Please give this the widest
coverage since it is essential that the regional and international community see
the extent of the determination by the military to subvert the expressed will of
Zimbabweans.
Despite such efforts, it is increasingly clear, both within
and outside Zimbabwe, that there is a
determined resolve to see an end to
Mugabe's regime, which no amount of dirty tricks can prevent.
The story
is already featured on www.thezimbabwetimes.com
Bulawayo
central Maj. J. Ndhlovu
Maj. J. Ncube
Buhera Central Col. M. Mzilikazi (MID)
Buhera North Maj. L.
M. Svosve
Buhera South Maj. D. Muchena
Buhera West Lt. Col.
Kamonge
Major Nhachi
Chimanimani East Lt. Col.
Murecherwa
Chimanimani West Maj. Mabvuu
Headlands Col.
Mutsvunguma
Makoni North Maj. V. Chisuko
Makoni South Wing Commander
Mandeya
Mutare Central Lt. Col. Tsodzai
Lt. Col.
Sedze
Mandi Chimene
Mutare West Lt. Col. B. Kashiri
Mutare
North Lt. Col. Chizengwe
Lt. Col. Mazaiwana
Bindura
South Col. Chipwere
Bindura North Lt. Col. Parwada
Muzarabani
North Lt. Col. Kazaza
Muzarabani South Maj. H. Maziri
Rushinga Col.
F. Mhonda
Lt. Col. Betheuni
Shamva North Lt. Col. Dzuda
Shamva
South Makumire
Brig. Gen. S. B.
Moyo
Lt Colonel Kuhuni
Chirumhanzu South Maj T.
Tsvangirai
Mberengwa east Col. B. Mavire
Mberengwa West Maj T.
Marufu
Matebeleland South AVM Abu Basutu
Beit Bridge East Group Cpt.
Mayera
Rtd. Maj. Mbedzi
Lt. Col. B. Moyo
Gwanda South Maj
J. D. Moyo
Gwanda Central Maj. B. Tshuma
Matopo North Lt. Col.
Maphosa
Binga North Maj E. S.
Matonga
Lupane East Lt Col. Mkwananzi
Lupane West Lt Col.
Mabhena
Tsholotsho Lt. Col. Mlalazi
Hwange Central Lt. Col P.
Ndhlovu
Rtd. Maj. Gen. Gibson
Mashingaidze
Rtd. Brig. General Rangwani
Chiredzi Central Col G.
Mashava
Chiredzi West Maj. E. Gono
Gutu South Maj. Chimedza (Medical
Doctor)
AVM Muchena
Masvingo Lt. Col. Takavingofa
Mwenezi
West Lt. Col. Muchono
Mwenezi East Lt. Col. Mpabanga
Zaka
East Maj. R. Kwenda
Chinhoyi Col
Gwekwerere
Chegutu East Lt. Colonel W. Tutisa
Hurungwe East Lt. Col.
B. Mabambe
Mhondoro Mubaira Col. C. T. Gurira
Zvimba North Cpt. T.
Majongwe
Rtd. Brig Gen
Rungani
Chikomba Central Lt. Col. Marara
Gromonzi North Lt Col.
Mudzimba
Maj F. Mbewe
Marondera Central Maj. Gen. Chedondo
(COSG)
Lt. Col B. Kashiri
Marondera West Squadron Leader U.
Chitauro
Murehwa South Maj. Gurure
Murehwa North Lt. Col.
Mukurazhizha
Lt. Col. Chinete
The teams will be deployed on 8th April 2008 to campaign
for RG Mugabe in the run off under the guise of war veterans. With the exception
of two, all the deployed officers are senior serving officers of the armed
services. It is understood that Lt. Gen. PV Sibanda will command the operation
with the assistance of Maj. Gen. Nick Dube. General Chiwenga will be the overall
commander of the operation. He is being assisted by Maj. Gen Last Mugova and
Col. S. Mudambo
http://www.theherald.co.uk
IAN BELL
April 09
2008
Gordon Brown and South Africa's Thabo Mbeki spent a couple of hours
in
conversation the other day, talking, it is reported, about the crisis in
Zimbabwe. It is the mark of an authentic statesman to be able to speak
fluently for two hours without saying anything remotely useful.
