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Zimbabwe Banks Could be Prosecuted for Breaking Currency Exchange Laws
Peta Thornycroft
08 Apr 2004, 18:14 UTC

Commercial bankers in Zimbabwe breathed a little easier when they found out
that the Central Bank has granted them an amnesty for breaking currency
exchange rules, something the bankers have been doing for years. But the
banks are not immune from prosecution.
It was not until the Zimbabwe police announced they were going to prosecute
three banks, including the largest one, with currency law violation that
executives of those banks found out that there is an amnesty in place for
bank managers.

The banks are being accused of violating the currency exchange laws by
giving their foreign currency account holders much higher exchange rates
than the official rate. The banks have been doing this since 2000 when the
central bank fixed the official rate at 55 Zimbabwe dollars to one U.S.

The exchange rate on the streets at that time was about 20 times more than
that, and grew to more than 5,000 Zimbabwe dollars for one U.S. dollar, and
that is roughly the rate the banks gave their clients holding foreign
currency accounts.

Among those who availed themselves of this unofficial practice are the state
electricity supply company, the fuel procurement organization, and the
state-run grain marketing board.

Last December the newly appointed central banker, Gideon Gono, himself a
former commercial banker, cracked down on currency speculators and tightened
Zimbabwe's monetary policy. A dozen top bankers fled Zimbabwe for fear of

The news of the amnesty, which has apparently been in place for about three
months, was published in a weekly newspaper Thursday and confirmed by
several commercial bankers. It applies retroactively to bank managers, but
not to the banks themselves.

Some commercial bankers welcomed the announcement, saying this might bring
stability into the financial sector. Others have said they will withhold
their judgment until they see whether the police will go ahead with the
prosecution of commercial banks.

Meanwhile, the central bank has told commercial banks that, amnesty or not,
they are not immune from prosecution for violating the currency exchange
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      Knives out for Mnangagwa

      Hama Saburi, Brian Mangwende and Thomas Madondoro
      4/8/2004 7:31:46 AM (GMT +2)

      EMMERSON Mnangagwa, long considered President Robert Mugabe's
heir-apparent, is balancing on a precarious political knife-edge because the
twisty anti-graft crusade on ZANU PF investments is by all intents and
purposes focused on him as the immediate past finance chief for the party.

      Zimbabweans this week indulged in an orgy of speculation about the
Speaker of Parliament's political future after it emerged that the probe
into ZANU PF's complex and secretive investments was an extension of the war
of attrition in the ruling party's high echelons jockeying to succeed
President Mugabe.

      It has been suggested but not yet denied that President Mugabe could
be seeing out his last term in office. This has been given credence by some
senior party officials who have claimed that the President, clutching at
straws to save his faltering political life, would announce his retirement
plans in December this year. President Mugabe himself has however in the
past hinted at a distant departure date.

      ZANU PF insiders, who were unanimous that the timing of the
investigations was puzzling and curious, predicted tough times ahead for
Mnangagwa. They said the shrewd political schemer, widely seen as the
unshakeable, quiet man of ZANU PF politics, could emerge bruised from the
belated investigations.

      ZANU PF's investments have never been subjected to public scrutiny.
Issues concerning the party's businesses have always been confined to some
dark room at its headquarters in Harare. Even after the promulgation of the
Political Parties Finance Act under which political parties that win five
percent of the vote are financed from public funds, ZANU PF's investments
remained a subject of conjecture. Despite calls for these investments to be
made public, it was always considered a political hot potato.

      Some senior party officials claim that they have not been privy to the
party's investments. Attempts at ZANU PF congresses to get those responsible
for the party businesses to divulge the accounts of investment had always
failed though the Speaker of Parliament at one point revealed in 1992 that
ZANU PF's assets were worth $486 million.

      "A lot is said by the unsaid," said a senior party official. "The
truth is that this whole thing boils down to the succession issue. And, as
you know, Mnangagwa has always been seen as the front runner. Don't forget
that this is ZANU PF, a party known for trumping up charges against its

      Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official said it was an open
secret within the ruling party that knives were being sharpened against
Mnangagwa, the feared ZANU PF secretary for administration. Even though
charges of imprudent deals at the party's companies were still based on
anecdotal evidence, Mnangagwa's opponents were determined to bury his
political career through the probe. They are hoping to find something that
will stick.

      High ranking sources within ZANU PF's supreme decision-making
politburo said the exertion on Mnangagwa's controversial political career
could be the most fierce battle the Speaker of Parliament, who once claimed
to be "as soft as wool", may fight ahead of the crucial ZANU PF congress
slated for December where a new leadership would be ushered into office.

      Although he is known as an extraordinary politician who has in the
past weathered many political storms, his nerves could be jangled by the
machinations intertwined to the sensitive succession issue.

      This could however hinge on the support Mnangagwa enjoys from the
powers-that-be in the party. Mnangagwa is said to be a long-time associate
and confidante of President Mugabe. But his current trials and tribulations
would seem to suggest that the political backing he enjoyed in the past
might have evaporated and the political vultures that have been circling are
now pouncing.

      "This time, his opponents are determined to soil his image," said a
politburo member who declined to be named.

      Up until now, Mnangagwa had been tipped to step into the 80-year-old
ZANU PF leader's shoes but could as well be pipped to the big one by Defence
Minister Sydney Sekeramayi, John Nkomo, the Minister for Special Affairs in
the President's Office, Former Finance Minister Simba Makoni and Vice
President Joseph Msika.

      The sources queried why the Governor for Mashonaland East and ZANU
PF's secretary for finance, David Karimanzira, who is also a signatory to
party cheques, was appointed to head the five-member probe team yet he was
in charge of the ruling party's purse.

      Karimanzira's appointment as chair of the committee has also raised
eyebrows as to whether Mnangagwa, the previous secretary for finance until
four years ago, had properly handed over all financial responsibilities to
the incumbent.

      Karimanzira remained tight-lipped on the matter when contacted for
comment this week. He refused to shed light on when investigations would
commence and the terms of reference of the committee.

      When pressed to divulge the period they would cover, how it was
possible for him to investigate companies under his portfolio and concerns
that the probe was aimed at certain individuals, Karimanzira said the
investigations were not supposed to be made public.

      "We are not going to be discussing that issue. It is party business. I
did not choose myself to chair the committee investigating our companies so
it is not true that I will be investigating myself," said Karimanzira.

      The selection of retired army general and ZANU PF kingmaker, Solomon
Mujuru, who reportedly had a fallout with Mnangagwa over the former army
chief's failed ZIMASCO deal, has also raised a stink as fears are mounting
that the scale could tilt heavily against the Speaker of Parliament.

      Other members of the team, which received the backing of the central
committee at its emergency meeting last Friday, include Makoni, Matabeleland
North Governor Obert Mpofu and the party's deputy secretary for transport
and welfare, Thoko Mathuthu.

      Newly appointed Minister of State responsible for Anti-Corruption and
Monopolies, Didymus Mutasa, who was languishing in obscurity until President
Mugabe brought him to the fore during this February's Cabinet reshuffle,
said there was nothing amiss in appointing Karimanzira to chair the
committee as it was not his department that was under probe.

      "All is above board," Mutasa said. "It's not Karimanzira's department
that is under probe but ZANU PF's various companies. Karimanzira was merely
a receiver of the money generated. The companies are under probe, not the
party's finance department. These companies have different directors who
should come forward and tell us how they were or are conducting their

      As the probe gained momentum, two directors of ZANU PF's companies -
Jayant Joshi and Manharlal Chuniba - fled the country earlier this week
after news that the net was closing in on them. Their departure could
scuttle efforts by the investigating committee to unlock the intricacies
surrounding operations of the companies.

      ZANU PF's investments are largely housed under two investments wings,
M & S Syndicate set up even before independence in 1980, and Zidco Holdings
(of which M & S holds a 55 percent stake).

      The Zidco board comprises Joshi, Mnangagwa, Jayant's brother Manoo,
Sekeramayi and Dipak Padya who is the current finance director and a
non-executive chairman of First Banking Corporation.

      Sources said Mnangangwa could be hauled before the committee soon and
would be taken to task over investments made in recent months, a clear sign
that the party's finances could be in shambles at a critical time when the
2005 parliamentary elections are just around the corner.

      Concerns have been raised within ZANU PF's ranks that the ruling
party's investments have been privy to a privileged few, triggering fears
that the party could fail to raise funds to campaign for the crucial 2005
parliamentary plebiscite.

      Through Zidco and M & S, the party has a vast range of interests
including Treger Holdings, producers of building materials and hardware,
Ottawa, a property management company, Catercraft, which runs the catering
at Harare International Airport and also services all domestic and
international flights out of Harare and Zidlee Enterprises, which controls
the duty-free shops at Beitbridge, Harare City and Harare Airport.

      ZANU PF has also invested in the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange-listed First
Banking Corporation, where it still has to pay for its shares, now valued at
about $8 billion. As a public company, First Bank could be spared the
investigations although the issue of the non-payment of the shares could
come up. ZANU PF is also a major shareholder in SARE with an 18 percent
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      Govt set to dole out unbudgeted billions to 'mujibhas'

      Staff Reporter
      4/8/2004 7:32:54 AM (GMT +2)

      BULAWAYO - The government, long accused of living beyond its means,
will again fork out unbudgeted billions in compensating war collaborators
'mujibhas' and ex-detainees, in what will put additional pressure on the

      Although it was not immediately clear how many ex-war collaborators
and ex-detainees would benefit from the scheme, Public Service Minister Paul
Mangwana said quite a number had already received their gratuities.

      "They are being paid from the War Veterans Compensation Fund.

      "This is for the injuries they sustained during the war," he said.

      "There has not been any law in place to pay them gratuities, but it is
important to know that they have made representations to the government to
that effect."

      In 1997, the government pumped out about $2.7 billion.

      The payments pressurised the public purse, as they had not been
budgeted for.

      But soon after the disbursements there were media reports that the
former freedom fighters went on endless binges with some doing the
unimaginable, from buying cabbages for cattle saying they "needed
supplemetary feeding" to buying expensive watches for their dogs and
marrying more women.

      The government then went on an intense search to weed out those who
had cheated on their status to access to the $50 000 gratuities under the
War Veterans Compensation Act.

