The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Business Report

      Zimbabwe farmers not happy with payout offer
      April 8, 2003

      By AFP

      Harare - The Zimbabwe government had offered dozens of white farmers
compensation for their farms acquired under its land reform programme, but
the amounts were unsatisfactory, a farming official said yesterday.

      Two weeks ago the government published a list of 290 white farmers it
said had to report to the ministry of agriculture, but gave no details.

      An official with the Commercial Farmers' Union, who requested
anonymity, said yesterday that the government was engaging the farmers "in
discussions about compensation for improvements to their land".

      However, he said "very few people are getting any satisfaction" from
the process or the sums offered by government officials. "It appears to be
nothing much more than a publicity scam," he added .

      The offers were not made in writing and were on average less than 50
percent of anticipated compensation figures.

      Anomalies in the list of farmers summoned to discuss compensation were
"phenomenal", the official said.

      Some farmers on the list had already been paid compensation, while
others were still challenging the acquisition of their farms in court.

      The Zimbabwe government is eager to prove it is being fair to the
white farming community after it seized about 11 million hectares of
white-owned land for redistribution among black farmers. But it has ruled
out paying for the seized land, saying it will pay only for improvements.
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East London Dispatch

Mugabe's children

MOST societies respect remains of the dead, but the ethic is particularly
powerful in Zimbabwean traditional culture.

Although in the 23 years since independence Zanu(PF) militants have
desecrated many hallowed Rhodesian memorials, including those in Harare's
Anglican Cathedral to troops who fell in the First and Second World Wars,
not a single grave has been touched anywhere in the country.

The late ruling party youth leader, "Warlord" Chakaredza, launched a
campaign for the disinterment of Cecil Rhodes' body from its resting place
in the Matopos Hills, but it met stony official silence.

Human remains are surrounded by such strong taboos that Africans confide
they are fearful to attend cremation services for white friends, even when
they know this honours the wishes of the dead person and the family.

In some areas, black settlers report being troubled by the spirits of
long-dead white farmers. They are put to the expense of propitiating them
with "European" food, instead of the simple diet traditional healers
prescribe for restive African ancestors.

Even when dead, it seems, those dreadful colonialists keep on exploiting the
poor natives.

Recently, the boot was on the other cultural foot when it was reported in
the independent media that President Robert Mugabe had withdrawn his
children from expensive fee-paying schools linked to the Catholic Church.

The reports came close to violating a powerful taboo which is common to
modern Christianity and Islam, Judaism, liberalism and moderate socialism.

This is belief in the right of the child to develop as it advances into
adulthood without interference by society, church, school, or even -- in
some cases -- parents.

Perhaps this is why in the West there has been such a strong outcry against
adults prematurely involving minors in sexual activity.

It isn't the loss of "childhood innocence" so prized by the Victorians.
Modern children lose that as soon as they turn on the television. It is
violation of the taboo which declares: "It is my life -- to choose to do
what I want with."

Modern children are not taught "duty", but "how to make choices". By this
logic, rape and enslavement are almost more heinous than murder.

In traditional tribal societies (not only in Africa), it was and is common
for girls as young as nine to be given in marriage to settle family debts
which may date back several generations.

In rural Zimbabwe, a girl of that age was recently given in return for a
sack of maize meal for her starving family.

One great divide between "First World" and "Third World" thinking is the
insistence, in the former, on the individual not being penalised for alleged
misdeeds of a relative, no matter how close.

In the "Third World", persons are commonly called to make reparations not
only for what near relatives did, but for what people of their general
complexion were said to have done long ago. The Japanese must compensate the
Irish for something the Tartars did to the Russians.

The independently owned Sunday Standard reported that although 14-year-old
Bona Mugabe's "O" level examinations are less than two years' away, she had
been withdrawn from Harare's Dominican Convent "due to the constant heckling
she was receiving from school mates unimpressed by her father's leadership

Somewhat contradicting itself, the report said Bona was accompanied even in
the school yard by police bodyguards. Surely they would intimidate even the
worst St Trinian's-style hellions?

Teachers tell me Bona is a quiet, unpretentious and well-mannered girl, with
considerable talents.

The Sunday Standard said Robert Junior, 12, faced similar problems with
classmates at a Catholic boys' school, where the white headmaster was last
year threatened with a government ban from teaching when he referred in a
newsletter to the moral crisis caused by fraudulent elections.

An official spokesman exploded with fury at the publicity given the Mugabe
children and issued a formal denial, but their attendance is, I am told,
"erratic". They reportedly receive at least some tuition at home.

It would be a pity if they retreated into imprisonment behind razor wire and
bodyguards, as the notoriously introverted president has during the past 23

The Sunday Standard raked up the murky circumstances of the Mugabe
children's birth, their mother's divorce from her first husband, an air
force pilot swiftly transferred to the Beijing embassy, and her cohabitation
with the president before the death of his Ghanaian first wife, Sally, 11
years ago.

To an extent, Mugabe deliberately embroiled his children with political
controversy by having Robert Jnr and his younger son Chatunga, 6, appear in
full military regalia at parades. He clearly intends to found a dynasty.

A sly insult opposition commentators often perpetrate on Grace Mugabe (née
Marufu, later Guriraza) is to refer to her as "Mai Chatunga".

In Shona custom, it is complimentary to refer to a mother by the name of her
eldest son.

A legend has grown up about Grace Mugabe's extravagance, for which there is
scant factual evidence beyond her up-market outfits and her always
accompanying her husband on anything but short journeys.

They stay in the most expensive accommodation, but blame for that can hardly
be laid at her door.

Grace has not, however, built up a multi-million-dollar private business
empire as did her predecessor, Sally, and Sally's twin sister Esther.

Grace, nearly 40 years younger than her husband, is hopelessly inept at
public speaking, but her political ambitions have not resulted in brawls, as
occurred when Sally had herself imposed as head of the Zanu(PF) women's

Grace's one confirmed indulgence was her taking a "nanny" with her on
overseas flights when Chatunga was a baby.

The woman slept on her knees in the aisle beside the child's first-class
seat, her head on the armrest. An outcry would have occurred had any white
child received such attention from a black servant.

One of the most interesting acquaintances I have made here in the past 23
years was an attaché at the former Soviet embassy who was evidently an
officer of the KGB security service. It became clear his father had been a
camp guard in the Gulag.

He and his family had a charming simplicity, reminiscent of the small town
Afrikaner teachers and lawyers one met in 1980s South Africa. However, his
passionate devotion to the USSR and the cult of Lenin would have made him a
ruthless foe.

He confessed to being appalled at what he called the "slave mentality" of
the Shona, women kneeling to greet guests or offer them refreshment.

For him -- whose great-grandparents were born in Tsarist serfdom -- such
high courtesies aroused painful associations. He was a deeply disciplined
and conformist character and it was possible to see how his children were
growing out of this mould into feared "western" ideas of individualism.

One wonders what future the Mugabe children face.

They deserve, as individuals, to be protected from the insensate revenge of
Mugabe's many enemies in the event of his death or sudden fall from power.

The greatest physical threat is from his rivals -- members of his own
Politburo -- who will see them as potential figureheads for cabals
challenging their attempts to seize the spoils of power and wealth.

The likelihood is the children will disappear off to universities in the
United States where they may enjoy cult status for the rest of their lives
among some African-Americans.

However, if while there they exercise their freedom of individual choice to
absorb the humane values of men such as the late Dr Martin Luther King,
without losing touch with African reality, they may yet have a valuable
contribution to make to their home continent.
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April 8, 2003.
Zanu PF in panic, parades own youth militia to deceive the world.

 Zanu PF and the Mugabe regime are clearly in a state of desperate panic. They are failing to find ways to challenge the moral authority and increasing popularity of the MDC. The success of the recent two-day stay away demonstrated that the MDC in the eyes of the people is the legitimate authority in Zimbabwe.

The landslide victories by the MDC in the Kuwadzana and Highfield by-elections was symptomatic of the scale to which Mugabe and Zanu PF have been rejected by the people of Zimbabwe. When the people of Zimbabwe think of Zanu PF they think of hunger, insecurity and violence.

 Zanu PF' s response to the recent successes of the MDC has been violence, violence and more violence. Violence and brutality are increasingly the only tools with which Zanu PF engages the people of Zimbabwe.

Yesterday the army paraded a group of youths claiming that they had been hired by the MDC to wreak havoc in Harare's high-density suburbs over the past two weeks. This is false. This is a theatre that is being performed to divert attention of the state-sanctioned human rights abuses ahead of the arrival of the SADC ministerial taskforce in Zimbabwe.

The Zimbabwe regime is panicking following the strong condemnation from the SADC region of the gross human rights abuses in Zimbabwe, particularly in the last two weeks.

The parading of the youths, who are evidently members of the Zanu PF Border Gezi youth militia, who have been given army uniforms by the Zimbabwe National Army is an attempt to suggest that all the violence that has been going on in the last few weeks has been sponsored by the MDC.

The wave of terror that that swept through Harare in the last two weeks was carried out by groups of people who were wearing army uniform, armed with AK 47 Rifles and driving in big army vehicles. They moved around in broad daylight. All the cases were reported to the police and published in the media.

Mugabe and his illegitimate regime have unashamedly sanctioned and encouraged the violent attacks on the MDC. In a speech given at a funeral on Friday 21 March Mugabe chillingly declared:

"Let the MDC and its leaders be warned that those who play with fire will not only be burnt, but will be consumed by that fire".

What ensued after that statement by Mugabe was an intensification of torture, rape and murder of MDC leaders and activists. It would beat all logic, including the desperate Zanu PF propaganda logic that a militia could be set up by MDC to brutalise its own people.

In an article in the sycophantic Sunday Mail on Sunday 6 April, Junior Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo, confessed that the Mugabe regime had deployed the army to ‘deal with terrorism’. Moyo chillingly warned that ‘where the army is deployed, people should not expect a picnic’.

Desperate attempts once again to hide the truth from the world are futile. The truth of the matter is that the regime in Zimbabwe has sponsored violence and applied the law selectively. That is why Jocelyn Chiwenga, wife of the Army General, could walk into Glenorah police station and brutally torture Daily News lawyer Gugulethu Moyo on March 17 right in front of the police. The police did not lift a finger to protect Moyo who had gone there to represent journalist Philimon Bulawayo. Bulawayo a photographer was severely tortured in police custody at that police station alongside 83 MDC supporters that day alone.

Steven Tonera was brutally murdered after being abducted from MDC MP Roy Bennet’s farm in Ruwa by a group of state agents led by Richard Mashingaidze. Over sixty farm workers were brutally tortured. The police have lifted no finger to investigate this murder and torture, although the perpetrators are known.

Similarly, Joseph Mwale a member of the CIO who is known to have murdered Talent Mabika and Tichaona Chiminya in 2000 still walks free today despite a court order to bring them to justice. He is responsible for the wave of terror on MDC supporters in Cimanimani. The most recent case is that over 1000 people were forcibly removed from Roy Bennet’s farm and dumped in the open with their belongings. All their little food and belongings were drenched in the rain for over a week.