In
Zimbabwe itself, meanwhile, the cops have been chatting with seven
election
officials. According to the police, who allege fraud and "criminal
abuse of
duty", the functionaries have some explaining to do. How could they
preside
over a presidential election in which Robert Mugabe was a
participant and
fail to come up with a result appropriate to his vast
popularity?
Voting outcomes have yet to be certified or published,
but the cops are
confident that some 5000 papers were miscounted by the
mendacious officials.
When you have Zanu-PF's extensive experience in
stuffing ballot boxes, you
tend to know about these
things.
advertisement
The arrests are part of an emerging pattern. Far
from cutting a deal that
would allow the "Marxist" octogenarian to be
reunited with his "holiday
home" in Malaysia, Mugabe - encouraged, no doubt,
by his 40-strong client
politburo - means to fight on. He could escape
justice: so much is conceded.
But those who populate his army and his
security apparatus would not be so
lucky. There are many deaths, starting
with the massacre of 25,000 souls in
Matabeleland in the early 1980s, still
to be explained.
So election officials are charged with the crime of
failing to arrive at the
right result. So the remaining white-owned farms
come under attack. So the
suspiciously young "veterans" of the liberation
war, complete with an
energetic "green bombers" youth cadre, are mobilised
while police and army
threaten to ignore any election results not to their
liking.
Morgan Tsvangirai, candidate for the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC),
says a war is being prepared. Having been beaten senseless
once before by
Mugabe's patriots, Mr Tsvangirai has experience on his side.
Efforts to rig
the elections having failed - the camera-phone is a useful
gadget - it seems
the great liberator has decided to forget about
plausibility, credibility,
legitimacy or pride.
It is unfair, of
course, to say that Mr Brown has failed to "act". What
could Britain do?
Mugabe has adopted what might be termed the North Korea
strategy: there is
nothing the international community can now inflict on
his country and his
regime that would approach the damage the latter has
already wrought on the
former.
Military intervention, even by Zimbabwe's neighbours, is probably
out of the
question. Diplomacy has been comical, shameful and futile by
turns. Economic
action would be a joke - with a single important exception -
in the context
of a country that has added a new chapter to the annals of
hyper-inflation.
Still Mugabe insists on blaming the former colonial
power for all his
country's ills. There was some truth to the rhetoric, once
upon a time.
White ownership of vast tracts of Zimbabwe did not come about
by accident,
or by anything resembling legal process. By any reasonable
definition, much
of the land was stolen. It needs to be, in the proper
sense, repatriated.
But Mugabe has instead replaced one form of
corruption with another,
arguably worse, version, awarding white farms to
his incompetent favourites
while driving Zimbabwe to ruin. That cannot be
explained, even if you choose
to believe the excuse, by foreign
conspiracies. Britain and the other
colonial powers can be held responsible
for many things, but not
self-inflicted bankruptcy and endemic poverty in a
rich and fertile land.
Zimbabwe is an African problem. It is patronising
to Africans, and
self-defeating, to say otherwise. This is not another story
about the abuse
of aid and trade. This is not the work, for the most part,
of the
trans-nationals, the Chinese or interfering white governments. Mugabe
was
never Britain's favoured successor to racist rule, but he came to power
on a
wave of popularity and acclaim. Some of us even thought him a hero, and
considered that a Bob Marley song was the least Zimbabwe's rebirth deserved
in 1980. All that seems fantastic now.
Britain claims to be
assembling one of those "£1 billion" (nice round
number) aid packages in
preparation for the moment Mugabe yields to reality.
If the act matches the
press release, if double-counting, pre-conditions and
the usual vices
attendant on western benevolence are absent, that sounds
reasonable. One of
these days Mr Tsvangirai will need all the help he can
get. For now,
however, Zimbabwe's crisis is embodied in one figure, and its
solution in
the hands of another.