      This, however, met with limited success.

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      Police,AG clash

      Thomas Madondoro
      4/8/2004 7:35:39 AM (GMT +2)

      IN a new twist to the drama in the financial sector, the Attorney
General (AG)'s Office and the police are enmeshed in confusion over the
prosecution of banks accused of dealing on the illegal parallel market.

      The police this week approached the AG's Office seeking advice on how
to proceed with cases of banks caught on the wrong side of the law, but the
office has since directed the force to put its papers in order first.

      The force insisted yesterday that its investigations on some of the
banks were complete and that the AG's Office should proceed with the papers
it has.

      Senior police officers have since expressed concern at the reluctance
by the office to prosecute.

      "Ask the AG's Office to reveal the papers which they are saying we
should put in order," said police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena.

      Joseph Jagada of the AG's Office said the police had consultations
with his office on Tuesday this week but there was nothing tangible yet
regarding the matter.

      "It is a long process. The police consulted our office this week, but
we advised them to go and put their papers in order," he said.

      It is feared the prosecution of banks could lead to a confidence
crisis. Institutions caught dealing on the parallel market prior to December
1 2003 had been pardoned by the central bank.
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      ZANU PF firms probe opens can of worms

      Nelson Banya
      4/8/2004 7:37:01 AM (GMT +2)

      HAS ZANU PF, that gargantuan political party constantly accused by its
critics of assimilating its adversaries, taken too big a bite this time

      News that the ruling party's supreme policy-making body, the
Soviet-style politburo, had set up a five-member team to probe ZANU PF's
myriad of mysterious business interests was met with a mixture of
apprehension and scepticism, depending on where one stood in the evolving
Zimbabwean political conundrum.

      The interest was further heightened by weekend reports that the
esoteric Joshi brothers, Jayant and Manharlal, who were heavily involved in
the running of the ZANU PF empire, had fled the country.

      However, what has attracted the interest of many political analysts
and neutrals alike is where the spool will end.

      Some analysts contend that the move to probe the firms could yet undo
ZANU PF by opening up a can of worms. The party under whose stewardship the
economy has collapsed into a recessionary heap could, observers said, score
the proverbial own goal.

      They pointed out that the firms were under the direct control of ZANU
PF heavyweights within President Robert Mugabe's inner circle and that any
impropriety the probe would unearth was likely to cause no small degree of
discomfort within the party.

      The investigations into ZANU PF's secretive investments straddling the
whole economy could, therefore, be a litmus test of the government's
sincerity and commitment to end the all-pervading corruption afflicting

      It is widely believed that it is the ruling ZANU PF clique that pushed
the envelope too far, although evidence to this is till sparse and
anecdotal. However, it remains to be seen how the party, blamed for
nurturing a political patronage system which has spawned the deep-seated
corruption, will pursue the anti-graft crusade to its full expression.

      President Mugabe, whose political star is on the wane, has vowed to
deal with everyone implicated in corrupt practices irrespective of political
party affiliation or social status. But this has been dismissed as a
campaign gimmick to bolster the ruling party's faltering fortunes ahead of
the 2005 parliamentary election.

      Prominent academic and chairman of Transparency International's
Zimbabwe chapter John Makumbe said the move was "an attempt by ZANU PF to
clean up its house", but added that the party's companies were just a part
of the corruption.

      "The centre of corruption is ZANU PF. It is interesting to note that
the party was looting its own businesses.

      "The rot is widespread and this is just the surface. The three
managers who have fled are just a tip of the iceberg. We also wait to see if
the probe will extend to parastatals," Makumbe said.

      Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) legislator and the party's shadow
minister for finance and economic development, Tendai Biti, said the probe
was a dimension of the succession struggles within the ruling party.

      "Any shareholder has the right to probe their own company, but there
is a bigger picture to this. There is a succession struggle and every
missile is being thrown around. It is dog eat dog.

      "It is like in a Kenyan marathon where everyone else in the field
gangs up against the pacesetter before dealing with everybody else. There is
a top dog in ZANU PF who has dared show himself as such and they are gunning
for him," Biti said.

      However, Makumbe disagreed with the notion that the company probe was
a spin-off of the succession issue, which has heated up in recent months
after President Mugabe, in an unprecedented move, encouraged open debate on
succession, a hitherto sacred subject within his party.

      "That is not true. This has nothing to do with succession. What ZANU
PF is trying to do is to hoodwink the public and the international
community. It is all about the elections.

      "It is not even about the economy because they cannot resuscitate the
economy by selectively tackling corruption. They have to go the whole way
and, in that case, no one will be left unscathed," Makumbe said.
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      Reprieve for ZESA

      Staff Reporter
      4/8/2004 7:37:35 AM (GMT +2)

      THE Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) has secured a
nine-month energy supply contract with South Africa's energy supplier Eskom,
averting the threat of a national power blackout.

      The power utility has also extended contracts with HCB of Mozambique
and SNEL of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

      Eskom, HCB and Snell, which in the past have thrown a lifeline to the
debt-ridden parastatal, were demanding that ZESA fully repay current debts
before any new deal could be signed.

      A spokesperson for ZESA, Shepherd Mandizvidza, confirmed that power
supply contracts had been restored, adding steps were under way to reduce
the parastatal's indebtedness to Eskom, a prerequisite for the resumption of

      "Electricity supply contracts with Eskom of South Africa have been
renewed for the supplies spanning nine months on a forward purchase
agreement basis. ZESA is also making monthly payments of US$1.5 million
towards the liquidation of arrears," Mandizvidza said.

      "The 250 MW contract with HCB has been restored and the power utility
will make a down payment, which is required by the end of April, to
operationalise the new contract," he said.

      ZESA owes HCB a massive US$30 million for power supplies and HCB has
been refusing to renew its contact with ZESA until the debt was fully
repaid. HCB has been supplying ZESA with 250 MW under the expired contract.

      Mandizvidza said the local utility had a new contract with SNEL for
the supply of 150 MW.

      However, ZESA is on record as saying that power supply imports from
the DRC were very "unreliable", with ZESA receiving, at most, 50 MW or
nothing at all.

      Mandizvidza said coal supplies to ZESA's thermal power station had
improved by 60 percent, which was the total requirement.

      ZESA generates 68 percent of total national power requirements through
Kariba South Power Station (750 MW) and Hwange Power Station (920 MW), with
the balance of 32 percent being met through imports.

      Local generation has been impaired by inadequate coal supplies to
Hwange Power Station, resulting in the power station generating only 480 MW
at a time when imports have fallen to 60 percent. This has caused the power
utility to import over 35 percent of electricity.

      According to the Zimbabwe Power Company, Zimbabwe's peak electricity
demand is projected to have increased to over 2 600 MW this year from 2 000
MW last year.

      The local power utility requires US$17 million every month to meet
electricity imports obligations, service debts and buy spares for

      To help ZESA raise the much-needed foreign currency, the utility's
exporting customers are now being billed in hard currency, a development
which has generated angry responses from industry.

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      Nip zealotry in the bud

      4/8/2004 7:14:33 AM (GMT +2)

      THERE is a deadly poison that has been seeping through the moral fibre
of this country for the past five years - lack of respect for human life.
This is a direct result of a characteristic dislike for compromise, growing
political intolerance and deepening violent confrontation, especially during
and in the run-up to any election.

      Aggravated by the equally poisonous egotism of Zimbabwean politicians
who do not seem to realise that difference is a real factor in politics,
this sad and noxious development has, for want of a better word, really
poisoned the political life of the nation. As the key voices, the
politicians from both sides have, through the influence of their strong
populist phraseologies, encouraged political zealotry, making it even more
difficult for Zimbabwe's elusive quest for peaceful elections. All that
Zimbabweans have grown used to are shootings and the resultant bloodshed in
every election. This has been confirmed by the country's tragic electoral
history characterised by the cocking of the gun, if the lives lost since
2000 are anything to go by.

      Sadly though, most disturbing is that no politician in this country,
without exception, has the exceptional personal responsibility to play that
inestimable role to put a stop to this tragic madness. And ordinary
Zimbabweans who know best how and where the shoe pinches will, in their
endless search out of the vicious political circle, for a way towards the
democratic renewal of the country, continue to endure the callous murders,
wanton destruction of property, maiming and raping. Unless of course they
take matters into their own hands and reject this crop of selfish
politicians who are nothing more than skimmed milk masquerading as cream.

      The deteriorating situation has provoked growing concern. Instead of
showing the political zealots the error of their ways, Zimbabweans, known to
loathe upheaval, are playing into the hands of the bloodthirsty politicians
whose clout and power base are fuelled by the blood that is being shed. They
seem to have resigned to the "fact" that bloody violence is the norm for
every election.

      The nation is so consumed with anger and hatred. Emotions are
understandably high over the irretrievable loss of scores of loved ones
killed in previous elections. The tension is so real it can be cut with a
knife! Little wonder, therefore, that violence is now met with retaliatory
violence. It is now hurt or be hurt, eat or be eaten and kill or be killed.

      And as a result, Zimbabweans have never been allowed to exercise their
universal suffrage without enduring pain, grief, loss, sorrow and worse.
Wives have been widowed and children orphaned, leaving what only could be
permanent emotional scars. It goes without saying that the trauma spawned by
this violence will haunt the nation for years to come when political
skeletons from times past inevitably come tumbling out of the closet.

      Only a fortnight ago, another life was wasted when Francis Chinozvinya
met an abrupt, brutal and tragic death at the hands of political murderers.
Several others were maimed, a visible reminder of Zimbabwe's terrible
election aura in its starkest form. That the death of Chinozvinya, who, like
hundreds others before him, we have lost to the storms of political
struggle, could be a preamble to the 2005 Parliamentary election - some sort
of a foreplay - engenders an alarming thought. It is a frightening harbinger
of worse to come.

      It is this orgy of violence and subsequent murders that has also
tempered voter enthusiasm. It has damaged public confidence in the electoral
system. Zimbabweans who have felt the sharpest edge of this violence now
look to each and every election with deep trepidation. Hence the
self-defeating voter apathy we are now experiencing.