Hundreds of other state agents and Zanu PF supporters that include a gang of former dissidents led by Khiwa, responsible for the terror and death of at least 4 MDC supporters in Nkayi are all walking free in Zimbabwe. The message that they are being given is that they are above the law.

Margret Kalunji, MDC Harare’s provincial Secretary was forced to open her legs and a rifle was forced into her private parts. Last Thursday, an MDC election agent’s wife was gang raped by Zanu PF militia in the presence of a baby who is less than a year old, while her husband was severely tortured by the same gang. The police record number is OB3646/03. As usual the police have lifted no finger to investigate the matter.

During the past two weeks in Harare over 600 MDC supporters have been arrested, scores beaten and tortured, 250 hospitalized and a number abducted, many of whom are still missing. The attempt by the Mugabe regime to blame the MDC for this reign of terror is not only ridiculously absurd it is also a clear attempt to divert the attention of the SADC Taskforce away from the true dynamics that are currently shaping the Zimbabwe crisis. The Mugabe regime is blatantly trying to polarise the effectiveness of the 'Taskforce' by quickly building a wall of deceit and lies in order to shield the extent of their unprecedented barbarity.

Zanu PF and Mugabe should not sit comfortably in the belief that they can shift the blame for the violence that has engulfed Harare during the past two weeks. The facts speak for themselves. The hundreds of injured people littered around Harare know who attacked them. Blaming the MDC for their own passion for violence is a futile exercise and which will simply serve to further weaken the regime. Such insidious tactics will not fool the SADC Taskforce. It is coming to Zimbabwe to build an accurate picture of what is going on and to hear the truth. 

If the Taskforce genuinely wishes to hear the truth about the crisis we advise that it pays special attention to the people of Zimbabwe and treats any information from Zanu PF with the utmost suspicion. 


Professor Welshman Ncube,
MDC Secretary General.

Notes to Editors:


Examples of victims of Mugabe campaign of retribution against the MDC since the successful mass stayway of 18/19 March.


Fidelis Mhashu - MDC Shadow Education Minister
In the early hours of 3 April, armed soldiers ransacked the home of Mhashu and brutally attacked his wife and two young grandsons.


- James Munetsi – MDC Activist
Brutally attacked in Highfield on April 1 by Zanu PF youth militia whilst on his way to work.


- Paul Shambira – MDC Information and Publicity Secretary for Chitungwiza
He and his family were brutally attacked by armed soldiers on 1 April.


- Stanford Mashumba – MDC Chair, Zengeza
Armed soldiers raided Mashumba’s house on 2 April and proceeded to brutally attack him after the thugs had teargassed all the rooms in an effort to force him to respond to their repeated knocks on the door.


- Rejoice Moyo
On April 3, Rejoice Moyo (21) was raped by 12 members of the youth militia in front of her husband, Hector. Hector was then taken away by the militia and brutally tortured. The militia urinated in his mouth and tried to set him on fire.


- Steven Tonera
Beaten to death by members of Mugabe’s feared Central Intelligence Organisation on Tuesday 18 March.


- Giles Mutsekwa MP – MDC Shadow Minister for Defence
Mutsekwa was arrested on Wednesday 19 March along with 11 other MDC members including Patrick Chitaka, chairman for Mutare North and Pishai Muchauraya, Provincial Secretary (Manicaland) for Information and Publicity. All were beaten whilst in police custody and Mutsekwa was denied medical attention even though he suffers chronically from hypertension. The 11 were illegally detained beyond the stipulated 48 hours.


Mutsekwa was released on 23 March.


- Austin Mapandawana MP
Arrested along with 83 MDC supporters in Kadoma on 19 March. Mapandawana has been severely tortured whilst in police custody and denied medical attention. Hon Mapandawana was released on bail last week.


- Mrs Viola Shamu - Councillor for Ward 34 in Mufakose (Harare)
The house of Mrs Shamu was raided by a group of army, police and CIO officers on the evening of 21 March. Mrs Shamu managed to escape, however, her husband and two young children (aged 11 and 13) were severely beaten. Mrs Shamu's husband, a retired army officer, was dragged into an army truck and his whereabouts remain unknown. Her children were beaten so badly that they went unconscious and are now in hospital.

Margaret Kulinji - Harare Provincial Secretary in the MDC Women's League
Margaret Kulinji and her mother were brutally assaulted on Saturday 22 March in Harare. ZANU PF thugs, wearing army uniforms, forced Kulinji's mother, at gunpoint, to open her legs and stuck a gun in her private parts. Kulinji's brother, Chrispen, was abducted and, at the time of writing, is still missing. 

In February a school boy by the name Kindness Moyo who had gone to watch cricket was severely assaulted by the police in the police cells. He was in a comma for more than a month as a result of the injuries he sustained at the hands of the police.

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From The Star (SA), 7 April

Animals become scapegoats in vicious attacks on Zim opposition

By Lynne Altenroxel

Nearly three dozen cattle have been hacked with axes in a wave of new
politically motivated horrors being perpetrated against animals and their
owners in Zimbabwe. At least 16 of the cattle were "axed to death",
animal-rights activists said yesterday, while others were shot to put them
out of their misery. "If anything, it's getting worse," Zimbabwe National
SPCA chief inspector Meryl Harrison said yesterday of the animal abuse in
the country. A few days ago, she rescued a dog that had been beaten by eight
men with batons and sjamboks after it tried to protect its owners during a
raid on their home. The owners, both members of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), were discharged from hospital at the weekend after
being beaten up with an assortment of weapons, including chains and sticks
covered in barbed wire. The dog's beating came just days after 15 cattle
were hacked with axes on a farm at Chimanimani, about 400km south-east of
Harare, owned by MDC MP Roy Bennett. Most of the animals were hit on the
legs. One cow could not stand up after being beaten, another had its tail
chopped off, and one calf had a 15cm-deep wound on its back. "You could have
put a teacup in it," said Harrison, describing the gash. Yesterday, Harrison
received news of another herd of 16 cattle in Norton, 60km outside Harare,
that had been hacked to death with axes. After tending to animals on farms
invaded by ruling-party militants for the past three years, Harrison
believes that Zimbabwe's animal welfare crisis is getting worse. The "axing"
of the cattle, she said, was not always aimed at killing the animals, but at
wounding them "to get back at the farmers".

From The Daily News, 8 April

MDC man battles for life after arson attack

From Our Correspondent in Bulawayo

Nqobile Ndlovu, a 25-year-old MDC supporter, is battling for life at Gwanda
Provincial Hospital after sustaining extensive burns when the hut he was
sleeping in was set ablaze by suspected Zanu PF supporters on Monday last
week. Earlier, the ruling party supporters are reported to have threatened
him for openly celebrating the opposition party's victory in the recent
Kuwadzana and Highfield by-elections. The arson attack took place in the
Mafuko communal lands, about 35km west of Gwanda, on Monday night. Ndlovu
was alone when the incident took place. Matabeleland South police spokesman,
Inspector Alfred Zvenyika, would neither confirm nor deny the incident. "I
am not aware of the incident or arrests related to it. I will, however, find
out about it," he said. MDC spokesman, Paul Themba Nyathi, described the
attack as "callous thuggery being perpetrated on the masses by a desperate
Zanu PF regime". Relatives who declined to be identified for fear of
victimisation said Ndlovu, who was drinking with friends at a local bottle
store when the results were announced, was threatened by identified Zanu PF
supporters after celebrating the MDC victory. "He has not told us who
exactly threatened him, but there is a notorious group of Zanu PF supporters
who were drinking at the same bottle store the same day. We heard that
Nqobile ignored their threats before retiring to his home. He woke up at
about midnight to find his hut on fire." Although hospital officials
declined to discuss Ndlovu's condition, a nurse at the hospital confirmed
that he was in bad shape. "The burns are so bad that at the moment we can
only administer anti-burn creams and ointments on him." Meanwhile, in
Bulawayo, one woman was raped by a Zanu PF supporter who claimed he wanted
to revenge his party's loss in the Kuwadzana and Highfield by-elections.
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Comment from The Financial Mail (SA), 4 April

Mugabe on the hop

Momentum shifts to opposition after stayaway and by-election victories

By Tony Hawkins, Harare

With the expiry on March 31 of the opposition's 15-point ultimatum to
government, and the Movement for Democratic Change's (MDC) victory in two
crucial urban by-elections, the pace of events in Zimbabwe is hotting up. In
a campaign marred by violence, intimidation and allegations of government
vote-rigging, the MDC retained the two Harare seats. In Highfield, it won
63% of the vote in a low turnout of about 35% and it held Kuwadzana with
72%. For the first time in almost a year since his "victory" in the March
2002 presidential elections, President Robert Mugabe is on the back foot.
Today, the momentum is clearly with the opposition, primarily because of its
success in organising last month's two-day national stayaway. The response
has been vicious, if predictable. With the international media firmly
focused on events in Iraq, Mugabe, boasting of himself as "a black Hitler
tenfold", has taken off the gloves. "Let the MDC and its leaders be warned
that those who play with fire will not only be burnt, but consumed by that
fire," he said. Since the mid-March stayaway, more than 500 suspected MDC
activists and supporters have been threatened, beaten, arrested and

"We have been getting reports of about 60 cases of violence a day and in our
view that is massive," says Brian Kagoro, co-ordinator of Crisis in
Zimbabwe. Amnesty International calls the crackdown "a new and dangerous
phase of repression. This is an explosive situation," it adds, while the US
State Department says Harare must "cease its campaign of violent
repression". Mugabe dismissed it out of hand, saying he will not listen to
"pathetic puppets" of the West. His justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa,
goes further in ruling out the softening of Posa promised by President Thabo
Mbeki. Last month, Mbeki told a meeting of African clergy in Midrand: "We
have agreed with the government of Zimbabwe that they should attend to the
pieces of legislation that are said to offend human rights [and] the press."
Not so, says Chinamasa: "We cannot amend Posa when we are under an onslaught
from institutions that are causing mayhem and anarchy ." Mugabe was even
more direct, warning Mbeki to mind his own business: "It is now time for law
and order to have the upper hand and we will not seek the approval of
outsiders to enforce law and order in our country," he said.

As if to demonstrate that he has seized the initiative, MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai has agreed to the resumption of talks with government to discuss
how to resolve the crisis. But he insists that the government's
precondition - that he drop the MDC court challenge of last year's
presidential election results - is not negotiable. All this is playing to
the gallery. Mugabe and his close lieutenants have no intention of agreeing
to the MDC's demands. Talks will go nowhere unless a hitherto compliant
Pretoria toughens its stance. Zanu PF's intentions are clear in the heavy
police presence in the cities designed to prevent further mass action and,
on Monday, the arrest of MDC vice-president and parliamentary leader Gibson
Sibanda. Sibanda is to be charged under Posa with organising the stayaway
and seeking to overthrow the government unconstitutionally. MDC leaders
believe it is a matter of time before more of their leadership, probably
including Tsvangirai, are detained. Tsvangirai sums up the public mood: "The
regime is now nervous - their bags are packed as they realise who has the
power. We have to prepare for the final push and they will run." At issue is
whether the penny has yet dropped in Pretoria.