Thabo Mbeki appears not to realise that he bears
responsibility for his own
revolutionary legacy. Aids denial in the South
African context was bad
enough. ANC corruption and assaults on press freedom
have been, to put it no
higher, deeply dispiriting. But the insistence that
Mugabe should be taken
at his own estimation, that he should be indulged
year after year in the
face of all the evidence, that he should earn
applause when African leaders
meet, disgraces Nelson Mandela's
movement.
Only South Africa can halt Mugabe. It controls the only
important border,
holds the last economic reins and provides the Zimbabwean
regime with its
only important source of legitimacy. Mr Mbeki need say only
that he is
unimpressed by Mugabe's response to the election process, that he
deplores
alleged assaults on 80 opposition activists, that the courts should
not be
required to validate a democratic poll. Nothing of the sort has
happened.
For years, Mr Mbeki has been making vaguely hopeful noises over
"progress"
with Mugabe. The strategy, if any, seems to rest on the hope that
an old man
will recognise his mortality, or simply die. You can judge how
effective
this has been by the simple fact that Mugabe is neither
intimidated nor
dissuaded by South Africa's words and deeds. An absurd delay
in announcing
election results? Mr Mbeki says this is to ensure there is "no
controversy".
A re-run allowing time for Mugabe to rig results? Mandela's
heir says it is
"time to wait".
We can presume that Mr Brown and the
South African president failed to agree
on that. It is less likely that the
Prime Minister made a broader point:
Africans dealing with African problems
have not, in this case, done much to
comfort an African people. They have
failed, are failing, and seem content
to live with that failure even while
Mugabe mocks their rhetoric. In the
process, they confirm all the latent
(and not so latent) post-colonial
racism of the west. If nothing else, they
excuse our impotence.
It amounts to a very sad story. The last thing
Africa needs is another
failed state. You could talk, as Tony Blair once
did, of a "scar on the
conscience of the west". There comes a point,
however, when you need to talk
about the conscience of Africa itself, and
the conscience of its biggest
regional power. If nothing else, simple
pragmatism applies: does South
Africa need a desolated country on its
doorstep simply because Mugabe was
once a hero who called the white world's
bluff?
It appears that Mr Mbeki can live with that. It is clear, beyond
mere
appearance, that the people of Zimbabwe cannot.
The Times
April 9, 2008
If Mugabe clings to
power, the world will be to blame
Eleven days ago Zimbabwe's elections raised
hopes that Robert Mugabe's
tyranny was near its end, and might even end
peacefully. Those hopes now
look forlorn. Mr Mugabe has lost control of
Parliament but is clinging to
the presidency at any cost. The result of the
presidential poll is still not
known, and may never be. Thugs loyal to the
regime have taken to the streets
and occupied the country's last remaining
commercial farms to soften up the
electorate in case of a second-round vote
- but even that last refuge of
democratic hopes may yet fall to emergency
rule.
Amid the chaos, this much is clear: having stolen a series of
elections
through fraud and intimidation before contriving to steal this
one, Mr
Mugabe has long since lost any legitimacy as Zimbabwe's leader. He
and his
inner circle are now playing for time. Zimbabweans and their
neighbours may
feel powerless to remove him, yet neither can they afford to
let his ruinous
regime endure. Africa's other leaders, therefore, must at
last find the
courage to heed the opposition's pleas and tell Mr Mugabe that
his time is
up. And Gordon Brown, who once staked his international
reputation on a
pledge to ease African suffering, must show that these were
not idle words.
His response to Zimbabwe's crisis, so far, has been timid,
incoherent and
ineffectual.
For eight years, the rationale for
Britain's soft-spoken policy towards
Harare has been that strident criticism
of Mr Mugabe would only unite his
country behind him. That contention had
merit only as long as real pressure
was being applied via other European and
African governments - and there is
little evidence that it was - and only
until last month's election. The
parliamentary vote did more than end the
28-year majority of the ruling Zanu
PF and unseat several of Mr Mugabe's
ministers. Given his tight hold on the
party, it amounted to a massive
rejection of Mr Mugabe himself.