      It would seem there is need for self-introspection for Zimbabwe as a
nation. Taking a deep look inside will enable us to ask a few pertinent
questions which might make it possible for us to make the 2005 plebiscite a
defining moment for this great nation. All this killing for what? Why
sacrifice ourselves on the cheap political altar? Does having different
political opinions mean we are eternally irreconcilable enemies? Is that
reason enough to take away precious and irreplaceable human life? Who ever
said consensus of opinion is a virtue in politics? Can't different political
viewpoints co-exist? Is there a politician worth killing and dying for? Is
this the electoral process and system that we yearn for? If not, wouldn't
the result of such a despicable process be an unwanted child? And most
importantly, do those who kill to deny others the freedom of choice and
association deserve that freedom themselves?
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      ...and now to the Notebook

      4/8/2004 7:19:24 AM (GMT +2)

      Junketing CZ

      For over two weeks, CZ has been in South Africa, the Eastern Cape to
be specific. Around Port Elizabeth, Grahamstown and Port Alfred and such

      From his subjective observations, those guys calling themselves South
Africans still have a lot of mess to clean up! Like any other proud African
who goes where the real people are, CZ was shocked to the marrow to realise
how poverty is so entrenched in that country. If you really go to the
people, you don't have to look for any signs of poverty . . . it is just
everywhere . . . something which leaves us wondering what factors those
statisticians use when measuring poverty! And, at least for now, CZ has no
plans whatsoever to skip the border to SA. He is much more better here at
the Great Uncle's mess but can still afford to sleep on a full stomach!

      Okay, CZ will not delve more into comparisons between Zim and SA for
we are told that those fellows are by far streets ahead in terms of
anything. CZ nevertheless enjoyed his stay in that country.

      Because of just one thing - elections. Campaigning is just reaching
its peak and as an outside observer, it was quite interesting to see dozens
of political parties fighting tooth and nail for the Eucharist seats in

      NM factor

      And while the serious political campaign is going on in SA, the ruling
ANC is doing all its best to make sure that it uses everything at their
disposal to get the crucial two-thirds majority in Parliament. You know what
a two-thirds majority can do? It is an entrée to an elitist club of African
revolutionary parties that have the sole mandate to rule for ever.

      In short, a two-thirds majority will give the ANC the right to rule
like ZANU PF in Harare. With a two-thirds majority, they can do whatever
they feel like doing, except hanging themselves! Mbeki can rule "until Jesus
comes back", can promulgate laws to crush all the opposition parties in the
country, seize all the white-owned land as well as politicising aid meant
for the poor!

      And in its campaign, the ANC is just too witty . . . witty like nobody
's business! Because stakes are very high, the party is willing to do
anything it can to make sure that after April 14, the two-thirds majority is
in its pocket.

      And one sure way of achieving this is to make use of the "NM factor" -
the Nelson Mandela factor . . . the old factor that can appeal to the
majority of South Africans - even those who are up to now still undecided
about who they are going to vote for.

      Mandela is like a Jesus to most South Africans, so by evoking the NM
factor, the ANC is making sure that it gets as many sympathisers as possible
even though it is quite clear it wants to win the poll for it to be a
semi-fully-fledged ZANU PF!

      South Africans are beginning to complain the NM factor is just getting
too over-used . . . too over-used as to be bastardised more for the sake of
personal and commercial gain!

      The rush to baptise roads, bridges, schools, universities and such
other things after one of the black man's most revered icons is just untold.

      Just when CZ was there, a square in Johannesburg's poshest shopping
mall, Sandton, saw a gargantuan statue of the celebrity career prisoner
unveiled after the piazza was renamed after him! And mind the timing. just
days before the election!

      There is NM bridge traversing Jo'burg's city centre, NM drive in
Pretoria, NM Metropolitan Municipality, NM Soccer Cup . . . you name it!

      "Everyone wants a piece of the Mandela myth," wrote fellow journalist
Gail Smith in This Day. "The renaming of Sandton Square to Nelson Mandela
Square is one of the crass examples of capitalist modification. The struggle
for liberty has been stripped of its radicalism and sold back to the few who
can afford it."

      And another journalist, Mojalefa Mashego had this to say: "Seeing that
we risk having everything Mandelarised, perhaps it would be a good idea to
rename South Africa Mandelaland . . . and we will then be known as
Mandelans!" . . . Please don't quote me!

      In the meantime, Thabo Mbeki is kneeling before some old women in
Soweto, Port Elizabeth, KwaZulu-Natal, Cape Town . . . everywhere, trying to
persuade the voters to please vote overwhelmingly for ANC . . . he went to
the extent of personally shutting down one of the most popular shebeens in
Port Elizabeth last week, just to please some old women who found the place
to be a real noisome.

      And guess what? The following day he was back to make sure his orders
had been observed! We hope he was not going there to treat his hangover! You
never know.

      And when the ANC is trying to reach the reclusive Indian community,
the slogan is: "Which party would Gandhi vote for?-ANC"

      To which Tony Leon's Democratic Alliance (DA) responded that Gandhi
was not going to agree with ANC, a party that would (like ZANU PF) withhold
crucial AIDS drugs until the eve of an election, was not going to agree with
a party that spends billions of rands on fraudulent arms deal and over R600
million of a presidential jet when million of South Africans are wallowing
in searing poverty!

      And, in return the DA promises the electorate one million jobs inside
five years, 150 000 police officers on the streets (you know SA has the
highest crime rate on earth!) and free AIDS drugs to everyone -professional
womanisers, prostitutes, rapists . . . any one! "SA deserves better," goes
the DA manifesto!

      And Bantu Holomisa's United Democratic Front responds: "Ten years of
unemployment undermines the people's freedom!" One minuscule is demanding
that all leaders of political parties go for a public AIDS test, Mbeki
leading the queue!

      South Africans have been promised anything that you might think of.
From jobs, to free health, free education to "roads in Soweto will be tarred
before the end of 2005", anything!

      Something which prompted Wyndham Hartley, a columnist for The Weekend
Post to suggest that it would not be that much of a bad idea for SA to have
elections every six months because this could seriously boost service

      But unlike our own Zim, where some government ministers hog the
airwaves as if they have a private line to God, in SA everyone who wishes to
advertise either on radio or on TV is more than free to do so long as they
have a deep pocket and do not rubbish other parties in their adverts! We
hope our own professor will give them a good lecture in this area!

      But it looks like the ANC guys are very good students.

      They learn very fast and seem to be mastering some lessons from their
revolutionary brothers at Shake-Shake house along Rotten Row in Harare.

      Rhodes University

      CZ was in Grahamstown for more than a week. At Rhodes University to be
specific otherwise some of my malicious colleagues may start speculating
that the scribe could have been staying with some woman in Joza - the Mbare
of Grahamstown! And he was shocked by just one thing . . . the number of
Zimbos at that "imperialistic" university.

      More often than not, if you meet any black fellow there, just assume
he is a Zimbo -just like at UZ, because there are just too many of them . .
. children of members of Cabinet, members of the Politburo, members of the
central committee, party cadres, Rhodies, opposition leaders
just wonder where they get the forex from!

      We know the founding imperialist Cecil John Rhodes indicated
specifically in his will that a good portion of students at that university
shall always be from Rhodesia, but still this cannot unriddle this

      And besides, Rhodesia no longer exists . . . at least as far as most
"patriots" are concerned . . . so their children cannot benefit from blood
money! How come there are so many Zimbos at that university than any other
in SA, the legendary Fort Hare included?


      CZ is still waiting to get a full report of the incident that recently
took place when the hotel group, ZimSun, decided to bus several of his
colleagues to tour some of its properties in the Hwange-Vic Falls area. It
is juicy, he is told.
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      The debate on opposition boycott of 2005 poll

      4/8/2004 7:22:11 AM (GMT +2)

      THERE is a raging debate within the country's body politik on the
desirability, feasibility and effectiveness of the opposition boycotting the
2005 parliamentary plebiscite in protest against the uneven electoral,
constitutional and political playing fields.

      This debate has been intensified by the results of the Zengeza
by-election where the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) lost that seat to
ZANU PF in what came as a shock. Some of us had already read the signs and
had warned that the MDC was exposing its support base to invasion by ZANU PF
while the MDC itself is doing nothing to counter- invade the ZANU PF turf.

      Sometimes I wonder if our politicians ever read the newspapers. No
wonder the late Kempton Makamure used to say "one surest way of hiding a
thing from Zimbabweans is to write it in a book".

      While a ZANU PF win in Zengeza might reflect an expansion of the party
's support base in urban areas (which is very doubtful) the overriding
effect of an uneven electoral law cannot be under-estimated. Some of us have
always said it is difficult, if not impossible, for the opposition to win an
election under the current electoral and constitutional law regime except in
areas where opposition support is overwhelming.

      What happened in the Zengeza by-election is a harbinger of terrible
things to come if the opposition decides to contest the next general
elections under the same electoral and constitutional law regime.

      What is disturbing is the confusing, inconsistent statements and mixed
signals from the MDC leadership. Most of these men and women are simply not
politicians and they betray a lethal form of political and ideological
under-development. Are the beautiful ones ever going to be born? Who is in
charge of the party and who are we supposed to listen to?

      Some leaders in the party say they will boycott the next general
elections if there is no electoral reform while others say they will not
boycott but will instead "fight ZANU PF in the valleys, gullies and

      All along the opposition has been fighting the ruling party in the
valleys, gullies and mountains without any form of protective clothing while
ZANU PF had it in the form of a pro-establishment electoral and
constitutional framework. So if the fight continues in valleys, gullies and
mountains when the opposition is barefoot, plain-handed and bow-and-arrowed
against a hegemonic rival like ZANU PF, which uses political, legal and
extra-legal "weapons of mass destruction", then the outcome of the fight is
a foregone conclusion.

      Therefore the likes of Gabriel Chaibva, instead of displaying a
simplistic and juvenile show of bravado, should actually call for the legal
and constitutional disarmament of their rival otherwise the MDC will be
electorally bombed to death.

      Unless it was merely a political statement, Chaibva's remarks on ZTV
news last week were unfortunate and reflect what I referred to in one of my
previous articles entitled "The talks, pre-conditions and the Final Push"
(Financial Gazette, May 29- June 4 2003 pg15) as "being content with
fighting within a framework set by the system".