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 FROM Website: - Letter No. 5

 Historical And Current Perspectives
Pertaining To ZANU (PF) strategy and camapaign of Intimidation
Having documented how Robert Mugabe's the Zanu (PF) government perpetrated genocide against the Matebele people in Matebeleland and Midlands in the 1980. How they repressed, used torture, beatings, rape, mass arrest, detentions and applied all manor of resources at the disposal of the state to intimidate supporters of the then Joshua Nkomo led PF-Zapu party and eventually force its leadership to join Zanu (PF) on mass in 1987 so as to try to stop the persecution of its mainly Ndebele followers. This total surrender of PF-Zapu to Zanu (PF) domination was surrealistically presented to the world under the glare of flashing cameras as "the 1987 Unity Accord", with the two leaders hugging and smiling to the cameras. When in fact we were watching the silencing of the opposition and the official beginning of the defacto One party state. The long night of the dictatorship in Zimbabwe had began. Watching the meeting of the SADC at Victoria Falls recently kind of brought memories of that surreal showmanship in African politics where something so vile is sometimes presented as something quite wonderful. One will always remember the moment when president Chisano of Mozambique passionately made claims that president Mugabe was the champion of maintaining the rule of law. Which reality was president Chisano commenting about one wondered?
Zanu (PF) has not changed its spots from the philosophy, which brought about and carried out the campaign of violence, which led to the 1985 Elections directed towards the opposition supporters, and members of ethnic minorities. It is important to highlight the trends and similarities of that Zanu (PF)  campaign of violence in the 1980s to that which we see today directed once again at the new opposition and the newly chosen Ethnic minorities i.e. the farming communities and their labourers. In both cases Zanu (PF) chooses a minority group which is then vilified and blamed for all the ills of the country.

Essentially Zanu (PF)  is a party of violence; it was born in a violent birth in 1963, when the original Zanu  splinter group left Zapu in 1963. They left the main liberation movement  Zapu throwing petrol bombs at the homes of some of their former colleagues.

Today Zanu (PF) Officials constantly make loud noises about having fought in the liberation struggle when the truth of the matter is that during the struggle, Zanla forces were poorly armed and were never too keen on engaging the Rhodesian forces on the field. Instead they moved around in groups of about 200 guerrillas whose campaign were typified by their arriving at a village in the former TTLs (Tribal trust lands), gathering the people for days and some times weeks forcing them to sing political song listen to their political lectures and the women doing their chores for them and providing them with physical comfort (sex). These long politicisation meetings were called "pungwes". When these guerrillas left the villages they often murdered some villagers accusing them of being witches and "Sell-outs". Now these people expect the nation to pay them huge sums and also give them large farms 20 years after the end of the war for the having subjected the villagers to pungwes. During the first General election in 1980 the Zanla pungwes continued throughout the time that the Zanla forces were meant to be inside the Assembly points. Lord Christopher Soames (the governer of Rhodesia during and before elections) did not have the power nor will to stop the Zanla pungwes throughout the Campaigning period neither did he try to stop them.
Thus, in his autobiography "The Story Of My Life" the late Dr. Joshua Nkomo  writes  "The task of the Zanla forces, with their Frelimo allies, was less to fight Smith's forces than to win support for Zanu (PF) at the expense of Zapu. Dangerous confusions arose. We received reports of unidentified bands of armed men speaking Portuguese, who raided communities that had hitherto been faithful to Zapu, beating and even killing Zapu party organisers, and compelling people to shout slogans of which the clearest was 'Down with Nkomo'.  " Dr. Nkomo continues, "The greatest threat to the fair conduct of the elections came from Zanla guerillas in the eastern areas of the country. At the ceasefire large numbers of fighting men loyal to Zanu (PF) were not withdrawn into scheduled assembly points. They stayed on in the villages they had organised on a war footing, refusing to move or to allow anyone else to campaign there. No outsider was allowed in those places, on pain of death. The people were not allowed to know that there is an alternative to voting Zanu (PF). Exercising our democratic right (PF) Zapu put up candidates and tried to campaign throughout the country. Two of our candidates and eighteen of our party campaigners were killed by these adversaries. Many more were terrorised....As the evidence accumulated of terrorism and mass intimidation in the eastern provinces of the country, Lord Soames summoned all the party leaders to Government House. He told us frankly that in certain areas intimidation was on such a scale that free and fair elections could not be conducted. I asked him to clarify the statement, and he made it cleat that the offences were being committed by members of  Robert Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party. I confirmed that my own (PF) Zapu party was unable to campaign in those areas, adding that neither Ian Smith's (all white) party, nor Sithole's Zanu (Ndonga) Bishop Muzorewa's so-called United African National Council, could campaign there.......Yet two days before the poll the governer (Soames) changed his mind and decided that elections could be held on the due date even in the disturbed eastern districts."

That failure to enforce the rules entrenched the Zanu (PF) philosophy of violence, that thuggery is an Accepted Election campaign strategy. From that day onwards Zanu (PF) has always adapted and practised in its election strategy the tactic of campaigning by thuggery. Even when Zanu (PF) entered Government the thuggery was always below the surface.
The sign of the Zanu (PF) violence was further shown when Mugabe shielded his the former Manpower Minister Edgar Tekere from the law after he shot dead a white farmer at the very start of Zanu (PF)'s time in government.

Zanu (PF) then refined this culture of violence into an art in 1981 with the Aid of the North Koreans; they formed PISI, CIO, and the "Firth Brigade" and launched the "Gukurahundi", a war on the villagers in Matebeleland and Midlands between 1982 and 1988.

In the 1985 General elections campaign Zanu (PF) 's violent electioneering came into its own. At the 1985 elections campaign the so-called Zanu (PF) youth brigade and the Zanu (PF) women's brigade were armed with purposely fashioned weapons such as shaped bicycle spokes to be used to stab people gathered in opposition rallies without producing high visible injuries. They were then ferried in government vehicles to disrupt opposition meetings. The violence would start; the police would stand by and just look-on. In the countryside the PISI and CIO (secret police) would abduct and arrest opposition people especially at night then take them to police stations. Some of the police stations like "Mzilikazi" and "Stop camp" police stations in Bulawayo became quite infamous for the beatings and electrocution of political opponents of Mugabe/Zanu (PF) administered there. In cities and town such as Gwanda the residents of a town would be assembled into the towns football ground, the people would be forced to run around the track whilst being beaten and forced to shout Mugabe is Prime Minister. As all this was taking place the Ethnical Army loyal only to Mugabe that is "the fifth brigade" was stationed in the countryside in Matebeleland and Midlands. In fact these areas became "no go areas" under curfew it is a wonder how the opposition candidates of PF-Zapu won those parliamentary seats when no meaningful campaigning took place and every body was forced to go around carrying a Zanu (PF) membership cards to produce at road blocks. In fact most of the PF-Zapu opposition leadership was assembled held prisoners at Chikurumbi maximum-security prison in Harare.

After the signing of the unity accord in 1987 no apology was given, nothing in the state media was ever said about the enormous suffering that affected half the country, it was an Alice in wonderland situation. In fact it was only after the death of Joshua Nkomo in 1999 that the nation tried to face what Zanu (PF) had done to citizens of its own country. In fact it was at the funeral speeches of some of the now age former PF-Zapu old gather such as Dr J.Nkomo, Mr Sikwili Moyo and the last Mayor of Bulawayo Mayor Siwela that Mugabe or any top Zanu (PF) official choked to utter something that may be likened to an apology to the people of Matebeleland and Midlands for the genocide and years of oppression. Even then they only said those words to try and boost the flagging fortunes of the Zanu (PF) party. In fact of late it seems that they will almost say anything to any one in order to try and revive the fast sinking popularity of Zanu (PF).

However after the electorate had bruised them with the "No referendum result" at the hands of the NCA. The Zanu (PF) gurus seem to have abandoned this somewhat enlightened charm offensive in favour of the tried and tested "violent campaign by thuggery". This is where Robert Mugabe feels in his own element. The world must not allow him to slide back to the 1980s.

It is a very sad day indeed when the world sits and accepts very poor standards for democracy and good governance in Africa and then calls it "African Solutions". If this misuse of this phrase is being put forward to justify appeasement to evil men, their deeds and reward them for choosing thuggery over real democracy whilst punishing the innocent true democrats on the other hand for trying to maintain world standards of democracy and good governance then this is indeed a very sad day.

 The ruling party/Government sponsor activity of thugs picked from the streets and prisons put on the government pay rolls, directed, transported in government vehicles, equipped with hardware ranging from knobcarries to fire arms and supplied with consumables ranging from food to narcotic drugs. Then ferried from one targeted farm to the next to carry out the following actions: -
1. Punish the farmer or worker who dared to support the No Vote at the passed constitutional referendum.
2. Take over the farm, loot its property take the land and use it to buy support for Zanu (PF) from potential supporters.

These people who call them selves the Zanu (PF) war veterans are very similar in character to the previous Zanu (PF) thugs who came before them such as the Zanu (PF) youth brigades, Zanu (PF) women brigades, who were used by Zanu (PF) in the period of time which led to the 1985 Elections at which PF-Zapu and the Matebele people were the targets of Zanu (PF) state sponsored violence.
Today the NCA opposition parties are the targeted parties and the ethnic groups targeted are the white farmers and the black labourers so far, it is highly likely that more and more groups are going to be added to the target list as time passes.
In order for democracy and economic development to thrive in Zimbabwe this culture of violence at the heart of Zanu (PF) must be removed, it must be starved out it must not find fertile ground and nourishment to grow, the world must be unequivocal in its condemnation of this diabolical culture.

Finally, sithi MAYIHLOME MTHWAKAZI, BAYETHE MTHWAKAZI. Please CIRCULATE widely to hundreds of other Mthwakazians.

The correct attitude of War veterans is that demonstrated by the Zipra ex-combatants who have issued a press statement from Bulawayo disassociating the selves from the current land occupations. In 1980 the demobilised Zipra ex-combatants pooled their money and bought, not invaded several properties and bought several businesses. These farms and properties were seized by the Zanu (PF) government and they have not handed them back despite the so-called Unity accord of 1987, recently in a bid to revive the flagging fortunes of the Zanu (PF) party some Zanu (PF) top officials have announced that they are handing back those properties, but its proving almost impossible to recover any of the money because whilst these properties were impounded Zanu (PF) officials sold on these properties and the money simply disappeared. Now if after almost 20 years Zanu (PF) can not hand over to its stated friends and allies of the liberation struggle, how long do you reckon it will take for Chengerai Hunzwi and Mugabe to withdraw from the currently occupied farm of the "stated enemies of the state" and make good the damage to farm properties which their on farm acquisition program say they would not touch?
Finally, sithi MAYIHLOME MTHWAKAZI, BAYETHE MTHWAKAZI. Please CIRCULATE widely to hundreds of other Mthwakazians.