This is what Mr Brown should now be
saying, repeatedly, in public and
without fear of Britain's colonial shadow,
which a majority of Zimbabweans
understand exists chiefly in Mr Mugabe's
fevered imagination. Instead Mr
Brown has delegated condemnation of the
regime's delaying tactics to his
Foreign Secretary, who makes resonant
speeches but has yet to craft a
concerted diplomatic effort. He has urged
President Mbeki of South Africa to
toughen his position on Zimbabwe, but in
private and inconclusively. He has
failed to galvanise Nato (at its recent
summit in Bucharest) or the South
African Development Council into united
condemnation of the Mugabe regime.
And he has called for “proper monitoring”
of any second-round presidential
vote.
Proper monitoring will,
indeed, be vital, and finding ways to guarantee
international observers'
presence at a run-off poll is an urgent priority
for the EU and the UN. But
Mr Brown's choice of admonishment is baffling.
His focus on a second round
before the first-round results are known is
little better than the
outrageous Zanu (PF) demand for recounts without the
initial counts being
published. Mr Brown's duty to lead the world's response
to Mr Mugabe is all
the more urgent for Mr Mbeki's stubborn failure to lead
Africa's.
If
Mr Brown is accused of meddling, he should admit it. Zimbabweans now
need
meddling of an entirely new order to rid themselves of the man who has
destroyed their country.
The Times
April 9, 2008
Catherine Philp in Harare South
Just as Tommy Miller was milking his
Friesian herd early yesterday morning,
the mob stormed into Dunluce Farm.
Armed with sticks, stones and a shotgun,
they ordered him to stop. He
refused. The cows had to be milked or they
would become ill. “This is the
law,” replied their dreadlocked leader,
brandishing his baton. “You must
throw the milk on the ground.”
As they rampaged through Zimbabwe’s last
productive farms, Robert Mugabe’s
feared militiamen threatened to drive the
country to starvation with a
campaign not just to reclaim white-owned land
but to destroy the farming
system.
Reports flooding into farmers’
unions in Harare yesterday told of the wilful
destruction of farm equipment,
produce and buildings as part of an alleged
“popular uprising” by
government-backed mobs in the name of getting the land
back for the black
population. Agriculturalists fear that the country could
run out of food
within weeks as the farm invasions stop the maize harvest in
mid-flow and
threaten the future of wheat crops with only four weeks left
for
planting.
As of yesterday, 60 commercial farmers – including two black
farmers with
opposition sympathies – had been evicted from their farms by
mobs of
so-called war veterans, the shock troops unleashed by Mr Mugabe in a
desperate attempt to cling to power. Dozens more have fled their farms,
unwilling to resist the increasingly violent mobs, which have set fire to
farm labourers’ huts and beaten workers.
Up to 300 veterans, in
T-shirts of the ruling Zanu (PF) party, turned up at
Mr Miller’s sprawling
dairy farm south of Harare yesterday, closing down
production when he
refused to leave, and surrounding his heavily fortified
house to try to
flush him out.
Milk has become one of the scarcest commodities in Zimbabwe
since the first
invasions in early 2000, and long queues form from early
morning in the rare
places it can be found on sale. In a land of such
desperate hunger, the
wanton waste of milk seems unbelievable. But while
millions of Zimbabweans
spent their day in the exhausting search for food,
Mugabe supporters spent
theirs in a frenzied effort to destroy the supply
chain.
The militias, financed by trillions of Zimbabwean dollars printed
since Mr
Mugabe’s apparent election defeat 11 days ago – official results
have still
not been announced – are answering a call to arms to defend the
land from a
new white invasion and reclaim what is held by the country’s few
hundred
white farmers. Mr Mugabe has cast the opposition Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) as the stooges of former British colonial rulers,
claiming that
it is seeking to hand back land to ousted whites.
When
two white Times journalists drove to Dunluce Farm yesterday on the
pretext
of buying meat, the car was set upon by the chanting mob occupying
the farm.
They dragged a cart across the driveway to block an escape and
gathered,
chanting and mocking, round the car. “The butchery is closed, the
farm is
closed,” their leader said. “This is the law.”
Similar tales were told by
the white farmers fleeing to Harare for safety
and congregating at the
offices of the Commercial Farmers’ Union (CFU) to
report attacks on their
farms. “They are saying they have come to reeducate
the people and repossess
the land,” one white farmer from Mashonaland
Central said, refusing to give
his name for fear of retribution.