      In the said article I wrote: "One major shortcoming in our strategy is
being content with fighting within a framework set by the system. This is
the major danger I see facing the progressive movement at the present
moment - to be so conditioned by the system as to make even our most
well-considered resistance to fit within the system both in terms of the
means and of the goals.

      This kind of trend is continuing and regrettably, it is leading to a
political blind alley. It is really disgusting how some leaders within the
pro-democracy movement can easily be confused, diverted and misled by ZANU
PF political strategies. It is heart-wrenching to see how the people's
struggle has been compromised since the "NO" vote in February 2000.

      I pointed this out sometime last year in my two-part contribution
entitled "Fragmentation of the people's resistance" (Financial Gazette, Nov
21- 26 2003)

      Right now some opposition and civic leaders continue to further
compromise the people's struggle by saying and doing all sorts of things,
some of which are patently inimical to our own interests. Some "respectable"
pro-democracy leaders are talking passionately about "electoral reform" and
the whole discourse on boycotting the 2005 parliamentary plebiscite seems to
be revolving around that. This is a clear compromise of the people's
struggle, which can not be tolerated. What exactly do we need? Electoral
reform or constitutional reform?

      The overemphasis on electoral reform presupposes that everything is
alright with all the other powers of the executive President as long as they
don't relate to elections; there is everything alright with an executive
president who appoints 30MPs to Parliament, declares a state of emergency
for a prolonged period without parliamentary approval, issues statutory
instruments which infringe on the Bill of Rights and many other emergency
laws. It suggests that there is everything okay with all the well-
documented defects in our colonial constitution, let alone the fact that it
is not a home-grown and therefore sovereign constitution.

      It is not only the Electoral Act that is a stumbling block to
democracy and good governance in this country. In one of my contributions
under this column entitled "A Presidential poll re-run or a new
Constitution?" (Nov 7-13 2002, pg 18) I wrote as: "Supposing the MDC wins
the court challenge and a re-run of the election is granted, we will still
be stuck with the effects of POSA, AIPPA, the Presidential Powers (Temporary
Measures) Act and the executive presidency itself as an institution".

      In commenting on the Presidential Powers (Temporary measures) Act I
added that "to date no regulations have been created under the Act relating
directly to elections. Nevertheless, there is nothing that precludes the
President at some point in time when he is under pressure to use the power
conferred to him by the Act for the purpose of temporarily amending the
electoral laws. In other words, regulations that cannot be enacted under the
Electoral Act may be permissible in terms of the Presidential Powers
(Temporary Measures) Act, which expanded the legislative options available
to the President. Supposing the president does not do all this, there is
nothing that precludes the ZANU PF-dominated parliament from amending the
Electoral Act or giving the president a gift of more powers pending a re-run
of the elections and rigidly insisting on the rule of law!"

      All these laws referred to above, including the Official Secrets Act
and many other statutory instruments that have come from the president's
office lately have a constitutional pedigree since they have their genesis
in a constitutionally entrenched, all powerful executive presidency.

      So the struggle should be for a new constitution and not a new
Electoral Act which is only part of a broader legal and constitutional
framework. An undemocratic constitutional framework has a negative
multiplier effect. It ushers in an undemocratic legal and political
framework which further ushers in an undemocratic leadership style etcetera.

      But then to be or not to be is the question. Should the opposition
boycott the next general elections if the government does not level the
playing field by opening up democratic space? I personally stand by my words
in my last quoted article above (Financial Gazette, Nov 7-13 2002, pg 18)
when I wrote that, "the MDC and other opposition political parties must
refuse to enter into any election under the current electoral laws but this
must be part of a grand plan which involves other pro-active strategies."

      There are those who argue that if the MDC does not participate, ZANU
PF will still go ahead with the elections and declare itself the winner in
all the constituencies and that this will bring us back to a one-party
political system. I understand where the advocates of this kind of thinking
are coming from but I do not share their underlying fear and pessimism.

      They fail to distinguish firstly, previous election boycotts and the
one in question; secondly, the reasons for the boycott, thirdly the
capacities of previous political parties and that of the MDC and; fourthly
the different historical epochs and objective political situation.

      Boycotting elections must not be the end in itself, but rather a means
to an end. That end is the democratisation of our legal, constitutional and
political system. There are no two ways about it. It's either one is for
democracy and good governance or is against it. If all opposition political
parties, already in existence and those to come, agree that the current
electoral laws favour the ruling party then they must have a common position
on the matter.

      If a decision is taken to boycott the 2005 general elections and there
happens to be a wayward party then it is the duty of all other opposition
political parties and civil society to publicly denounce and decampaign such
a party because it would not be on the side of the people but of ZANU PF.
Even if ZANU PF forms its own opposition political parties, the whole game
will be a farce if the official opposition does not participate in the
elections, that is if they are held at all.

      So the MDC should now be working on increasing its capacity to make a
political impact if they decide to boycott the elections. They must broaden
their base of operation through strategic and mutual alliances with other
small opposition political parties and civil society. The opposition needs
to re-establish contact with its grassroots supporters by embarking on
massive socio-political conscientisation and mobilisation programmes. What
is important at the moment is to resume political activity otherwise the
opposition party risks being forgotten.

        .. Isaya Muriwo Sithole is a Harare-based legal practitioner and
political commentator
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      Angry safari operators plead with Msika

      Staff Reporter
      4/8/2004 7:39:56 AM (GMT +2)

      BULAWAYO - Safari operators in Matabeleland North, fuming over alleged
irregularities in the allocation of prime hunting and photographic
concessions in the area, have set up a five-member committee to meet Vice
President Joseph Msika over the issue.

      The decision to meet Vice President Msika was made after Minister of
Special Affairs and ruling ZANU PF chairman John Nkomo failed to address the
contentious issue at a meeting he called in Gwayi recently.

      Headman Sibanda is leading the committee, which also comprises ZANU PF
central committee members and representatives from the party's women's

      "The committee will mention, among other things, the unfair hunting
quota system which seems to favour big names in ZANU PF," said a source
privy to the latest developments surrounding the allocation of hunting and
photographic farms in the prime hunting areas of Dete, Gwayi, Hwange and
Matetsi in Victoria Falls.

      The source said another contentious issue was that recommendations
sent to the government last month to address the controversies were yet to
be implemented as agreed at a meeting held at the offices of Matabeleland
North Governor Obert Mpofu recently.

      Mpofu told this newspaper last month that he had recommended that the
government repossess the farms and re-allocate them in a "fair and balanced

      Mpofu, who attended the weekend meeting addressed by Nkomo, could not
immediately comment as his mobile phone was switched off.

      "This is what we are going to tell Vice President Msika. We feel as a
senior politician in the party in the region he will act. Minister Nkomo
never spoke about the issue, but dwelt on managing forests. The indigenous
safari operators are not impressed. The hunting season has begun without the
anomalies being redressed," said another source.

      This newspaper early last month disclosed alleged gross favouritism in
the allocation of hunting and photographic concessions in Matabeleland
North, with ZANU PF bigwigs from outside the region getting long leases for
prime concessions at the expense of locals.

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      MDC grills Tsvangirai over Zengeza

      Brian Mangwende
      4/8/2004 7:32:16 AM (GMT +2)

      MORGAN Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
which faces a serious crisis of public confidence as a credible opposition,
has come under fire for allegedly causing the simmering split within the
party and its failure to regain the Zengeza seat.

      Reports of a rift within the opposition party have swirled for some
time now although the MDC has always denied such a split existed.

      Impeccable party insiders said that pressure was mounting on the
opposition leadership over widening cracks within the ranks of the MDC,
which could give ZANU PF an edge in next year's watershed parliamentary
elections. They said the fissures came at a particularly irksome moment for
the MDC, which many fear might fail to keep its course in the treacherous
waters of Zimbabwean politics.

      Stung by the party's failure to retain the Zengeza parliamentary seat
in a by-election two weeks ago, the sources said, the MDC held an impromptu
retreat in Nyanga last weekend. They said there was panic within the MDC
bunker after the loss to ZANU PF in the Zengeza by-election. Party members
wanted to know why it "was going so badly for them".

      Party insiders told The Financial Gazette this week that Tsvangirai,
who accuses President Robert Mugabe, 80, of stealing the 2002 presidential
poll, was at pains to tackle issues threatening to split the opposition

      The other source of discord, the sources said, was the imposition of a
candidate for the Zengeza by-election. It was felt within the party that the
loss to ZANU PF was a backlash against the move. Senior MDC members cornered
the MDC leader for his role in the imposition of James Makore as the
candidate for the Zengeza poll. He was also taken to task for doing nothing
to stamp out the confusion arising from overlapping roles within the

      The loss of the Zengeza seat to the ruling ZANU PF during the
parliamentary by-election came as a shock to the MDC, whose leaders blamed
each other for being undemocratic by imposing an unpopular candidate and
ignoring calls by supporters to hold primary elections.

      Divisions within the ranks of the MDC leadership had surfaced after
Charlton Hwende, a key member in the opposition party's structures in
Zengeza, fired the first salvo when he was excluded from the race for the
seat left vacant by Tafadzwa Musekiwa, who fled to the United Kingdom citing
security reasons. He criticised the MDC for having a democratic deficit.

      "Basically, the debate centred on the question of the rift between the
intellectuals in the party and the trade unionists. People said what was
bothering them," said the source. "It was more of a therapy exercise, which
we needed before next year's elections. However, we feel much better now,
because there was a lot of anger and hurt in the air on how we managed to
lose the Zengeza by-election. At the end we walked out with one voice."

      The retreat was called to come up with ways of rekindling confidence
within the MDC urban support base and identify areas of conflict with a view
to minimising them.

      It was also meant to plan and devise ways of penetrating ZANU PF's
rural strongholds ahead of the March 2005 parliamentary elections.

      MDC spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi acknowledged the fireworks at the
indaba, but was quick to say all problems had been ironed out amicably.

      "The divisions are alleged and are a product of newspaper speculation
and ZANU PF's manipulation," Nyathi said. "The meeting observed all the
machinations and the party has been mandated to exert maximum pressure on
ZANU PF legally and constitutionally to level the electoral field."

      Other members who came under attack were said to be Isaac Matongo, the
party's national chairman, for allegedly fanning divisions within the party,
Job Sikhala, the Member of Parliament for St Mary's, who hardly campaigned
for the Zengeza candidate, and Trudy Stevenson (Harare North).