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Letter 1: Inspiration



Letter 2: Kerry Kay

In 2001 Iain and Kerry led the Zimbabwe Civic Society Human Rights
delegation to CHOGM in Brisbane Australia.

presented to the CFU on their return, the following recommendations were
made to CFU:-

The CFU President has made a statement on the issue of co-existence with
settlers, extortion etc. and on the instruction given by Made, Moyo, Mujuru
and Chombo at meetings with farmers.  This hopefully is the preamble to a
Press statement from the CFU informing the government and the world that
for the past six years, and more so over the past twenty months, all talks
on equitable, lawful and sustainable land settlement have been exhausted.
Not only have the talks been exhausted but they have been frustrated by a
lack of commitment by our Government to adhere to the rule of law, without
which nothing can function in our country.

At the Land Donor Conference it was agreed by all concerned to proceed with
land redistribution under certain criteria.  Furthermore Britain agreed to
fund a portion of the costs with Zimbabwe putting in the remaining funding
needed if the criteria were adhered to.  Our Government accuses Britain of
not honouring their word by putting "their money where their mouth was".
However, it was the Zimbabwe Government who could/would not put up their
share of the funding, hence the halt by Britain on its share.


· That the CFU calls a Press Conference attended by Foreign Ambassadors and
announces quite clearly that our government has amply demonstrated by the
events of the past twenty months that the issue is not about land, that the
government has no intention of restoring the rule of law or refraining from
interfering in the course of justice and the judiciary, at all levels,
allowing freedom of expression and choice, and above all is not committed
to the lawful, sustainable and equitable land redistribution programme, as
agreed to in the 1998 Land Donor Conference.

· Makes public the costs to the commercial farmers of the land invasions
and anarchy.

· The cost to the country in economic terms.

· That the CFU puts a human face on the prevailing situation - statistics
are important from the economic point of view, but statistics don't bleed.

· That CFU takes a moral standpoint by emphasising the appalling
humanitarian disaster unfolding rapidly on a daily basis with the
displacement of so many farm workers and their families.

· That CFU (wanting to remain apolitical) puts in a place a voter
registration education programme for all farmers and their workers.

· That CFU engages the ALB, NEC and human rights organisations to assist it
in enhancing basic rights education amongst the farm worker population.

· That when the CFU calls a Press Conference it seizes the opportunity to
inform the public of the CFU's stand on the breakdown of law and order, the
atrocities being committed, and above all emphasize that land is not the
issue and can no longer be treated as such.

· Engage the Law Society, Women's Organisations, UNICEF (the farm workers
children) and all other humanitarian organisations to take up the continual
human rights abuses and focus on the farm workers for a change.  Without
them no farm can operate.

· The CFU lawyers take all cases of wrongful arrest, detention and
treatment of farmers and farm workers to the Ombudsman, calling on that
office to take action against the Police for gross dereliction of duty.

If the CFU does not urgently alter its strategy and call for the
restoration of law and order, immediately, then Zimbabwe is going to see
many more state sponsored deaths, assaults, maimings, kidnappings, land
invasions and farm worker evictions.

I believe it is our last chance to avoid total chaos in our country, and
the resultant destruction of the commercial farming industry.

In making this move the CFU will have the unequivocal support of all
farmers, Zimbabweans, neighbouring nations and indeed, the rest of the
civilised world.

Kerry Kay
October, 2001


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Zimbabwe opposition denies using army deserters

HARARE, April 8 - Zimbabwe's opposition on Tuesday denied that it was using
army deserters to destabilise the country and accused the government of
trying to shift blame for violence ahead of a regional fact-finding mission.
       The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said President Robert
Mugabe's security forces have waged a crackdown on the opposition since it
led one of the biggest protests against Mugabe's 23-year rule last month.
       On Monday, the army showed journalists in Harare an array of military
garb and MDC regalia allegedly found on opposition activists who were
assaulting people in the city's townships under the guise of being soldiers.
       It also paraded what it said were 23 junior soldiers who had deserted
from the army and were approached by the MDC to carry out acts of violence
during last month's strike.
       ''The MDC unequivocally denies any links whatsoever with the young
men who were paraded ... We deny that we have at any time ever hired any
youth or any members of the Zimbabwe National Army, deserters or otherwise,
to cause any violence,'' MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube said on
       Ncube charged Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party was trying to
''hoodwink'' a team from the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
due in Harare this week to probe Zimbabwe's political crisis, which the MDC
says has seen over 300 of its supporters killed in violence over the last
three years.
       ''This sort of tactic demonstrates that they (ruling party) have no
intention at all of stopping the violence. If anything it suggests that they
intend to continue with the violence, claiming that it is being perpetrated
by the MDC,'' Ncube told a news conference.
       Police say they arrested scores of people in connection with violence
during last month's protest strike, but deny allegations of torture. The
army has also denied that its members are involved.
       Ncube said Mugabe's ''gimmicks'' would not stop the MDC from
organising further protests.
       The MDC is trying to pressure African leaders to denounce Mugabe and
his party. To date, fellow African leaders like Thabo Mbeki of neighbouring
South Africa have stood by the President, favouring ''quiet diplomacy'' over
open criticism.
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Sky News


The British Goverment has resisted cross-party pressure in the House of
Lords to strip Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe of his honorary
He was given the knighthood by the Queen in 1994 but has recently come under
fire for his government's policy.
Liberal Democrat Lord Watson of Richmond, urged action citing "the
continuing and rapidly worsening human rights situation and abuse in
Zimbabwe and the arrest of the opposition leader".
Backed by Tory frontbencher Lord Howell of Guildford, Lord Watson said the
matter should be given priority as "it is an honour which has been
Junior Foreign Office minister Baroness Amos explained: "We may well
re-visit this question in the future but I think that there are other
priorities right now."
She agreed with Labour's Lord Hughes of Woodside who commented: "Are the
people who are starving and facing grave tortures in Zimbabwe likely to be
moved by the plea to remove the honour?
"Aren't they more likely to say, Is that the best you can do?"
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      ZIMBABWE: Opposition leadership face crackdown
      IRINnews Africa, Tue 8 Apr 2003

      MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai is in the middle of a treason trial

      JOHANNESBURG, - Most of the top leadership of Zimbabwe's opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is facing criminal charges following a
government crackdown.

      Party spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi, the latest detainee, was arrested
on Monday afternoon as he was attending the bail hearing of Gibson Sibanda,
the party's vice-president and chief whip.

      Nyathi, like Sibanda, was charged under Section 5 of the Public Order
and Security Act for attending a planning meeting of the party's two-day
anti-government protest in March.

      Sibanda was freed on bail of US $1,200 after one week in detention.
But by Tuesday afternoon Nyathi was still in custody, MDC information
director, Nkanyiso Maqeda, told IRIN.

      Among those arrested and out on bail are: MDC President Morgan
Tsvangirai, secretary-general Welshman Ncube, and MP Renson Gasela, who are
in the middle of a treason trial in which they are accused of plotting to
"eliminate" Mugabe.

      The party's legal affairs director, David Coltart, was arrested on
firearm charges and Roy Bennet, MP for Chimanimani, was arrested for
allegedly breaking the electoral law outside a polling station last year.

      Maqeda said that in addition to the party's top leadership, at least
600 MDC supporters or members had been arrested in the last two weeks - 350
of whom were still in custody.

      Paul Graham, executive director of the Institute for Democracy in
South Africa (IDASA), said the arrest of senior figures could destabilise
the MDC.

      "It makes it almost impossible to develop a mature leadership and
respond to the crisis of governance in Zimbabwe," he told IRIN. "It's
difficult for them to provide leadership at a time when it is needed and the
arrests also have an impact on how the party's supporters behave. The
stayaway was largely peaceful, but there were some problems."

      Since its formation in 1999 the MDC has won 54 of the 120 elected
seats in parliament and is currently challenging the outcome of the 2001
presidential election which returned President Robert Mugabe to power.

      "The MDC has been criticised for being weak as a party, but they are a
relatively new party and have had constant disruptions. The fact that they
have electoral successes when this is happening means they should be given
more credit," Graham added.

      Maqeda insisted: "What they [the government] don't realise is that
this is not just a leadership-orientated party, but a party that succeeds at

      However, he acknowledged that the arrests had placed a strain on the
party's financial resources, not only for legal fees, but for the medical
bills of assaulted members.

      The material contained in this article is from IRIN, a UN humanitarian
information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations or its agencies. If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post any item
on this site, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Quotations or
extracts should include attribution to the original sources. All graphics
and Images on this site may not be re-produced without the express
permission of the original owner.
      All materials copyright © UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs 2003
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      ZIMBABWE: Livestock decimated by drought in Matabeleland
      IRINnews Africa, Tue 8 Apr 2003 Email this story to a friend
      Print this story

      Smallholder farmers rely on livestock for ploughing

      JOHANNESBURG, - World Vision has warned that urgent interventions are
needed to address the decimation of livestock and the consequent erosion of
household security in Zimbabwe.

      During the past three months, about 35,000 head of cattle have been
lost to drought in Zimbabwe's Matabeleland South province, the relief NGO
said in its latest report.

      Half of Zimbabwe's population face hunger due to a combination of
drought, the impact of the government's fast-track land reform on commercial
agriculture, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

      The loss of livestock resulting from drought in Matabeleland South
province was further eroding the coping mechanisms of affected communities,
World Vision said. The hardest hit areas were Beitbridge and Gwanda, along
the border with South Africa.

      A concept paper has been developed by World Vision Zimbabwe to look
into ways of bringing relief to counter the loss of livestock in the

      "Currently, World Vision has no relief programme on livestock and
proposals are being developed for various donors to address the emergency
livestock situation through supplementary feeding for breeding stock, and
community-based livestock health initiatives," the NGO said.

      The maintenance of tillage capacity was being integrated into all new
agricultural recovery proposals for the up-coming season.

      "The loss of cattle has depleted [the] draught power capacity of most
communities. Smallholder farmers in Zimbabwe rely heavily upon livestock for
ploughing. Livestock losses, and the declining health of remaining stock,
seriously impacts agricultural productivity," World Vision added.

      Farmers had been reduced to ploughing by hand. "This additional labour
demand has devastating effects on household food security, especially given
the existing labour constraints associated with the high HIV/AIDS prevalence
in the communities," World Vision noted.

      The organisation added that besides draught power, communities also
relied on cattle to trade for cash so they could purchase basic commodities.

      The material contained in this article is from IRIN, a UN humanitarian
information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations or its agencies. If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post any item
on this site, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Quotations or
extracts should include attribution to the original sources. All graphics
and Images on this site may not be re-produced without the express
permission of the original owner.
      All materials copyright © UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs 2003
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Zimbabwe Arrests 23 Alleged Army Deserters
Peta Thornycroft
08 Apr 2003, 19:03 UTC

The Zimbabwe government says it has arrested 23 alleged army deserters who,
it charges, had established links with the political opposition's
underground military wing. The government said the deserters had stolen
explosives from the army for planned attacks during Zimbabwe's national
strike last month.

The government said the opposition Movement for Democratic Change has a
secret military wing, and that it was supplied with explosives by a group of
young people who the state press claims are deserters from the Zimbabwe
national army.

One of the men was interviewed on state radio. He repeated claims made in
government-controlled newspapers and said he was recruited by the opposition

One of the alleged plots involved a planned attempt to blow up fuel stations
during the strike, to cause fear and dismay.