Too afraid to return to his farm, he
was fretting over what would happen to
his wheat crops, which must be
planted within four weeks. Other farmers were
evicted or fled in the middle
of the maize harvest, raising fears over how
long the country could last on
its food stocks. Zimbabwe needs 23,000 tonnes
of maize a week to feed its
population, half of which it imports. Its
remaining stocks stand at just two
thirds of that figure. Trevor Gifford,
president of the CFU, calculated that
more than 1,000 lorryloads of maize
would have to be imported every week
just to keep the country at subsistence
level.
The political limbo,
meanwhile, shows no signs of ending. Yesterday a court
postponed the
opposition’s petition for the release of disputed election
results, as news
emerged that officials had been arrested for allegedly
undercounting Mr
Mugabe’s vote.
There is no sign of the promised run-off between Mr Mugabe
and his
challenger, Morgan Tsvangirai, but every sign of a violent campaign
unfolding to intimidate opposition supporters. In Harare, the queues for
basic food-stuffs stretched along the pavements into the evening. “We are
suffering here,” said one woman, holding her crying baby. “When will it
end?”
The Telegraph
By David Blair in Johannesburg
Last Updated: 8:51pm BST
08/04/2008
If President Robert Mugabe succeeds in
subverting Zimbabwe's election
and extending his 28-year rule, the outside
world can do precious little in
protest.
He could choose simply
to repudiate the whole contest. The officials
now in custody could be
induced to "confess" that the process was rigged by
the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change in collaboration with Britain.
The convenient
discovery of such a plot would allow him to cancel the
election and rule by
decree until another contest could be held, perhaps in
a year's
time.
Alternatively - and this is the more likely choice - Mr
Mugabe could
throw the Electoral Commission into chaos by arresting its
officials and
levelling accusations of a plot.
This would make
it impossible for a second round of the presidential
poll to take place in
accordance with the law on April 19.
Mr Mugabe would then secure
more time to seize farms and organise
violent attacks on his opponents until
he felt confident enough to hold and
win a second round, perhaps after a few
months.
If he chooses either of these courses, the world has few
options in
response. Britain and Western powers stopped giving aid to Mr
Mugabe's
regime and imposed travel bans on the president and his senior
allies six
years ago.
The only aid they still give goes
directly to the needy via
international agencies such as the World Food
Programme. Halting this
support would worsen the suffering of ordinary
Zimbabweans.
Western condemnation of Mr Mugabe has no effect on his
behaviour and
allows him to pose as an anti-colonial icon.
African leaders, notably President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, have
always
refrained from criticising Mr Mugabe and have, in effect, supported
his
regime.
In the chaotic aftermath of this election, even they might
have second
thoughts. The central goal of Mr Mbeki's diplomacy towards
Zimbabwe was to
secure an undisputed election.
But Mr Mugabe is
now denouncing the electoral process and arresting
the officials concerned,
while Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition candidate,
is going to court to try
to get the results announced.
For the first time in electoral
history, this poll is being disputed
by both contenders before the official
result has even been declared.
Meanwhile, Mr Mugabe has been avoiding phone
calls.
President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania, the current chairman
of the
African Union, has repeatedly failed to get through to
him.
African leaders now have one viable option. If Mr Mugabe fails
to hold
the election's second round on April 19, they could cease to
recognise him
as Zimbabwe's legitimate president.
This might
chasten Mr Mugabe. But the chances of African leaders going
this far are
minimal.
Zimbabwe Today
The intriguing reason why the
leader of the MDC flew to South Africa for the
day
On the surface it
didn't seem a very sensible idea. With the election
process in deep crisis,
and violence spreading, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of
the so-far victorious
Movement for Democratic Change, left the country. He
got on a plane for
South Africa and only returned last night (Monday). But
my source in the MDC
leadership says he had good reason for going.
It was not to meet
President Mbeki, who still prevaricates over the issue of
Mugabe, and who in
any case was in India. Instead Tsvangirai met with Jacob
Zuma, leader of
South Africa's ANC and the front runner for the Presidency
of the Republic
next year.