      Sikhala and Stevenson were taken to task for speaking to the press
without the express authority of the leadership.

      Nyathi said: "It has always been a standing rule that the party speaks
through its spokesperson. That issue was also ironed out."
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      Chaibva says ZANU PF chefs taught youths to kill opponents

      Staff Reporter
      4/8/2004 7:33:24 AM (GMT +2)

      MOVEMENT for Democratic Change (MDC) legislator for Harare South
Gabriel Chaibva, raised the ire of ZANU PF parliamentarians this week when
he said senior ruling party officials trained youths to kill opponents in
the early 1980s.

      Chaibva said he underwent such youth training in one of the camps
created soon after independence in 1980 at the behest of Didymus Mutasa, now
a State Minister in charge of Anti-Corruption.

      That courted anger from ZANU PF legislators who are solidly behind the
controversial youth training centres established by the government in recent

      Chaibva said: "There was this training camp called Robert Gabriel
Mugabe in Marondera.

      "When we went there, we spent two weeks. We were being taught by the
late Ernest Kadungure, who at one point was a Political Affairs Minister, a
member of the ruling party and secretary of the Politburo, on how to deal
with ZAPU and to kill opponents to ZANU PF's rule during those days in the
1980s. So the historical origin of this programme is very acquainted to me."

      To which ZANU PF chief whip Joram Gumbo moved a motion asking the
Speaker of Parliament, Emmerson Mnang-agwa to compel Chaibva, on a matter of
parliamentary privilege, to furnish the Portfolio Committee on Youth
Development, Gender and Employment Creation with a detailed report on what
really transpired in those camps.

      "Although one of the trainers he has mentioned (Kadungure), is late,
Honourable Mutasa and others are still alive," said Gumbo.

      "He should be compelled to furnish the House with details of what went
on so we can be informed about the bad spirit by which ZANU PF used to train
people how to kill. I think we are lucky he is still alive."

      Mnangagwa is expected to make a ruling on the matter in due course.
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      ZANU PF council hires Biti in legal case

      Staff Reporter
      4/8/2004 7:36:06 AM (GMT +2)

      IN a show of desperation, the ZANU PF-dominated Chegutu Rural District
Council has enlisted the services of opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) legislator and lawyer Tendai Biti in a labour dispute involving
suspended acting chief executive officer Nancy Mabvadya.

      The council has abandoned Jarvis Palfarama of Kadoma, whom it had
initially engaged in the matter, in favour of the outspoken MDC legislator.

      Biti practises his trade with Harare law firm Honey & Blanckenberg.

      Although it has not been stated as policy, the ZANU PF government has
openly discouraged institutions it has control over from engaging lawyers
linked to the MDC.

      It even went as far as directing state-run institutions not to
advertise in the private media, a call that has never really been heeded.

      Biti confirmed this week that he had taken over the case, but refused
to divulge any further details.

      "Yes, I have taken over the case but I cannot comment because this is
not politics, but law. You can phone the Chegutu Rural District Council or
go to the High Court for further details," he said.

      The council is being sued for allegedly illegally suspending Mabvadya.

      In January this year, the High Court granted a provisional order
instructing Mabvadya or her legal practitioners, Dube, Manikai and Hwacha,
to serve court orders on the council, which is cited as the first

      Mabvadya alleges in her court papers that she appeared before a
hearing committee which was improperly constituted and chances were high
that she would not be offered a fair hearing.

      She is also seeking that her benefits be restored while her dispute,
which has been referred to the Legal Relations Officer, is finally
determined according to law.
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      ZESN paints an orgy of violence in Zengeza poll

      Staff Reporter
      4/8/2004 7:41:10 AM (GMT +2)

      THE Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) has produced a damning
report on the just ended Zengeza parliamentary by-election which chronicles
a number of irregularities that could give credence to the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC)'s claims that the poll was marred by improprieties.

      The report, which outlines areas of violence, intimidation and
political skirmishes between ZANU PF and the MDC, comes at a time when the
ruling party is at pains to try to spruce up its battered human rights

      ZESN noted the grisly murder of an MDC activist Francis Chinozvinya,
who died of bullet wounds after an unknown assailant shot him. Another
opposition party supporter, Arthur Gunzvenzve, was shot in the leg on the
last day of polling.

      "The firing of gunshots during which one person was killed sent shock
waves among voters and residents of the constituency," the report said.
"Just after the shooting . . . people gathered for a funeral at a nearby
house about 300 metres away from the polling station. Members of the MDC and
family members of the deceased were seen crying, which was a very sad and
painful incident to witness. The incident marked the climax of violence in
the election."

      In an election marked by voter apathy and complacency, the MDC's
imposed candidate James Makore polled 6 706 votes while ZANU PF's
Christopher Chigumba garnered 8 744 in a constituency where there are 47 256
registered voters.

      Smaller parties like the National Alliance for Good Governance got a
paltry 35 votes through Tendayi Chakanyuka, while ZANU's Gideon Chinogureyi
went back home with 97 votes.

      The report chronicled a number of incidents of violence and
intimidation by suspected ZANU PF activists whom it said either turned away
prospective voters or took down people's names as they queued to cast their

      ZESN said a knife-wielding suspected ZANU PF supporter stormed into a
polling station at Ndangariro Primary School and threatened potential
voters, adding that other suspected ruling party activists ejected known MDC
members from the queue before they could vote.

      Police confiscated the knife, but let the culprit go scot-free while
the MDC chairperson of the party's liaison committee was arrested for
allegedly initiating violence after she reported the incidents to the

      An MDC supporter was struck in the face with a weapon, the report
claimed, while suspected women and youths from the ruling party
strategically positioned themselves and turned away voters they claimed did
not belong to their wards.

      "These groups were at Unit K creche, Seke 1 High School, Zengeza 8
Primary School, Zengeza 4 High School, Seke 7 and Dudzai Primary Schools,
ZESN said.

      "Someone was giving out Kapenta fish and beer to voters near Dudzai
Primary School while another woman was dishing out $1 000 notes to each
prospective voter outside Seke 7 Primary School (parties not known)."

      An MDC polling agent was arrested in Unit H while the opposition
party's spokesperson for Chitungwiza province was also arrested for being in
the company of the party's chairperson of the Multi-Party Liaison Committee.

      "The police details at most polling stations did not take any action
against incidents which took place beyond the 100-metre radius. This is
where incidents of intimidation and violent clashes took place," ZESN said
in the report.

      ZESN attributed voter apathy to an intimidatory atmosphere prior to
and during the election period.

      About 1 293 people were turned away for various reasons, but what
could have raised eyebrows was the sudden rise in the number of youths
assisted to vote on the basis that they were illiterate.

      "The number of . . . assisted voters was too large for an urban
constituency considering the high literacy level, which is almost 100
percent in urban areas," the report said. "One would have thought the
constituents by now, given the prevalence of elections in Zimbabwe, would
know what is expected of them when one intends to cast their vote."
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Dear JAG

No going back on Kondozi Farm acquisition - State
Herald Reporter

THE Government has said there is no going back on the policy and legal
decision to acquire Kondozi Farm in Odzi and allocate it to the
Agricultural and Rural Development Authority as part of the land reform

The decision to acquire the farm was a non-negotiable Government decision
and on the issue, both the law and policy were very clear and would be
pursued vigorously by the State without fear or favour, the Government said

It warned that should anyone stand in the way of this position, all legal
and constitutional means available to the State would be used.

The warning comes in the wake of a meeting held by Mr Edwin Moyo and some
farmers on Saturday at Kondozi Farm, where he told the gathering there that
a joint venture that has purportedly been running the farm would continue
occupying and utilising the land and that the joint venture would not allow
Arda there.

Mr Moyo made the comments to the workers, in a display that Government and
Arda officials present said was surprising and arrogant.

"You would have thought his so-called joint venture is the State," said one
official who attended the emotionally charged meeting.

The Herald has a copy of a letter dated April 2 2004 Mr Moyo wrote to the
Zimbabwe Electricity Distribution Company in Mutare purportedly denying the
company permission to erect an electricity line for Arda.

"We regret to inform you that we are unable to grant permission for the
necessary ten metre wide way-leave along the route of the line required for
the Arda electricity supply.

"This is due to the High Court order strictly prohibiting Arda access to
the above property," Mr Moyo said in his letter.

Commenting on the issue, the Minister of State for Information and
Publicity in the Office of the President and Cabinet, Professor Jonathan
Moyo, said the antics by Mr Edwin Moyo had gone too far.

"He has no basis, let alone right or authority, to instruct Zesa to
determine what Arda should or shouldn't do.

"The people of Zimbabwe and the community in the area where the farm is are
offended by individuals who set themselves up as above everyone and
everything else and become a law unto themselves," Prof Moyo said.

"The fact that an individual has white people backing him does not give the
individual the right to trample on the majority and the national interest.
That is why decisive and final corrective measures are long overdue.

"Action must and will be taken in the national interest to ensure Arda gets
on with the business of making that farm more productive," Prof Moyo said.

In terms of Government policy, all land reposed in the State, which means
all land belongs to the State and that is why newly resettled farmers have
to enter into contractual agreements with the State before occupying land
allocated to them.

The farmers can only operate on the land during the course of the 99-year

This position will also apply on all those enjoying title on freehold land.

All land in Zimbabwe belongs to the State as is the case in the United
Kingdom and other Southern African Development Community countries like
Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia.

"The land belongs to the State and the State has a right to allocate it in
accordance with national policy objectives," Prof Moyo said.

Early this year, the Government said Kondozi Farm was State land allocated
to Arda.

It said this when dismissing reports in the local and South African media
alleging that the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, Cde Joseph
Made, had invaded the farm purportedly registered under the Export
Processing Zones with Mr Edwin Moyo as the major shareholder.