The government also accused the group of involvement with the opposition in
what it describes as a campaign of violence during the national strike.
Three buses were set afire and three small bombs exploded, causing slight

The strike on March 18 and March 19, which affected commerce and industry
across the country, was called by the opposition to protest government

Only journalists working for the government-controlled media have had access
to the alleged deserters, who have reportedly confessed to supplying the
opposition with weapons.

Police said those responsible for injuring more than 250 opposition
supporters following the strike and during two parliamentary by elections a
week ago were not soldiers, as claimed by victims, but impostors dressed up
in army uniforms. An army spokesman denied its members would attack

The Movement for Democratic Change described the government's latest charges
as ridiculous and ludicrous.

The Zimbabwe government has accused white farmers, the British government,
and journalists of inciting the strike. Since the opposition's formation
nearly four years ago, there have been no public indications that it has
established a military wing.
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Africa's Food Crisis As A Threat To Peace and Security

World Food Programme (Rome)

April 8, 2003
Posted to the web April 8, 2003

New York

Statement to the United Nations Security Council by James T. Morris,
Executive Director, World Food Programme

Mr. President, distinguished members of the Security Council:

We are all seized with the war in Iraq. On the humanitarian side, the World
Food Programme has launched what may become the largest single humanitarian
operation in history -- a massive intervention covering logistics, food and
communications totaling $1.3 billion over six months. Reports vary on how
much food Iraq's 27 million people now have. Earlier, the Iraqi Government
announced that several months worth of food had been distributed, while our
own national staff that has monitored the Oil for Food Program for the last
decade put the figure at about a month's supply for the average family. We
are all deeply concerned.

But as we meet today, there are nearly 40 million Africans in greater peril.
They are struggling against starvation -- and, I can assure you, these 40
million Africans, most of them women and children, would find it an
immeasurable blessing to have a month's worth of food. As much as I don't
like it, I cannot escape the thought that we have a double standard. How is
it we routinely accept a level of suffering and hopelessness in Africa we
would never accept in any other part of the world? We simply cannot let this

Commitments to humanitarian aid are political choices and this Council is
the most important political forum in the world. There is so much each of
you can do to focus the attention and resources on the food crises now
engulfing much of sub-Saharan Africa. We must never again witness a famine
of the proportions seen in Ethiopia in 1984/85. Up to 1 million people died
in that famine -- losses far greater than most wars. Ironically, much of the
assistance that might have saved them simply arrived too late -- thousands
of tons of food were unloaded just as Ethiopian families were burying their

The causes of Africa's food crises remain as I described them in December -
a lethal combination of recurring droughts, failed economic policies, civil
war, and the widening impact of AIDS, which has damaged the food sector and
the capacity of governments to respond to need. The scale of the suffering
is unprecedented. The World Food Programme must somehow find $1.8 billion
this year just to meet emergency food needs in Africa. That is equal to all
the resources we were able to gather last year for our projects worldwide
and more than the biennial budget of the UN Secretariat here in New York.
Thus far, we remain nearly $1 billion short.

Continuing funding shortfalls for food emergencies in the DPRK and
Afghanistan and future demands in Iraq further darken the outlook for
Africa. Last year, global food aid continued to plummet, dipping below 10
million metric tons -- down from 15 million in 1999. My colleagues at FAO
have found that chronic hunger is actually rising in the developing world
outside China and the World Health Organization announced that hunger
remains the world's number one threat to health.

Until recently it seemed that our appeals for help were just not getting
through. But I have some encouraging news. First, the Secretary General has
made the issue of African hunger -- especially as it relates to AIDS -- very
much his own and that has energized and encouraged all of us. Second, France
and the United States are working together to put African food crises on the
agenda of the upcoming G8 meeting to be hosted by President Chirac in Evian
in June. President Bush has announced the creation of a new $200 million
fund to prevent famine and we hope that will be a down payment on a broader
political commitment by the G8 and others to address food emergencies in

I will return to the G8 meeting a little later on and share some of our
thinking on the kinds of commitments needed to deal better with food crises.
But first I would like to share some information on my recent trip to
southern Africa as the Secretary General's Special Envoy and our outlook on
the current food security situation in Ethiopia, Eritrea, the Sahel and West
Africa. The largest single threat to Africa's food security remains drought
in a continent where irrigation is rare, but AIDS, failed economic policies
and political violence also have major roles in different regions.

Southern Africa

In southern Africa, and to a lesser degree in the Horn of Africa, the impact
of AIDS on the political and economic structure grows daily. In January, I
returned to the region along with Stephen Lewis, who is the Secretary
General's Special Envoy on AIDS in Africa. We were struck by the impact the
disease was having on both governance and the food sector, and how the two
were intertwined. Much of Africa's political and technical talent is dying
or emigrating, a huge depletion of Africa's human resources. Mr. Lewis often
recounts how one Minister of Agriculture met recently with a delegation of
nearly a dozen representatives of the European Union. The Minister arrived
at the meeting alone, explaining to the delegation that all his immediate
staff was either ill or already lost to AIDS. Out in rural villages, lands
lie fallow because there is no one to farm them and more than 7 million
African farmers have lost their lives to AIDS.

It is not hard to imagine where all of this is heading. The peak impact of
the AIDS pandemic has not yet arrived in southern Africa and is not expected
until 2005-2007. Political structures at the national level in the worst
affected countries may gradually just fade away and, along with them, the
services and social order they were intended to provide. Many of these
governments grew out of the artificial political demarcations left by
colonial powers and as political cohesion loosens, the potential for civil
conflicts along the lines of those we see today in the Congo and Cote
d'Ivoire grow more likely.

Even if governments succeed in maintaining a fair degree of central control
and political cohesion, basic services and their economies are bound to
suffer. How do you turn around food production in a country that no longer
has a viable agricultural extension service? How do rural children learn to
farm when their parents are too sick to teach them? How do you maintain a
basic educational system for children when their teachers are dying faster
than new ones can be trained? President Mwanawasa of Zambia told me that
they were losing 2000 teachers a year to AIDS and were able to train only
1000 a year to replace them.

Yet there are some encouraging developments as well. The latest nutritional
survey by our colleagues at UNICEF show that we have been able to block a
rise in malnutrition among children under five. Thus far, more than 620,000
tons of emergency food has been distributed to more than 10 million people
in the region. Donors have been very generous, especially the United States,
European Union, the United Kingdom, and Germany.

The GM food issue has faded and is no longer delaying and disrupting
deliveries. Five of the six countries needing aid in southern Africa are
accepting processed and milled GM foods. We simply could not have reached
the level of food deliveries we have now attained without the constructive
problem solving undertaken.

But it would be foolish to say this crisis is over. Crop prospects are
better, but more droughts are forecast and we are confronted with the real
possibility of a permanent, low-grade food crisis created by AIDS. Women and
girls are especially hard-hit by the disease, accounting for 60 percent of
the cases and in Africa eight out of ten farmers are women. The impact is
obvious. Right now all the UN agencies who have been involved in this
humanitarian effort -- UNICEF, FAO, WHO, OCHA, UNDP and WFP -- are working
on both short and long term strategies to address the impact of this
pandemic on issues like governance, social services, and the food economy.

WFP remains especially concerned about Zimbabwe where there have been
numerous media reports that food assistance is being politicized. We are
confident that this is not the case for our food and in the few instances
where we have received credible reports of abuse we suspended those
operations, I have met with President Mugabe a number of times and we have
offered the services of the UN to monitor and verify the food being
distributed by the government there, but have not yet received a positive
response. Inflation, government monopolization of the food sector and the
impact of the land redistribution scheme likely mean that the food situation
will not stabilize any time soon in Zimbabwe.

Our goal is not to politicize, but to depoliticize food aid in Zimbabwe.
Food should be available to all based on humanitarian principles with any
other consideration being inappropriate. That is the case everywhere we
work. Hungry people cannot afford to be caught in political crossfire. There
are those who would have us pull out in crisis situations to punish
governments and take a stand on political or human rights issues. But WFP
believes that emergency aid simply cannot be politicized -- for good or ill.
When people in power, be they government or rebels, deny food aid to certain
vulnerable groups of the population, we will speak out. While we see our
role as neutral and much like the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, our
member states have also asked us to be advocates for the hungry. That has
put us on a tightrope and in a perpetual balancing act. When governments
take economic actions such as banning private trade or monopolizing food
imports that undermine the food sector and exacerbate hunger, our member
states expect us to speak out and we will.

Ethiopia, Eritrea and the Sahel

The food emergency in Ethiopia has far fewer political overtones. Ethiopia
has made substantial economic gains over the past several years. It cannot
afford for the current crisis to produce serious economic setback. The
situation in Ethiopia is a classic example of a country that receives a high
per capita emergency assistance and a very small per capita development
assistance. Over 11 million Ethiopians require food and other relief
assistance, with another 3 million on the edge. Fortunately, the funding
outlook for Ethiopia is good and we already have pledges totaling about 70
percent of needs

In Eritrea, on the other hand, the last war with Ethiopia has left a legacy,
adding 900,000 displaced and economically vulnerable people to a caseload of
1.4 million who are drought-affected. While absolute numbers are far lower
than in Ethiopia, two out of three Eritreans are short of food. The funding
situation is grim. We must quickly find and move an additional 200,000
metric tons into Eritrea to continue and expand our programme to avoid
widespread malnutrition and deaths.

In both countries, drought is the major culprit. The regional needs are
really massive, far exceeding the most recent drought in 2000. The drought
could lead to internal migration and a marked rise in poverty levels, but we
do not see it as directly causing major political destabilization in either

Food security has also deteriorated in the Western Sahel -- Mauritania, Cape
Verde, Gambia, Senegal and Mali -- and emergency feeding operations are
desperately short of cash, at only 40 percent of requirements. While
internal migration, especially rural-to-urban, is likely, immediate impacts
on security and political structures do not appear likely.

Donor investments in early warning and food aid response systems have paid
off, particularly in Ethiopia. More can be done to strengthen these systems,
but we are much better able to forecast needs than we were just three years
during the last major drought in the region.

The government of Ethiopia has asked us to deliver food aid in ways that
encourage those who can work to create assets that will benefit them in the
future. There are powerful examples in Ethiopia where a very small
investment in food aid has prepared the community to deal with the drought
and more importantly to produce leadership that will serve the community for
many years. We need to expand these types of activities in Ethiopia, Eritrea
and elsewhere.

Continued progress in coping with the food crisis in both Ethiopia and
Eritrea depends heavily on a firm commitment to peace. During their recent
war, the governments of these two countries were spending the equivalent of
$1 million a day on the fighting, making it hard to ask donors for
humanitarian aid under such circumstances.


The nexus between political violence and food shortages is still most easily
illustrated in Angola where the humanitarian situation remains serious. Our
job is to help with the economic recovery of the poorest and the maintenance
of the peace. After the peace agreement was signed a year ago, WFP's
caseload rose sharply from 1 to 1.8 million people. Large numbers of
displaced or isolated people can now be reached, but the fact that much of
the country is littered with land mines still makes access difficult and
undercuts food production as vast stretches of land are not yet safe for
cultivation. More of the millions of refugees and IDPs are returning home at
a rate higher than aid agencies anticipated, further straining the systems
we have in place. Angola is no doubt a wealthy country with great potential
and now capable of doing far more for its citizens, but food and other aid
remain crucial for the near future.

