2002
Time 13.30hrs to 15.30hrs
Nearest tube for both events Charring Cross
President Morgan Tsvangirai said his party's main agenda for talks with the ''Troika'' would be a re-run of last month's presidential election. "The critical question is restoration of legitimacy to government and we have to go back to the people," he said. He again rejected the idea of joining a government of national unity with Mr Mugabe. He said that if Mr Mugabe did not want an immediate re-run of the elections, he should allow an international commission of inquiry to investigate the entire electoral process.

Last Monday, 26 March, 15 African heads of state were meeting in Nigeria to endorse a draft document committing their countries to uphold the principles of democracy and good governance. In particular, they are pledging themselves to:

The rule of law.

The strict separation of powers between the Judiciary, the Legislature and the Executive;

An active and independent civil society to which the government will be accountable;

Transparent government and the eradication of corruption;

A free and independent Press; and

Respect for human rights.

Yet New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad). Have endorsed the most flagrant disregards, by Robert Mugabe's government in Zimbabwe, of all six principles.

The sorry truth is that these African leaders, led by South Africa's Thabo Mbeki and Nigeria's Olusegun Obasanjo, are committed to these fine principles, but only if it will not entail, for instance, turning their backs on the so-called African Solidarity. What silly nonsense is this? Of course, Mbeki and Obasanjo try to brush aside this ugly truth by arguing, amazingly, that the gross excesses committed by Mugabe to ensure his re-election are acceptable by "African standards". This is not only astonishing; it also is hypocrisy at its worst considering that we have Mbeki whining on about Western double standards, arguing, or at least implying, that the application of Western standards of civilisation is "inappropriate" to developing countries in Africa!

Zimbabweans are daily dying of hunger, persecution, harassed and beaten by so-called war veterans by state sponsored militia. illegal farm occupation and seizure's are unacceptable and Un-lawful. The demise politically,economically and socially are a direct result of Mr Mugabe's and Zanu-PF's continued procedures and policies.

For further Information please contact:

Albert Weidemann 01765 607900

Duran Rapozo 07740437667

Washington Ali 07967182532

Free Zimbabwe:
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Suspension 'based on consultation'

Abuja – The decision to suspend Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth was based on
a briefing by the group's secretary general after consultations with
Commonwealth leaders, and on the group's election observer report, Nigerian
President Olusegun Obasanjo said on Friday. Zimbabwe was suspended from the
Commonwealth last month by a troika of Commonwealth leaders: the presidents
of Nigeria and South Africa and the prime minister of Australia. Obasanjo
told a press conference during a visit by Canada's Prime Minister Jean
Chretien that the decision had been taken after Commonwealth Secretary
General Don McKinnon presented them with the Commonwealth observers' report
on the March 9-11 elections in Zimbabwe, and briefed them on his talks with
"about 18" Commonwealth leaders. "When we got the (observers') report we
were briefed by the secretary general of the Commonwealth on his
consultations with about 18 Commonwealth leaders, and based on that report,
and the briefing we got, we took the decision we did," Obasanjo said. The
president had previously stated that the decision was based purely on the
report compiled by the observer group, led by former Nigerian military ruler
Abdulsalami Abubakar. Obasanjo denied that the decision had been forced on
Africans by Western powers, noting that apart from him, South African
President Thabo Mbeki had also endorsed the decision, in which two of the
three participants were African leaders. "It was not an African leaders'
decision. It was not a Western leaders' decision. It was a Commonwealth
decision," Obasanjo said.

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Daily News

Air passengers to foot airport maintenance bills

4/6/02 1:29:17 PM (GMT +2)

By Raymond Mgadzah Senior Business Reporter

AIRPLANE passengers flying within Zimbabwe will now be required to pay a
US$10 (Z$550) domestic departure fee from 1 June 2002, says the Civil
Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe (CAAZ).

The international departure fee for passengers will be raised from US$20
($1100) to US$40 ($2200). The CAAZ chief executive officer, Karikoga Kaseke,
told a mini-congress of the Zimbabwe Congress for Tourism (ZCT) that the
authority needed the money to help with the upkeep of its airports which
have been adversely affected by the decision of 17 airlines to pull out of
the country. Zimbabwe’s economic conditions have worsened and tourism has

However, critics argued that the new passenger fees could hamper tourism at
a time when it has already been adversely affected by the negative publicity
emanating from the poor socio-political and economic conditions prevailing
in the country.

The keynote speaker at the ZCT mini-congress said: “Now is not the time to
increase departure charges from our airports.