Don't mistake activity for progress

Keith Battye
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JOB OPPORTUNITIES: Updated 8th April, 2004

Please send any job opportunities for publication in this newsletter to:
JAG Job Opportunities <>


1.  Advert Received 2nd April 2004

Couple required to run small farm near Kyalami. (South Africa) On offer is
a cottage, bakkie and salary in return for baling hay and keeping an eye on
horses and a few cattle.  For further info contact Shirley Sadleir e-mail
2.  Advert Received 2nd April 2004

Please could you include this in your next Job opportunities column

Childminder/houseworker - to start as soon as possible.  Must have
contactable references, be honest and hardworking. Experienced with
children and babies.  Secure farm in Bromley.  Accomodation and good
benefits. Prefer someone with no young children.
Please contact Ant or Brenda Davis on 011219119/011412186 or Wendy Davis on
04-744593 / 011609272

3.  Advert Received 7th April 2004

Sober, responsible, person, 38 year old, currently employed in the tobacco
export / import field for over 9 years, looking for similar post, with
challenges and progression. CV available via email.

Please Phone :
Cell: 091 310 528
Home after 6 pm : 795969
Mail address :
PO BOX CY 2531


4.  Advert Received 8th April 2004

Subject: House to Let
Well appointed 3 bedroom house available on farm at Melfort end of April.
Couple preferred contact 011 615 367 0r 073 22595 or email

Could involve part time book keeping and office job from beginning of July.

For the latest listings of accommodation available for farmers, contact (updated 25 March 2004)
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The Herald of Wednesday 7th April 2004 contained Lot 141 farms (144) listed.
The following farms have been listed;

7.04.2004 1 453/60 R Nagel Beitbridge Remaining Extent of Bea of Nuanetsi
Ranche A 15 844,004 acres
7.04.2004 2 3972/88 B K Cawood (Private) Limited Beitbridge Lot 9 of
Jopempi Block 8 568,7173 ha
7.04.2004 3 2733/90 E A S Farming Enterprises Beitbridge Lot 10 of Jopempi
Block 8 917,9699 ha
7.04.2004 4 2430/91 Swans Estate (Private) Limited Beitbridge Remaining
Extent of Swanscoe Estate 1 642,1722 ha
7.04.2004 5 2104/90 Jopempi (Private) Limited Beitbridge Lot 12 of Jopempi
Block 13 100,1884 ha
7.04.2004 6 109/97 Lesnath Ranching (Private) Limited Beitbridge Remainder
of Lesanth Ranch 34 525,5993 ha
7.04.2004 7 1522/89 Threeways (Private) Limited Beitbridge Remainder of
Bothasrus A of Nuanetsi Ranche A 7246,3511 ha
7.04.2004 8 3929/86 Sentinel Ranch (Private) Limited Beitbridge Remaining
Extent of Sentinel 32 215,3117 ha
7.04.2004 9 6581/96 Rusti Valley Development Chipinga Lot 4 of Fortuna
197,0763 ha
7.04.2004 10 1483/73 La Lucia P/L Chipinga Lot 5 of Newcastle 192,9829 ha
7.04.2004 11 2512/89 Shydone P/L Chipinga Dingley Dell 1 197,9161 ha
7.04.2004 12 4480/96 Packwood Investments (Private) Limited Chipinga
Remainder of Dhleni of Hartbeest Neck 429,2876 ha
7.04.2004 13 4636/79 Jean May Gifford Chipinga Subdivision C of Wolfscrag
226,8702 ha
7.04.2004 14 246/82 Deborah Louis Odendaal Chipinga Remainder of
Wolveeldraai 'A' of Wolverdraai 506,7511 ha
7.04.2004 15 2836/85 Neville Hastings Baker Chipinga Lot 12 AB of Middle
Sabi 135,8121 ha
7.04.2004 16 3264/75 Hofstede Estate P/L Chipinga Remaining Extent of
Hofstede 493,4287 ha
7.04.2004 17 3230/77 Watershed Estates P/L Chipinga Lot 12A of Newcastle
318,6532 ha
7.04.2004 18 2335/70 Jacob Solomon Kotze Chipinga Stiller Meer of
Petrusville West 916,4486 acres
7.04.2004 19 6846/87 Lydell Farm (Private) Limited Chipinga Subdivision A
of Busi 202,3392 ha
7.04.2004 20 2971/75 Gerrit Rynier Kruger Chipinga Brabant of Fortuna
212,1852 ha
7.04.2004 21 10468/97 Makandi Tea & Coffee Estates (Private) Limited
Chipinga Small-Deel Estate 1 804,6964 ha
7.04.2004 22 3239/70 J.C. M.G and S willemse Chipinga Dordrecht of
Sterkstroom 1 703,40 cares
7.04.2004 23 1076/86 H.N. Orner Investments P/L Chipinga Gomondoni of
Canterbury 214,1313 ha
7.04.2004 24 9395/90 Chipinga Coffee Company Chipinga Lot 1 of Rietvlei of
Kenilworth 371,4513 ha
7.04.2004 25 2972/75 Elmari Malherbe Chipinga Mountain View of Fortuna
213,3408 ha
7.04.2004 26 2547/00 Michael Ian Heath & Fiona Jean Heath Goromonzi
Remainder of Subdivision E of Binder 90,9601 ha
7.04.2004 27 2192/86 Witlands Estates (Private) Limited Goromonzi Remaining
Extent of Borderland of Mashonganyika 852,7148 ha
7.04.2004 28 1103/97 Propkept Investments (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Remaining Extent of Subdivision 'C' of Learig 307,5811 ha
7.04.2004 29 3543/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Remainder of Great Bromley Estate 515,4493 ha
7.04.2004 30 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Subdivision 'C' of Subdivision 'B' pf greate Bromley 366,7643 ha
7.04.2004 31 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi Surrey
Estate 195,7452 ha
7.04.2004 32 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Subdivision 'B' of Subdivision 'C' of Subdivision 'B' of Great Bromley
132,2045 ha
7.04.2004 33 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Subdivision C of Weardale 407,0908 ha
7.04.2004 34 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi Lot 1 of
Leicester of Weardale 204,2259 ha
7.04.2004 35 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Remaining Extent of Weardale 561,7382 ha
7.04.2004 36 3519/01 Shirley Jeanne Dock Goromonzi Remainder of Oaklands
117,3208 ha
7.04.2004 37 May-86 James Ross Goddard Insiza Fern Creek 1 443,6383 ha
7.04.2004 38 5689/97 G Beamish (Private) Limited Lomagundi Gravelotte 3
494,9240 ha
7.04.2004 39 3544/77 Christiaan Jacobus Jordan Lomagundi Remainder of
Mimosa 404,6748 ha
7.04.2004 40 3545/77 Christiaan Jacobus Jordan Lomagundi The Remainder of
Mlembwe (of mimosa and Lembwe) 1 037,1957 ha
7.04.2004 41 1371/90 Robert Millin Flanagan Lomagundi Njiri A 696,0236 ha
7.04.2004 42 470/76 R J Van Rensburg and Sons (Private) Limited Lomagundi
Farm Upper Romsey of Romesy 753,5218 ha
7.04.2004 43 1150/78 Karna Estate P/L Lupane Lot 8 Krna Block 4 541,0321 ha
7.04.2004 44 1011/98 Cotleigh Farm (Private) Limited Makoni otleigh 1
009,7391 ha
7.04.2004 45 214/85 Terrington Estate P/L Makoni Cold Stream Ranche 'A' 2
213,0980 ha
7.04.2004 46 8341/96 P J Morris P/L Makoni Farm 6 Fairfield 1 269,0799 ha
7.04.2004 47 145/86 Marthius Jacobus Martin Makoni Arbeid Estate 404 6778
7.04.2004 48 8755/99 Antlantic Farming Enterprises Pvt Ltd. Makoni Farm 3
of Yourshire Estate 993,4753 ha
7.04.2004 49 7070/98 Polnat Investments (Private) Limited Makoni
Moodiesville 1 328 ha
7.04.2004 50 12966/99 Davel Farm P/L Makoni Lifton 364,2043 ha
7.04.2004 51 5254/84 Michael Ian Kelvin Freeland Makoni Lion's Head
776,2326 ha
7.04.2004 52 3324/80 Dou Glas Colin Jackson Makoni Muhonde 331,4498 ha
7.04.2004 53 6509/69 Gorubi Estates P/L Makoni Adams Farm 1 147,1482 acres
7.04.2004 54 3018/73 Adams Farms P/L Makoni Farm 2 of Lawrencedale 797,4183
7.04.2004 55 11180/90 Burl enterprises P/L Makoni Causeway of Tara of
Helensvale 717,0436 ha
7.04.2004 56 5898/91 J N Oosthuizen Enterprises P/L Makoni Farm 29
Fairfield Estate 793,1357 ha
7.04.2004 57 6872/84 FAR P/L Makoni Remaining Extent of Lesapi Cave 1
062,7386 ha
7.04.2004 58 570/86 A P Landos Makoni Mepo 543,0324 ha
7.04.2004 59 3495/88 Freezing Point Estates P/L Makoni Sunrise 1 112,2906
7.04.2004 60 106`6/2000 J G Delport P/L Makoni The Remainder of Compton
689,5307 ha
7.04.2004 61 19616/2000 J G Delport P/L Makoni Fodjga 353,4955 ha
7.04.2004 62 8057/86 Kelvin Farm P/L Makoni Remaining Extent of Halsted
381,5081 ha
7.04.2004 63 2175/88 Masori Investment Makoni Remainder of Your of
Horkshire Estate 2 055,6581 ha
7.04.2004 64 3856/86 Steenbok (Pvt) Ltd Makoni Lone Kop 1 242 ha
7.04.2004 65 4323/75 Adam Farms P/L Makoni Fonteintjie of Fishers Farm
683,6720 ha
7.04.2004 66 196/92 Padeswood Farm P/L Makoni Padeswood of York of
Yourshire 404,6784 ha
7.04.2004 67 6039/88 L W De Klerk Van Rensburg Makoni Cavalla 1 259,9380 ha
7.04.2004 68 5080/95 Pilsbury Investments (Private) Limited Marandellas
Sutton Estate 808,9693 ha
7.04.2004 69 1354/67 Aromabe P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 1
487,3800 ha
7.04.2004 70 1274/80 Aromabe (Private) Limited Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 2 214,2099 ha
7.04.2004 71 4446/67 Rio Enterprises (Private) Limited Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 3 585,8225 acres
7.04.2004 72 461/66 Bendezi Sugar Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 4 588,6800 acres
7.04.2004 73 4406/67 Mleme Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 5 539,8793 acres
7.04.2004 74 341/66 Kwa Ingwe Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 6 516 6000 acres
7.04.2004 75 913/70 Ngwindi Sugar Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 7 449,8900 acres
7.04.2004 76 912/70 Ngwindi Sugar Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 8 503,2900 acres
7.04.2004 77 2477/72 Emboeni Estate P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 12 193,6106 ha
7.04.2004 78 2193/72 Rosalie P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 13
189,7805 ha
7.04.2004 79 599/187 Marigold Farming P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 14 168,4800 ha
7.04.2004 80 3604/86 C Sauzier P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
15 163,5700 ha
7.04.2004 81 3308/72 Pastoral Investments P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 16 82,6792 had
7.04.2004 82 4769/72 Esperance Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 17 93,0084 ha
7.04.2004 83 2176/72 PourDre D'OE P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 18 90.2685 ha
7.04.2004 84 3772/78 Andrew John Dudgeo Stein Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 19 106,4400 ha
7.04.2004 85 1577/76 Chiware Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 21 108,3813 ha
7.04.2004 86 3048/72 Daniel Drenan De Waal Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 22 188,8268 ha
7.04.2004 87 4643/72 Shanti Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 23 112,5947 ha
7.04.2004 88 2934/78 N & M Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 24 34,9100 ha
7.04.2004 89 1914/73 Denari P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 25
179,4908 ha
7.04.2004 90 1494/96 Chipoto P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 26
157,4500 ha
7.04.2004 91 1289/80 Fantaisie Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 27 147,7600 ha
7.04.2004 92 1333/94 Mkwawine Ranching Co. P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 28 16 588,9400 ha
7.04.2004 93 4764/72 Fantaisie Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 29 120,062 ha
7.04 2004 94 1720/84 N & B Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 30 127,3400 ha
7.04.2004 95 2772/72 Chiwenga Estate P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 31 137,6692 ha
7.04.2004 96 1713/72 Baumig P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 32
30,9283 ha
7.04.2004 97 1714/72 Baumig P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 33
101,5516 ha
7.04.2004 98 1715/72 Baumig P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 34
58,2661 ha
7.04.2004 99 6448/85 Jerry's Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 35 154,9200 ha
7.04.2004 100 2701/74 Chiredzi Farming Co. P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 36 177,6500 ha
7.04.2004 101 2092/86 Bon Espoir P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
37 137,1100 ha
7.04.2004 102 7243/72 Bon Espoir P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
38 144,7382 ha
7.04.2004 103 2471/72 Lyndjurst Estate P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 39 86,0018 ha
7.04.2004 104 1706/72 Peter Bernard Henning Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 40 81,194 ha
7.04.2004 105 1180/76 Sucre D'or estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 41A 89,8186 ha
7.04.2004 106 2399/75 LA Lucia P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
42 91,7300 ha
7.04.2004 107 2037/72 La Lucia P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
43 100,7451 ha
7.04.2004 108 118/83 Saurel Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 44 125,8500 ha
7.04.2004 109 2039/72 Mopane Vale Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 45 112,3 ha
7.04.2004 110 4770/72 Esperance Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 46 16,187 ha
7.04.2004 111 3888/71 The Trustees for the time being of the Rhodesian
   Sugar Association Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 47 168,4276 ha
7.04.2004 112 1632/95 Preston Investments P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 48 146,1600 ha
7.04.2004 113 4670/75 Hingeston & Fenton Wells P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 49 25,6900 ha
7.04.2004 114 2478/72 Emobeni Estate P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 50 31,3092 ha
7.04.2004 115 2511/92 Cherrington Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 51 114,5400 ha
7.04.2004 116 3309/72 Pastoral Investments P/l Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 52 21,9878 ha
7.04.2004 117 6788/72 H De Fooiard Brown (Private) Limited Ndanga Hippo
Valley Settlement Holding 53 157,8570 ha
7.04.2004 118 4722/98 Yvonne Sharp, Clive Anthony Sharp,
   John Edmund Sharp and Ellen Barbara Dyole Nyamandlovu "Carisville" 1
284,3602 ha
7.04.2004 119 4722/98 Yvonne Sharp, Clive Anthony Sharp,
   John Edmund Sharp and Ellen Barbara Dyole Nyamandlovu "Carisville" 1
284,3692 ha
7.04.2004 120 3010/55 G M Swan (Private) Limited Salisbury Karreeboom 1
664,122 morgen
7.04.2004 121 4089/85 H A Blignaut (Private) Limited Urungwe Remainder of
Blockley of Nassau Estate 866,9527 ha
7.04.2004 122 6696/92 P D Hulley (Private) Limited Umtali Lot 1 of Orkney
of Howth 438,0069 ha
7.04.2004 123 4575/88 Tengwe Estates (Private) Limited Urungwe Fumeira
Estate 582,5219 ha
7.04.2004 124 948/99 Triple 'M' Enterprises (Private) Limited Urungwe
Remaining Extent of Deamour 565,8805 ha
7.04.2004 125 8510/71 Rendezvous Estate (Private) Limited Urungwe Remainder
of Subdivision A of Coldomo of Nassau Estate 991,9841 ha
7.04.2004 126 470/97 Non Memerty Farming and Consultancy
   (Private) Limited Urungwe Remainder of Dunromin 809,2388 ha
7.04.2004 127 4683/81 Linkon Urungwe Wajetsi 1 543,3728 ha
7.04.2004 128 7782/88 D M Younghusband (Private) Limited Urungwe Foliot 1
254,8864 ha
7.04.2004 129 7270/72 C G Mason (Private) Limited Urungwe Pollux Estate
597,7215 ha
7.04.2004 130 60/73 Colin Gurney Mason Urungwe Rugare Estate 441,2193 ha
7.04.2004 131 1856/78 Peter John Donaldson Urungwe Mukuyu 668,3913 ha
7.04.2004 132 3846/92 P L Moolman & Son (Private) Limited Urungwe Moniack 1
875,2317 ha
7.04.2004 133 1742/92 P D Clifford (Private) Limited Urungwe Remaining
Extent of Amore 394,8505 ha
7.04.2004 134 3982/89 Pamela Elaine Stirling Urungwe Kupeta 1 156,8325 ha
7.04.2004 135 1300/89 Cravan (Private) Limited Urungwe Coniston 324,6020 ha
7.04.2004 136 3224/77 Hesketh Park Estates (Private) Limited Urungwe
Westlands of Hesketh Park 609,2521 ha
7.04.2004 137 7782/88 D M Younghusband (Private) Limited Urungwe Foliot 1
254,8864 ha
7.04.2004 138 3534/78 Cosmo Farms P/l Urungwe Remainder of Chimburukwe 1
022,8593 ha
7.04.2004 139 7283/94 Lorn Holdings P/L Urungwe Travios 870,4116 ha
7.04.2004 140 4235/94 Panorama Estate P/L Urungwe Vuka Estate 633,2071 ha
7.04.2004 141 912/97 C and S Werrett (Private) Limited Urungwe Remaining
Extent of Sapi Valley 535,5755 ha
7.04.2004 142 8510/71 Rendezvous Estate (Private) Limited Urungwe S/D of
Coldomo of Nassau Estate 991,9841 ha
7.04.2004 143 4575/88 Tengwe Estates (Private) Limited Urungwe Fumeira
Estate 582,5219 ha
7.04.2004 144 1284/2000 Kudu Estates (Private) Limited Wankie Horseshoe
Estate 4 082,5630 ha