Africa's Refugees and IDPs.

Destroying food supplies and driving people from their lands have long been
techniques in war. We have seen them used in recent years in Liberia,
Somalia, the Sudan, and in Cote d'Ivoire, where more than 1 million people
have been displaced. Despite some progress in the last few years, large
pockets of refugees and IDPs remain a continuing source of political
friction, violence and insecurity in Africa. Large concentrations of
refugees and IDPs often degrade the environment, further aggravating
relations with indigenous groups. All told, WFP is feeding 1.8 million
refugees and 5.7 million IDPs and returnees in Africa operations totaling
$166 million. But donors have not stepped in forcefully enough. In West
Africa, for example, emergency operations to feed IDPs and refugees in
Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Cote d'Ivoire are facing a shortfall of 40

The political and security situation in West Africa has been in deep crisis
for years. Liberia is once again at the epicenter of a conflict that could
continue to spread. With no sustainable political solution in sight in
Liberia, the humanitarian situation there is expected to remain critical
through 2003 and will impact on neighbouring Guinea and Sierra Leone.
Moreover with violence and conflict escalating in western Côte d'Ivoire, the
already precarious humanitarian situation risks to deteriorate even further
and reach regional dimensions.

WFP launched a regional emergency operation in November 2002 as a response
to the crisis. The government lost control over 40% of the country, which
caused massive population movements both internally in Côte d'Ivoire and to
neighbouring countries. The situation seems to be stabilizing. However, if
the Linas-Marcoussis agreement is not respected, there are fears that the
country could lapse into all-out civil war, destroying a cornerstone of the
region's economy. This will have humanitarian consequences far exceeding the
borders of Côte d'Ivoire. WFP is particularly concerned about the situation
in the western part of Cote d'Ivoire where we expect the food situation will
soon become critical, especially in view of the access problem. Moreover,
while some Liberian refugees have started to go back to their own country,
part of the old Liberian refugee caseload cannot return to Liberia. The
entire refugee population remaining in the conflict area, estimated at
between 50-60,000, should therefore be moved as soon as possible to safer
locations. Negotiations are ongoing between UNHCR and the Government
authorities to identify a site for the temporary relocation of Liberian
refugees who are still trapped in the conflict zones.

UNHCR and WFP have warned that the fate of more than 1.2 million refugees in
Africa is uncertain due to a lack of funding for much-needed food aid. We
urgently need more funds in the next several months to avert severe hunger
among refugees. (The mid-February shortfall was $84 million.) Some refugees
are already receiving only half of their normal monthly food rations.
Meanwhile, stocks of several food commodities are running out. Major
interruptions in the food pipeline are feared in Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya,
Liberia, Sierra Leone, Algeria and Sudan, Africa's main refugee-hosting

In Tanzania, for example, the maize ration for more than 515,000 refugees
from Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been reduced
twice since November 2002. The cuts and looming shortages will affect the
health of refugees. The government of Tanzania warned that it may compel
refugees to return home as it fears that food shortages in camps will spark
banditry and insecurity in refugee-hosting areas.

In Kenya, a lack of funds has already forced WFP to reduce food rations by
25 per cent with more cuts expected. A recent UNHCR/WFP nutrition survey in
refugee camps in Kenya shows high rates of global malnutrition in children.
More than 8,000 refugee children living in camps in Kenya are malnourished
while thousands more are vulnerable.

Funding difficulties are also being experienced in Uganda. Here, WFP has
been able to raise only 30 per cent of food supplies needed to feed some
150,000, mainly Sudanese, refugees in settlements in the north and western
part of the country. The burden there is compounded by need to help some
395,000 people who have been displaced by the fighting being waged by the
Lord's Resistance Army in the north of the country.

We are also facing breaks in the food pipeline in Liberia forcing reduced
rations for refugees, among them, some 70,000 displaced recently into
neighboring Liberia by continuing violence in Côte d'Ivoire. WFP is also in
dire need of new resources for an additional 40,000 Liberian refugees in
Sierra Leone.

Steps We Can Take Now

We had a very fruitful preparatory meeting for the G8 here in New York last
month that is helping us shape some ideas for future action. Preventing and
responding to food crises in Africa requires commitment by a range of
actors, especially Africans themselves. For instance, domestic economic
policies that work against the African farmer and create disincentives for
agricultural production will need to be reversed. Global trade policies of
the rich industrial nations that have a direct negative impact on
agricultural production of developing countries should likewise be reversed.

Director General Diouf of FAO, President Bage of IFAD and I offered our
shared view that a two-track approach must be taken in Africa We must
consider simultaneously the needs of the 40 million Africans living with
threat of starvation and the nearly 200 million Africans who suffer quietly
from chronic hunger far from the attention of the media.

We can make significant progress with modest investments. While our
proposals are not yet finalized, for its part, WFP plans to call on the G8
and its members states for:

1. A far stronger donor commitment to emergency food aid based on better
targeting and more sophisticated early warning systems;

2. A substantial increase in support for investment in basic agricultural
infrastructure, both micro and macro, especially irrigation infrastructure,
but also roads and markets, and the need to make agricultural work easier
for women. After all, they do 80 percent of the work. We also need to focus
on more energy efficient devices and need to make timely investments in
implements, seeds and fertilizer. Crucial is a long-term drive to deal with
Africa's water issues, introduce improved technologies, promote policy
reforms, invest in micro-enterprises, and strengthen nutrition through
school feeding and other projects to reach the vulnerable. In fact, the
Minister of Agriculture of Malawi informed me that an investment of US
dollar 77 million in irrigation infrastructure would be the single most
important step to enhance Malawian agriculture. The Secretary General's call
for a green revolution in Africa is one of the most important statements to
be made recently;

3. A firm commitment by donors to full funding of all African emergency food
aid operations based on joint FAO/WFP needs assessments. We are looking a
famine risk insurance schemes and other mechanisms to move us in that
direction more quickly. To maximize effectiveness, the longer-term
development programmes of WFP and other UN agencies in water, sanitation,
health, agriculture and education programmes will need far stronger support;

4. Funding of a $300 million African Food Emergency Fund that would be an
immediate response account that can be used at the very outset of a food
crisis. Fast access to cash to buy food locally/regionally, hire transport,
set up communications, and to fill breaks in food aid pipelines would vastly
strengthen the speed with which WFP can respond. We will encourage other UN
agencies to seek similar immediate response accounts. We have repeatedly
seen, most recently in southern Africa and the Horn of Africa, that
donations to meet nonfood needs -- clean water, medicines, seeds --
materialize at an even slower rate than those for food. The non-food items
are every bit as important as food and deserve the thoughtful consideration
of the donor community. We need to move faster on all fronts.

5. Create a facility to encourage donations from nontraditional donors,
especially developing countries. India, for example, has more than 60
million metric tons in cereals surpluses. We have been offered 1 million
tons -- but we need to find partners to provide cash for transport and
management. Cash contributions made in this way can leverage considerably
more food aid for hungry people. For example, a cash contribution of $20
million could leverage a donation of 100,000 metric tons from South Africa
for drought victims in Zambia. This transaction would otherwise cost around
$40 million. New donors, both traditional and non-traditional, substantial
participation of the private sector and innovative concepts such as
"twinning" are critical.

6. Provide modest funds to work with Africa Governments and other partners
improve vulnerability mapping, early warning and preparedness measures. Help
us and our African partners sharpen capacities in needs assessments and
nutrition surveillance, and move aggressively into food fortification and
other nutritional activities, especially ones designed to address the
nutritional impact of AIDS.

7. Finally, we will call on the donor community for a major investment in
Africa's children. The long-term future of Africa will depend greatly on a
well-nourished, educated and skilled workforce. WFP would like to work in
partnership with NEPAD to get all primary school-aged African children to
attend school through support for school feeding activities. An initial
annual investment of $300 million in school feeding, to be gradually
increased to $2 billion a year by 2015, would permit WFP to support the
Education for All initiative and reach most of the 40-50 million out-of
school children. We are especially grateful for recent commitments from
Switzerland and Canada for school feeding in Africa. In fact, Canada has
committed 75 million Canadian dollars over three years in support of school
feeding in five African countries. As much as we can, WFP procures
commodities locally and/or regionally to stimulate local production, adhere
to local food habits and ensure long-term sustainability. School feeding
also allows to support policies introducing the supplementation of iodine,
vitamin A and iron in the diet of children. For pennies, a child's life can
be substantially improved. The impact in terms of nutrition, health, and
education - especially for girls - are tremendous: enrollment rates,
performance scores and access to secondary schooling soar while girl-child
marriages and early pregnancies decrease. For me, the concept of empowerment
of women could not be more tangible. School feeding is the single best
vehicle to address the Millennium Development Goal to cut poverty and hunger
by half.

Mr. Chairman, I also want to underline the critical importance of
peacekeeping and diplomacy. War and conflict, in Africa as elsewhere,
quickly lead to hunger. People who are hungry and without food will have
risky behaviors and will tend to be more aggressive. War and conflict cuts
productivity, increase HIV/AIDS, increase refugee and IDP movements, and
affect children the most. War changes the focus of the way countries do
their business. There is no doubt that in much of Africa hunger and poverty
are fueling conflict and robbing Africans of the bright future they deserve.
Their suffering cannot be any less to us than the suffering we see elsewhere
in the world today. We must all do more to help.
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JOB OPPORTUNITIES: Updated April 8, 2003

Please send any job opportunities for publication in this newsletter to:
JAG Job Opportunities <>



I have 2 jobs available which might be of interest to some displaced

Job # 1
Salesman, selling automotive chemicals. Training will be provided,
applicant must have own car, remuneration will be on commission. Hours will
be flexitime, and the opportunity to earn significantly is there provided
the person has energy and is reliable. Start immediately. Job#1 Applicants
should contact Mark Wilson @ 498745 or 011218006.

Job # 2
Security manager is required at Borrowdale Brooke Estate. We have our own
security team but it needs management.Hours will be flexible to a degree
and further details can be obtained from Brian Moorse, the estate manager @
860370 Harare.


(ad inserted 13th Feb 03)
We have clients looking for a bookkeeper to assist in running the business.
Must be computer literate and able to use Pastel.  Will be required to keep
the books up to date as well as assist in producing management
A competitive package will be offered for the right person.
Contact Norman 369877 or

we need a retired semi retired mechanic to assist in the daily running of
our vehicle workshop behind Jaggers Harare.
Mornings only is preferred but we can offer flexibility of time.
Job description: to assist and advise workers on the floor. Undertake some
of the more complex work. Offer general expertise.
Vehicles maintained are general light goods. Work covers all aspects of
repair and maintenance.
Package subject to discussion.
Please contact Kevin or Chris on
Sincerely, Kevin Smeda

(ad inserted 1 April 2003)
WANTED: FARM TRIAL BALANCE BOOKKEEPER, computer literate, based Harare.
Pleasant environment at Fife Ave/10th Street - hassle free on site car
parking. Full time preferably, but part-time/flexi-time will be considered.
Negotiable salary based on experience.