We’ve got to stabilise the charges and where we can, we’ve got to bring them
down.” Kaseke also said, as part of its drive to boost tourism, the CAAZ
would undertake a $12 billion project to upgrade runways and terminals at
the country’s major airports, Harare International Airport, Joshua Mqabuko
Nkomo Airport in Bulawayo and Victoria Falls Airport.

As part of the development of the country’s airports a $6,5 billion private
sector project that will include a conference centre, a five-star hotel and
shopping malls is to be built around Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo Airport.

Some $6,5 billion is going to be spent on turning Victoria Falls Airport
into an international airport able to cater for all types of aircraft.

Kaseke said: “By 2010 we envisage Victoria Falls Airport being busier than
Harare Airport. We are tendering for the upgrading of the airport terminal
and together with the new runway, it should be operational within 30 months.

“Another $3,5 billion will be spent on upgrading Bulawayo Airport’s terminal
and runway, while nearly $5 billion has been earmarked for improvements to
the Harare airport runway and the installation of a new airport ground
lighting system.”

He said the investments were based on the belief that tourism, which has
been adversely affected by the negative publicity arising from criticism of
the government over its controversial land reform programme, characterised
by lawlessness, will pick up.

“We are assuming that three years from now things will have normalised.”
Kaseke said.
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Daily News

Police threaten to arrest MDC supporters for blocking traffic

4/6/02 1:41:50 PM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

THE police on Thursday ordered security personnel at the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC)’s Harvest House headquarters in Nelson Mandela
Avenue, Harare, to bar crowds of party supporters from gathering at the
building. They were threatened with arrest.

The police said the crowds were disturbing adjacent businesses and the flow
of pedestrian traffic.

The crowds that gather at Harvest House are part of the thousands of MDC
supporters who have been displaced, mostly from the rural areas in
continuing violence by Zanu PF supporters. They go to the party’s
headquarters for assistance.

About 20 uniformed police officers, many of them in riot gear, converged
opposite the MDC headquarters around 8 am on Thursday. Two senior police
officers, who arrived about one and a half hours later, entered the building
and held discussions with the security officials over the issue.

They failed to agree.

The MDC security officials turned down a suggestion by the police that the
party supporters should gather at the party’s Harare provincial offices,
away from the city centre, at the southern end of Mbuya Nehanda Street.

They said the provincial offices could only cater for Harare members of the

The officials said they would refer the matter to the party’s top

Learnmore Jongwe, the MDC’s spokesperson, said the move was part of on going
harassment and intimidation.

He said: “The police are maintaining an intimidatory presence here.”
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Daily News

NAGG-DF attacks Zanu PF, MDC talks

4/6/02 1:35:38 PM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

THE National Alliance for Good Governance-Democratic Front (NAGG-DF) says it
is discontent that the talks between Zanu PF and the MDC initiated by South
Africa and Nigeria ignored other stakeholders in Zimbabwe’s politics.

In a statement on Thursday, Moses Mutyasira, the NAGG-DF secretary for
information and publicity, said although they welcomed the proposed
meetings, other important stakeholders in the country were excluded in the
proposed talks.

“The organisers and the two parties should realise that Zimbabwe is made up
of various stakeholders who are also relevant in charting the way forward in
the quest for the peaceful development of this country,” Mutyasira said.

He said leaving the crucial decisions to only two political parties and
discriminating against the smaller opposition parties, civic, industrial and
commercial groups would not solve the problems that Zimbabweans face.

NAGG-DF split from NAGG led by Shakespeare Maya soon after the 9-11 March
presidential election, accusing him of campaigning for Zanu PF because of
his persistent criticism of the MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai. Maya’s NAGG
garnered slightly more than 11 000 votes nationwide in the recent poll.
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Daily News

Zanu PF youths kill party activist in bizarre incident

4/6/02 1:32:40 PM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

MICAH Chidari, 26, a Zanu PF activist in Mhondoro, was killed by other
members of the ruling party on Tuesday morning, in a bizarre case that has
left scores of villagers within the Chikwava area dumb-founded.

Chidari was buried yesterday in the Chikwava village after the police and
medical doctors who carried out a postmortem on his body confirmed that his
death was caused by severe beating.

The police in Beatrice confirmed yesterday that Chidari was killed by Zanu
PF youths who accused him of stealing bananas and sugar cane.

The police have already arrested five of the Zanu PF youths. The youths are
Shingirai Kabanda, Abel Muchinji, Mark Simango, Kenneth Marufu and Malvern
Marufu. The five face murder charges.

Narrating the incident, Kenneth Shavanyama, 21, a Za