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      Zimbabwe official meets with players to avert walkout

      Thu April 8, 2004 6:01 PM DURBAN (Reuters) - The Zimbabwe Cricket
Union (ZCU) held an emergency meeting on Thursday with a group of players
who threatened to resign their contracts, with further discussions expected
later in the day.
      The group, which included most of Zimbabwe's top players, met with ZCU
managing director Vince Hogg in Harare on Thursday over issues similar to
that which has sparked crisis meetings between Hogg and former captain Heath

      "We told them we wanted to resign over Zimbabwe's selection policies
and the make-up of the selection panel, and we agreed to an emergency
meeting," a player who declined to be named told Reuters from Harare.

      Hogg said the players had delegated Streak, Grant Flower, Andy
Blignaut and a lawyer to represent them.

      "I've had a meeting with a group of players, and ... they are meeting
with us again this afternoon at 4.30pm (1430 GMT)," Hogg told Reuters from
Harare. "We want to resolve all the issues, even if it takes all Easter
weekend to do it."

      Hogg has been in talks with Streak since Tuesday after the ZCU said
the pace bowler resigned the captaincy over similar issues at the weekend.
Streak's father, Denis, said his son did not resign.

      Hogg said his meetings with Streak over the bowler's own position were

      "That's part of what we are discussing today."

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Rogue Top Politicians, War Vets a Worry - Msika

The Herald (Harare)

April 9, 2004
Posted to the web April 8, 2004


THE Government is concerned by the behaviour of some war veterans and senior
politicians, who are conniving with some white commercial farmers bent on
derailing the land reform programme, Vice-President Msika has said.

"We have even noticed that some of those being used by whites are some of
our war veterans, including senior politicians," he said.

The Vice-President said this on Wednesday after touring Chifundi and Emily
Park irrigation schemes in Makonde constituency in Mashonaland West

The two schemes have more than 350 hectares under irrigat- ion - where wheat
and soya are grown on a rotation basis.

War veterans, Cde Msika said, should not be used to derail Government
programmes because they knew the history of the liberation struggle better.

"The road map to independence was a tough one. Our young people, including
some sell-outs, must remember that we lost dear friends, brothers, sons and
daughters in our war of liberation," he said.

Cde Msika said it was the duty of parents to tell children born after
independence the true story about the importance of land and what
empowerment through land meant.

The Government, he said, was in the process of organising 99-year lease
agreements so that beneficiaries of land reforms could access capital loans
from financial institutions using land as collateral.

The Government is sourcing tractors and other farming equipment from abroad
with the view to develop the agricultural sector as a viable entity,
Vice-President Msika said

He commended farmers at Chifundi and Emily Park for organising themselves
and embarking on commercial ventures, thereby achieving the objectives set
by Government.

"What I have seen today is clear testimony that the programme is
succeeding," Cde Msika said.

However, the Vice-President challenged the A1 farmers to buy their own
farming equipment so that they would be self-sufficient.