Contact Norma Gordon Tel. 04-704949/email


(ad inserted 13th Feb 03)
We are looking for a book keeper type person for two months till the end of
March - needs computer experience (pastel is used but easy to pick up if
computer literate) to work from a house close to Highlands School - may be
able to take some work away - part time or full time is OK - salary to be
neg depending on time and experience.
Contact Lynda Scott 091 201 324 or 498705


(ad inserted 13th Feb 03)
WANTED: FARM TRIAL BALANCE BOOKKEEPER, Needs to be computer literate and
based in Harare.
Pleasant environment at Fife Ave/10th Street - hassle free on site car
parking. Full time preferably, but part-time/flexi-time will be considered.
Negotiable salary based on experience.
Contact Norma Gordon
Tel. 04-704949/email


Please would you insert the following advert in your JAG Job Opportunities
for two weeks (26 March - 9 April 2003)

"Rifa Environmental Education Camp in Chirundu requires the part time
services of an interested and appropriately qualified person/couple to
participate in the running of the Education Programme for short periods
ranging from 1 to 4 months between April and October. A package including
furnished accommodation will be provided. Applicants need to have a working
knowledge of the outdoors and be prepared to share it with Zimbabwean
school children at both Grade 7 and Advanced level. Interested applicants
should contact the Zimbabwe Hunters' Association on Harare 707306 or write
to the ZHA, P.O. Box HG.548, Highlands, Harare or e-mail"


Cattleman required who is capable of progressing to a high level in a large
vertically integrated little/operation.

Please send invoice by return email to



Senior Accounts Person

Either male or female, Balance Sheet Bookkeeper also involving foreign
payments. Experienced person preferred.  Very good package.  Ruwa area,
export company.

Please contact Annalize at 073-2847/50 or 091 406 934.

Trucks required for hire

Seven (7) tonne trucks with or without trailers required for agricultural

Please contact 091 213 989 for further details.


Tshabezi Safaris - West Nicholson
Garage manager required for country workshop. Toyota Landcruiser experience
would be an added advantage. This position would suit a husband and wife
team - wife could help out either in safaris office or accounts department.
She must be computer literate.
Please reply with current CVs to:
Rogers Brothers & Son P/L (Garage Manager)
P O West Nicholson


The post of Warden at Borradaile Trust Marondera has become vacant.
This is a retirement complex with about 70 cottages for independent
residents. Two large establishments house about 60 semi-independent
residents and there is a small hospital called Borradaile House, for
dependent residents.  In the grounds is the separately administered
Borradaile Hospital. The Warden is provided with a house in Marondera.
Applications with C.V.s and two references should reach the Administrator,
Borradaile Trust, Pvt. Bag 3795, Marondera as soon as possible.  In view of
the high cost of postage, the Administrator only undertakes to reply to
those short-listed.  Acknowledgements will be made to those providing
e-mail addresses.

Thank you very much, from the Administrator.


(ad inserted 6th Feb 03)
Farm Manager wanted for tobacco/paprika concern - fully irrigated -
starting ASAP.  Farm situated 1 hour from Harare.  Preference given to
young, experienced applicants single or married. Package negotiable.
Please send CV to:


(ad inserted 6th Feb 03),
Bright Steel (Zimbabwe) Ltd requires a Credit Controller with a strong
accounting background to manage a large debtors portfolio.  Strong computer
skills in Microsoft packages essential and the ability to communicate
across the board.  Main accounting package is Sage but knowledge of at
least one accounting package is essential.  Main duties will include the
1. All credit control functions
2. Product costing of imports.
3. Salaries for junior staff using Belina Computer System.
4. Computation of sales tax
5. Checking & capturing Goods Received Vouchers.
6. Preparing audit schedules.
7. Spreadsheets - excel.
8. Sage Computer System would be an advantage.
The above person to report to the Financial Controller and will have a
debtors clerk reporting directly to him/her from Bulawayo and a trainee.
1.  Competitive salary
2.  Pension scheme
3.  Profit Incentive Bonus Scheme (P.I.B.S.)
4.  Medical Aid paid in full
5.  Lunch provided
6.  Travel allowance
7.  Cell phone time paid.
Contact Brian Wilson
Phone: 754324. 091 400 588.


(ad inserted 30th Jan 03)
Retired Farming couple required to live and work on a farm 60 km from
Harare. Husband to carry out Sourcing and Procurement of farm supplies as
well as run Stores and Arrange movements of farm Transport fleet. Wife to
run Farm Store and Tuck shop. Usual farm perks are offered. Contact 011 403
558 or 091 218 822 or email


(Ad inserted 24th February 03)
Part time Manager for small farm 7 km on tar from Westgate Shopping Centre,
Harare. Wide range of crops- herbs, spices, etc with cleaning plant and
essential oils distillery, grown under EU organic certification.
Accommodation available- cottage with 3 bedrooms. Might suit someone with
farming experience who could combine this work with a job in Harare. Please
email details to



Opportunity in Polokwane South Africa.

Mature person required as maintenance and farm manager including wildlife
for a very reputable hotel and game farm, (conservancy) outside Polokwane
(Pietersburg) Limpopo Province.

Duties include.
Organizational ability, vehicle maintenance, boreholes, electrical
maintenance at hotel and farm, good labour relations etc.

Only hard working and sober persons need apply.

Please contact, e-mail, Phone 0027836565729


I felt that there might be someone in your network that may be interested.
The post could suit a person that is currently underemployed, and it falls
vacant because the present incumbent has been employed by the World Bank.

ICC is looking for an agricultural consultant to service our market in
Manica and Tete provinces of Mozambique. The responsibilities include
selling to donor agenicies, helping to write proposals, and helping to
manage the resultant consulting projects. The ideal person will have
extensive agriculture experience, both commercial and small scale, will be
fluent in Portuguese and English, will be familiar with the customs of
Mozambique, and preferably live close to Mutare.  We can teach them the
consulting skills.

ICC is a Southern African consulting company with offices in Harare, Maputo
and Lusaka. In Mozambique we are active in consultancy work in Micro
finance, commercial and small holder agricultural projects. Recent projects
Strategic plan for a Mozambiquan manufacturer of oils, fats and soaps,
Market analysis and feasibility study for a new horticultural project,
Asssisting a major regional tea and coffee producer to prepare for further
regional expansion,
Business plans and facilitated negotiations for a major Zimbabwean agri
business to start a joint venture in Mozambique,
Feasibility and business plans for greenfields tea project in Espungabera.
Tel: + 263 4 731555/7
Fax: + 263 4 731558
Cell: + 263 (0) 91 272 767


(ad inserted 03 April 2003)

We have received this letter from a friend in Nairobi - if anyone is
interested in an interview they can contact Dr Georges Hess directly at his
e-mail address - :-

We run a 4500 ha Sisal Estate in Tanzania. For the past 3 years we have
had a Swiss manager on the Estate running the whole show quite
satisfactorily. However various indications are that after many decades in
Africa our man may want to retire.

With the problems that have ravaged the European farming community in
Zimbabwe many farmers seem to be stranded or have already left the country.
A lot of them have moved to neighbouring countries like South Africa,
Mozambique and of course to Tanzania too.

Our Estate is near Tanga (right on the seafront). It is a remote place by
any standard but very good facilities are there. The only disadvantage is
the lack of schooling facilities nearby. Hence it would be advantageous if
a candidate is either having only very small children or then be of an age,
where the schooling of children is a problem of the past.

We of course know that we will not get a manager with "Sisal experience".
Rather we would envisage a man with a good mechanical background. We have a
series of tractors, heavy production machines and a DH6 Caterpillar.
Sufficient commercial common sense would of course also be expected.

A crucial role would also have to be played by the wife of any potential
candidate. We employ 290 permanent workers and another 300 casuals which
all live in company owned staff houses. Hence we have a population of well
over 1000 people that depend directly on us.  We would expect our General
Manager's wife to take an active lead position in pinpointing programs and
schemes to better the livelihoods of our workforce on an ongoing basis. It
would certainly be a job that would reward a suitable couple in many
different ways.

Of course I know that many more details would have to be spelled out. The
purpose of this mail is just to find out whether, in your opinion, such
candidates would be around in your country.  I will be in Zimbabwe in early
May. That would give me the opportunity to interview any potential

Many Thanks
Pam Stead


(ad inserted 6th Feb. 03)
The JAG Office received an enquiry from Mr George Mashinkila who owns some
farmland in Zambia. He wants to lease out his farm. If anyone is
interested, they can get hold of him directly at e-mail



"Dynamic agriculturally based trading company looks for energetic person to
take over there Lusaka operations.  Looking for
reliability-honesty-integrity.  Please interested applicants email"



Cattle farming business in Ghanzi District, North-West Botswana for sale.
(The owners moving for kids schooling.) Comprises 2 well-developed freehold
farms, measuring 10 112,06 Morg (8 660 Ha) in total, 1050 head of cattle
(cross Santa-Sussex), all necessary farming equipment, lighting-plants,
gensets, inverter equipment managers residence, main farm residence, staff
accommodation, workshops and storerooms etc, etc Walk-in / walk-out deal
BWP4 500 000-00 (Approx US$ 775 000-00). All serious offers will be
Contact Mike on (267) 72290622 or e-mail


Tobacco managers wanted in Malawi: 2003/4 seasons
100ha Flue cured 100ha Maize African tobacco managers of Malawian
extraction wanting to relocate with costs paid and paper work facilities.
Malawian Passport Holders will obviously be given preference. Respond to
JAG's email address and we will forward.


ANGOLA (Ad inserted 22nd Feb 03)

A farming opportunity exists in Menongie , Cuando Cubango Province in
Angola for a person experienced in the cultivation of maize. Land will be
made available and various options exist with regards to the funding of
the operation. Interested parties can e-mail their information and a
summary of their experience to


(ad inserted 08 April 2003)
Farm Manager wanted for a coffee/tea estate in Kenya.  Please phone 091 233
852 for further information.


KENYA (ad inserted 24th Feb 03)
I came across your website when searching for information on Zimbabwean
Farmers. We are looking for a General Manager for a large horticulture and
floriculture company based in Nanyuki, Kenya. I wanted to know if you could
pass on the attached brief to farmers that might be interested in looking
at this opportunity?
Many thanks and Kind Regards,
Zia Manji
Recruitment Manager
P.O. BOX 25118, 00603 NAIROBI, KENYA.
TEL: +254-2-3752400 / 1 FAX: +254-2-3752401
MOBILE: 0733 994469 OR 0722 516043
Position Specification & Candidate Profile


Our client, one of Kenya's most established horticultural and floricultural
companies, is a major exporter to the large retailers in the United Kingdom
and Europe. The group encompasses 3 large vegetable and flower farms,
packing facilities, a clearing and forwarding company, and a propagation
business. Exporting Two Million stems of cut flowers and 120 MT of
vegetables monthly, the Company is managed by a dynamic multicultural team
employing over 3,000 staff countrywide.

Our client's biggest challenge is to remain the market leader by
maintaining a strong customer focus coupled with a continuous expansion and
improvement strategy to deliver the highest possible quality products in
line with the requirements of this fast paced industry.

Nanyuki, Kenya.

THE POSITION The General Manager will be responsible for independent
co-ordination and management of all aspects of the business unit
incorporating 15 hectares of flower greenhouses, a fully automated rose
propagation unit and 25 hectares of vegetables. Within the framework of the
company's objectives and action plans, the manager's key focus will
include: Day to day growing, packing and propagation of required product
within the specified quality, cost and time. Overseeing the packing of
flowers onsite to meet international standards. Overseeing the cutting and
bulk packing of vegetables to the centralized pack house in Nairobi.

Managing the financial and administrative functions on the farm, providing
frequent and accurate reports to the head office. Ensuring optimum
processing and workers performance as well as maintaining safety and
developmental requirements.

Supervising the maintenance of all processing equipment. Ensuring the
compliance of the farm, packing operations, workers welfare and environment
within Company's and client requirements. Responsibility for the manpower
organisation of 600 employees including maintaining cordial and efficient
industrial relations. Managing and co-ordinating the audits by client
supermarkets throughout the year.

Responsible for the preparation of operating plans and programmes and
ensuring proper implementation.

Providing strategic advice and co-ordination of agreed development and
expansion projects. The General Manager reports to the Board of Directors.

These include:
Respecting production commitments in terms of volume, deadlines, costs, and
product compliance.
Correct team performance. Creating and encouraging a cordial working
environment in the farming and processing team. Guaranteeing the compliance
of the Company and its Clients standards in all areas of farming,
processing, staff welfare and environment.
Proper management of the farm's budget.

Key responsibilities include:
Help define the long-term plan, the improvement and expansion plans for the
entire farm.

Proposing annual production programmes and making adjustments as required
in line with group requirements and good agricultural practice.
Preparation and submission of annual budgets. Identify adjustments and
modification required in the farming and processing to optimise the
performance and the quality of the products.

Co-ordination of the program of inspections, visits, and audits with the
Board of Directors.

Planning and organisation of manpower to best suit the delivery programme.
Identifying and resolving problems relating to farm and processing
management on a daily basis.

Maintaining of equipment in good working condition by ensuring compliance
with correct usage practices, and regular inspection and liaison with the
maintenance team.

Implementation and management of approved expansion and improvement
projects in line with Company objectives.

Monitoring labour performance, setting work targets, implementing viable
bonus schemes to boost labour productivity and motivation.

A graduate in agriculture/horticulture/floriculture or any other relevant

5 to 8 years experience at a senior management level in a large
horticulture or floriculture concern.

Relevant experience in rose growing is an advantage.

Good knowledge of product quality parameters and compliance regulations.

In-depth knowledge and a proven track record in of growing, packing and

Computer literate and proficient in the use of MS Office.

An understanding of management concepts, agricultural practices and quality
management methods e.g. ISO 9000, HACCP and EUREPGAP.

The candidate must also be:

Able to manage and work with a culturally and educationally diverse team.

A good planner and organiser.

Must have good analytical skills, and a decision-maker.

Proactive in their work and take the initiative to propose and implement
new approaches.

Out-going, articulate with high verbal abilities.

Results oriented.

A team player willing to work in a very competitive and fast-paced

A highly competitive package will be offered to the right candidate.

Online registration only. Log onto the following web-site, register and
upload your CV:
For more information, please email:
Zia Manji
Recruitment Manager
DEADLINE: 28/02/03

(Ad inserted 24th Feb 03)
Employment available as part of a Team, thinning and harvesting summer
fruit, apples and kiwifruit in the Hawkes Bay area of New Zealand, (North
Island, East coast).  The company, Labour Force, NZ, is expanding to fill
contracts.  Dormitory/Single/Married Accommodation is available within easy
commuting distance. For more information, please email in the first instance with personal details, and a
summary of recent work experience. Advice, assistance and support with
settling in, will be given by local branch of the Zimcare Trust, NZ,

AUSTRALIA (ad inserted 24th Feb. 03)

Received this from a friend in WA, anyone looking for a horticulture/
research job please ask to contact us. "They have been
looking for a new horticultural technician for the research station here
for some time.  Haven't been able to locate anyone in this country, so are
now looking overseas - particularly Zim and South Africa (to help someone
who would like to escape).  Do you know of anyone who would like to move to
Western Australia for a position in horticulture?  I don't know all the
details as yet, other than they would need a relevant degree and research
experience. The main crops grown here are mangoes, bananas, with smaller
amounts of citrus, grapes, paw paws etc.  The main vegetable crops are
tomatoes and capsicums, beans, melons, pumpkins etc etc


I am wondering if you might be able to assist me. I am a partner in a farm
in UK and we currently have a vacancy for a Farm Manager and I thought this
might be of interest to some of the unfortunate farmers
recently displaced from Zimbabwe by Mugabe. Would you have any idea where
it might be best to advertise the vacancy in order to attract any
interested parties' attention? I am contactable at


We are a Farming partnership in North Essex. We have a 600 acre mixed farm
and are currently seeking a Farm Manager. This position may well suit a
displaced Zimbabwean farmer and his family. Accommodation is likely to be
available and the position should become vacant in the Autumn.

Please forward this message to any who may be interested or please let us
know the best way of contacting such dispossessed farmers who are arriving
here or planning to move here in the near future.  Our email address is:

Many thanks

Tom Richardson


For the latest listings of accommodation available for farmers, contact (updated 8 April 2003)

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Can Robert Mugabe's regime be ousted peacefully – Economist (UK)

Can Robert Mugabe's regime be ousted peacefully, or will he cling on till his country is wrecked?
A dozen soldiers, in uniform, came to Renford Mudzi's home after midnight. They held and tortured him for three days, beating his feet, face and buttocks, and running electric shocks through his toes, tongue and penis at such voltage that it sent him into convulsions. They accused him of having burned a bus during Zimbabwe's recent general strike, which he denies. His real crime may have been that he is an activist for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the country's main opposition party. From his hospital bed, where he is recovering from head injuries and two cracked vertebrae, Mr Mudzi laments that his family has had to hide in four different homes in six weeks. For their sake, he asks that his real name not be published. But he insists that he will never quit the MDC, nor rest until democracy returns to Zimbabwe. His wife, he says, backs him, despite the suffering his stance has brought the family.
In recent weeks, the Zimbabwean opposition has found a new energy, and the government has grown jittery. On March 18th and 19th, an MDC-organised general strike brought most of the country's surviving businesses to a halt. This week, despite spirited rigging by the ruling party, ZANU-PF, the MDC won two parliamentary by-elections. And March 31st marked a deadline that the MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, gave to Mr Mugabe's regime to restore some basic aspects of democracy or “face a popular mass action to regain the people's liberties, freedoms and dignity.” He has yet to give any details, but Mr Tsvangirai apparently hopes to lead a series of big demonstrations as a “final push” to send Mr Mugabe's regime the way of Nicolae Ceausescu's. In the past, the party has hesitated to take to the streets, for fear that Mr Mugabe would roll armoured cars over the protesters. As a result, the government has been able to pick them off one by one.
Mr Tsvangirai, for example, is currently on trial for alleged treason, with two colleagues. His deputy, Gibson Sibanda, was arrested this week for allegedly breaking Mr Mugabe's security laws by helping to organise the strike. And in the past two weeks, hundreds of MDC supporters have been picked up and tortured, like Mr Mudzi, by special army units, the police, or by Mr Mugabe's youth militia. Harare's casualty wards groan with the victims, some with broken bones, others with burns. One grandmother told this correspondent how a soldier raped her with the barrel of his rifle. Remarkably, few injured activists show any sign of giving up. Expecting trouble, the government is taking precautions. Armed police are out in force, throwing up roadblocks and patrolling Harare's streets. Army units guard Mr Mugabe's splendid residence and offices. Shiny new armoured personnel carriers, complete with turret-mounted machineguns, rumble vigilantly around potential trouble-spots.
Against such firepower, the unarmed opposition would seem to stand little chance. Few imagine that Mr Mugabe would hesitate to give the order to open fire. But his footsoldiers' morale is open to question. In private, some police say they are appalled at their masters' systematic use of torture. Some Zanu members of parliament admit that their party has lost popular support. The main reason is not the government's brutality; it is the desperate state of the economy, which is thought to have contracted by 30% in the past three years. Inflation has hit 220%, and unemployment is perhaps 70%. Worst of all, thanks in large measure to Mr Mugabe's policy of seizing white- owned commercial farms, two-thirds of the country's 12m people are either subsisting on food aid or going hungry. Price controls have caused staples such as maize meal, sugar and cooking oil to vanish from the shops, to the delight of black-marketeers, who are often ruling-party hacks or army officers.
Last month, the Commonwealth announced an extension to Zimbabwe's suspension, imposed after Mr Mugabe stole a presidential election last year, and some western countries have imposed an asset freeze and a travel ban on Mr Mugabe's closest cronies. But with all attention on Iraq, it seems unlikely that outsiders will exert serious pressure on the regime. South Africa, Zimbabwe's most influential neighbour, is actively seeking to end its isolation. So Zimbabweans will have to help themselves. Mr Tsvangirai predicts that they may have to make “extreme sacrifices...even the supreme sacrifice, to get rid of Mugabe.”
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Letter to Zim-Gateway

Nationalist movements not committed to democracy

It is ironic that the most support for the restoration of democracy in
Zimbabwe is from the United States, Britain, the European Union (EU),
Australia and Canada.
With a few notable exceptions, the nations of Africa have either remained
silent or openly support our oppressors.
As most of these countries are now governed by people who were once called
"freedom fighters", this situation is a sad indictment of how these
liberation movements were not committed to democracy.
It will take a huge effort to rebuild our beloved country. The economy has
been wantonly destroyed by President Mugabe and his henchmen, who have
conclusively proved that they have absolutely no idea how an economy works.
If Mugabe really has a degree in economics I would advise anyone considering
studying in this field to find out which institute awarded him that degree,
and avoid it like the plague.
The same goes for Joseph Made and Jonathan Moyo. Agriculture has been
devastated and Patrick Chinamasa and Augustine Chihuri have turned the
concept of the rule of law into a sick joke.
Although the economic damage is extensive, even greater damage has been done
to the soul of the nation by the relentless racism so tirelessly propagated
by Mugabe and Moyo. A whole generation have had their minds poisoned by Zanu
PF propaganda.
The suffering majority must remember that black Africa has turned its back
on their misery and that it is the Commonwealth, the UK, the US and the EU
that are giving support and food aid to the starving. White Zimbabweans too,
both at home and abroad, are prominent in the struggle for real freedom.
To recover from the destruction, to feed ourselves and to be able to live
decent lives, we must all work together, regardless of race, colour or
We cannot afford racism in any form. We have seen how Zanu PF have already
used it to dismantle our infrastructure.
No country that always looks back to past wrongs, whether real or imagined,
has ever progressed. The only way to make real headway is to heal divisions
and move forward as a unified nation.
Concerned Citizen - Harare
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