"You cannot continue to rely on help from white commercial farmers as in the
case at Emily Park. By doing so you will dance to their tune, and some of
you will end up selling out by joining the opposition MDC," he said.

Turning to next year's parliamentary elections, Cde Msika said there was
need for the ruling Zanu-PF party to have proper structures from village,
cell, branch to district level in the province in preparation for the polls.

He challenged the party provincial leadership to have regular meetings with
the lower structures.

"You must go out and register our people so that they will be able to vote.
Makonde should remain a Zanu-PF constituency," Cde Msika said.

Last season, farmers at the two schemes were able to harvest up to 1 000
tonnes of wheat that earned them about $700 million.

This summer, the farmers have put more than 320 hectares under soya bean
with an expected yield of 600 tonnes valued at $1,8 billion.
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Mangwende Issues Ultimatum to Harare Business People

The Herald (Harare)

April 9, 2004
Posted to the web April 8, 2004


HARARE'S business community has been given three months by Resident Minister
Cde Witness Mangwende to refurbish rundown buildings or face punitive action
from the Government.

The business community must process industrial waste before discharging it
into the city's water bodies.

Harare City is using at least seven water purification chemicals instead of
two at the most owing to the massive pollution of its water bodies. As a
result, the water purification budget has increased from $400 million in
1994 to $815 billion this year.

Cde Mangwende's ultimatum for refurbishment comes in the wake of spirited
efforts by Government and Harare City Council to reclaim the city's
"sunshine" status.

He made the remarks during the launch of Harare's clean-up campaign at
Siyaso Home Industries in Mbare yesterday.

The clean-up campaign has attracted members of the uniformed forces, who
have contributed manpower, logistics and vehicles.

The minister said failure to refurbish the buildings would not be tolerated
and the Government would have no choice but to close business premises that
do not look presentable.

He called on residents to repaint and refurbish their houses, saying
cleanliness started with individuals.

Cde Mangwende urged Harare residents to be united in efforts to spruce the

"We need unity in Harare. We are the same family. We want Harare to be the
leading example of cleanliness in the country," he said.

Zanu-PF was dismayed by the lack of seriousness by MDC councillors to ensure
the cleanliness of the city and it had mobilised resources to ensure the
city regained its sunshine status.

"Zanu-PF has decided to fulfil the wishes of the people. We will clean the
city," Cde Mangwende said.

MDC councillors did not attend the launch with only acting Harare mayor
Councillor Sekesayi Makwavarara and two independent councillors, Mr Gladmore
Hakata and Mr Tapfumaneyi Jaja, present.

Cllr Makwavarara said residents should not rely on well-wishers to clean
their environment as it was everyone's duty to police the illegal dumping of

"Report anyone you find dumping rubbish to the police," she said.

Senior army, police and prison services officers and acting Zanu-PF Harare
province chairman Cde Amos Midzi and senior Government officials attended
the launch.
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Government's Domestic Debt Up to $1,3 Trillion

The Herald (Harare)

April 9, 2004
Posted to the web April 8, 2004

Brian Benza

GOVERNMENT'S increased recourse to the domestic sector for financing has
seen total domestic debt rising to $1,3 trillion, according to figures
published by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe for the period to April 2 2004.

The rise in total domestic debt reflects an increase in Treasury bills
issued including the interest component. The effective yield on 91-day
Treasury bills has risen from levels around 79,72 percent to the current
level of around 106,50 percent.

The amount has doubled from the December 2003 figure of $590 billion, which
comprised of $14 billion in outstanding debts, $287 billion of Treasury
bills, $284 billion in interest and $4 billion advances from the central

Government's borrowing is, to a large extent, being channelled to finance
recurrent expenditure at the expense of capital expenditure.

Although the recent salary hikes for civil servants is partly responsible
for the increased borrowings, the rise in the debt can be attributed to the
taking up of Cold Storage Company (CSC) and Grain Marketing Board (GMB)
debts by the Government.

The borrowings are directly contrary to the then Minister of Finance and
Economic Development, Dr Herbert Murerwa's 2004 budget statement where he
proposed to match recurrent expenditure to current revenues and allowing
budget borrowings only for capital expenditure and infrastructure

"Borrowing for consumption as the Government is doing is, however, not
sustainable and merely results in higher levels of debt without creating any
income to repay the debt," said a weekly report said.

Apart from the budgeted expenditure for 2004, Government will incur
additional expenses through the food import bills to meet the shortfall of
around one million tonnes of maize and wheat on the domestic market.

Apart from borrowing from the domestic market in order to finance its
expenditure, Government can utilise its overdraft facility with the central
bank, but there is, however, a statutory limit on the amount the Government
can borrow, set at 20 percent of the previous year's revenue collection.

This means that the Government can utilise its overdraft facility up to a
limit of $228,3 billion in 2004 as the total revenue for 2003 is estimated
at $1,14 trillion.

But with the deficit estimated at $1,85 trillion, the Government would still
need to borrow in excess of $1 trillion from the domestic sector.

The central bank advances to Government rose to a high of $427,6 billion at
the end of January, but by 12 March the Government had a positive balance of
$56,6 billion.

Government's recourse to the domestic sector for funding, however, leads to
an expansion in money supply growth, thus it is important for it to contain
its expenditure thereby minimising borrowings from the domestic sector to
reduce inflationary pressures.

As stated by the central bank governor in his monetary policy statement,
fiscal discipline is critical if the monetary control measures put in place
are to bear fruit.
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New Health Board Challenged

The Herald (Harare)

April 9, 2004
Posted to the web April 8, 2004


THE newly appointed Public Health Advisory Board has been challenged to
source for additional funding for the health sector.

Health and Child Welfare Minister Dr David Parirenyatwa said the greatest
challenge facing his ministry was limited funding.

He was speaking at the inauguration of the Public Health Advisory Board in
Harare yesterday.

He challenged the new board, chaired by Mr Jealous Batsirayi Nderere (47),
to help the ministry source more funding.

"Your advice will go along way in my vision to address problems related to
health infrastructure, such as the upgrading of health management
information systems and refurbishment of buildings," said Dr Parirenyatwa.

While some health facilities in the country were relatively new, he said,
they ended up looking run-down because of lack of renovation.

Dr Parirenyatwa challenged the board to familiarise itself with the health

"Health is everyone's concern and you will be in the spotlight. As such, you
should review existing health legislation and recommend periodic amendments
that may be necessary.

"Know how much has been allocated to the ministry in the budget and know how
it is being used," he said.

Dr Parirenyatwa said the board should also make meaningful contributions on
how the prevalence of the HIV and Aids pandemic, other sexually transmitted
infections and epidemics like malaria could be reduced.

"I will welcome advice from the board on how to tackle the numerous
challenges facing this ministry.

"The exodus of manpower, clean water, sanitation, refuse collection and the
availability and distribution of vaccines for preventable diseases are just
some of the pressing concerns," he said.

While rabid deaths were on the increase, it is becoming increasingly
difficult for people to get rabies vaccines because of the costs involved,
he said.

A full course vaccine costs over $1 million.

"All those are challenges that the board should look at," he said.

Mr Nderere has been the managing director of QV Pharmacies since 1997 and is
the current vice-chairperson of the Medicines Control Authority.

He holds a BPharm (Hons) from the University of Zimbabwe.

Mr Dombo Chibanda (52), the current assistant director of Health Services
(Environment), is the vice-chairman. Other members of the board are Dr Alva
Mandizvidza Senderayi, a private medical practitioner representing the
Zimbabwe Medical Association on the board, and Mr Victor Mugwagwa,
vice-principal at the School of Traditional Medicine, representing the
Zimbabwe National Traditional Healers' Association.

Mr Douglas Shonhiwa of the Pharmaceutical Society of Zimbabwe, Dr Kudzai
Ndawana of the Zimbabwe Dental Association, Dr Philemon Macheka, Mr Emmanuel
Magade, Mr Alexander Phiri, Dr Edward Makondo, Mrs Cleveria Chizema, Dr
Zvitendo Duri and Ms Sipiwe Tshuma make up the rest of the board.
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Zambezi Large Mammal Survey Finds Elephant Populations Increasing

From African Wildlife Foundation
Thursday, April 08, 2004

You would think elephants would be relatively easy to count. After all, they
are the largest terrestrial mammal on earth. But it gets complicated when
their range crosses three national boundaries and the elephants are
constantly on the move.

Until last year, no one had been able to get an accurate count in AWF's
Zambezi Heartland. But in the last half of 2003, the first ever
transboundary large mammal aerial survey took place in this Heartland. The
survey was conducted at the same time across all areas of the Heartland
using standard census methods, an approach that minimized the chance of
double counting in cases where elephants move across borders.

AWF facilitated this collaborative effort among the Zambia Wildlife
Authority, Zimbabwe's Parks and Wildlife Management Authority, and the
Mozambican Tete Province Department of Tourism. A high level of commitment
was demonstrated by all parties, particularly in seeking the necessary
permission for cross-border flights.

This is the first time we have accurate data for all areas of the Heartland,
regardless of political boundaries. This is especially important for the
elephant population that uses the entire Heartland.

Zimbabwe has by far the largest percent of the range (63%) and the largest
population estimate of elephants with 19,646. Zambia has an intermediate
size portion of the range (27%) that has a population estimate of 1,423, a
137% increase from the estimated figure of 600 elephants made in 2002
(CITES, 2002). Mozambique makes up just 10% of the range and has 1,717
elephants, a 41% increase from the 1,217 estimate from the year 2000 census.
On a landscape level, the entire Heartland has had an 8% increase in
population from an estimated 21,114 in 2001 to 22,826 elephants in the
latest survey.

While the elephant population in Zimbabwe is increasing steadily, the
populations in Zambia and Mozambique show dramatic increases. This trend can
be attributed to the consistency in census methodology used during the AWF
facilitated transboundary survey as well as improved wildlife management
interventions on the ground.

As a result of this survey, conservation priorities have been determined.
One is for transboundary law enforcement to help protect the increasingly
stable Heartland elephant population from poaching. In addition, the growth
of populations in Zambia and Mozambique must be sustained in cooperation
with the national wildlife authorities and local government.

For more information, contact:

Elodie Sampere
Communications Director
African Wildlife Foundation
1400 Sixteenth Street, NW
Suite 120
Washington, DC 20036
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