Tsvangirai knew that he would receive a warm and sympathetic
welcome from
the controversial Zuma. He hoped that the South African would
lend his
support to the demand to publish the election results, and would be
equally
supportive in the drive to rid Zimbabwe of Mugabe. And for some very
interesting reasons...
First, Zuma is a Zulu. The Zulu have close
historic links with the
amaNdebele people of Zimbabwe, who live for the most
part in Matabeleland.
These are the people who Mugabe has persecuted and
killed during Zimbabwe's
history as an independent state. Mbeki, on the
other hand, is of the Xhosa
tribe, who have no links with the
Ndelele's.
But there's a second more subtle reason why Zuma would be keen
to help. That
is, he would like to see the back of Mugabe long before he
becomes SA's
President. He knows that the longer Mugabe clings to power, the
more of an
embarrassment and irritant he will be to his neighbours. So he
wants him
gone now.
My source for this information travelled with
Tsvangirai to South Africa,
and he tells me: "Zuma showed tremendous
interest. He promised to help
unlock the deadlock over the election results
and negotiate an exit deal for
Mugabe."
He said the ANC leader
promised to talk to Thabo Mbeki when he returns to
Pretoria, but added:"He
said he is prepared to break away from Mbeki's much
criticised 'quiet
diplomacy'. He said this had failed, and leaders who
believe in democracy
like himself should act now on Mugabe."
All this is excellent news for
those who support Tsvangirai and his party's
struggle to end the tyranny of
Mugabe and Zanu-PF. But I must report what
might prove to be a slight
problem.
Zuma is a controversial character. In South Africa he has a
string of court
cases hanging over his head. Media reports from the Republic
indicate that
he might yet fail to get the top job, that it might instead go
to the ANC
secretary-general, Kgalema Motlanthe.
But meanwhile,
Tsvangirai, who is also planning to visit Tanzania to enlist
the support of
President Kikwete, knows that with Zuma backing him today he
is signicantly
strengthened for the struggle ahead.
Posted on Tuesday, 08 April 2008
Zim Online
by Ntando Ncube Wednesday 09 April
2008
JOHANNESBURG – Zimbabwe labour leaders said on Tuesday
they were under
“intense pressure” to call worker protests to demand release
of election
results but would not do so in order not to give President
Robert Mugabe a
pretext to declare emergency rule.
The Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) described the situation in
Zimbabwe as a
“cliff-hanger” and said the nation was in an “explosive mood”
after the
election authorities withheld results of a poll that Mugabe is
said to have
lost to the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.
ZCTU secretary general
Wellington Chibebe told journalists in Johannesburg
that Mugabe was trying
to provoke protests as a pretext to crackdown on
opponents and declare
emergency rule.
Chibebe said: “The leadership is aware that such protest
may be what
President Mugabe is praying for in that it would give him the
excuse to
declare a state of emergency and rule by decree.”
Zimbabwe
was plunged deeper into political crisis after election authorities
withheld
results of the March 29 presidential election that Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) party leader Tsvangirai says he won against Mugabe.
The MDC,
which has also accused Mugabe of trying to provoke violence, has
said the
veteran leader was delaying the issuing of results to prepare for a
violent
onslaught on opposition supporters in a bid to overturn defeat in an
anticipated second round run-off against Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai says
he won the presidential vote and should be declared
president immediately,
ending Mugabe’s 28-year rule. However, the ruling
ZANU PF and independent
observers say the MDC leader was a shade below the
50-plus percent required
to take power from Mugabe and a run-off is
necessary to determine the final
winner.
The High Court continues on Wednesday hearing an MDC application
demanding
immediate release of results of the presidential poll held 11 days
ago.
Chibebe, who was speaking at a joint press conference with the
Congress of
South African Trade Unions (COSATU) at which the two unions
called on the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to release the result of the
presidential
poll, said the ZCTU was urging restive workers to remain calm
to deny Mugabe
an opportunity to unleash violence.
“The ZCTU and
COSATU demand that the results be announced. If there is a
clear winner,
that winner must form a government. If there is no winner then
the election
must be re-run, with an increased number of international
observers,” COSATU
secretary general Zwelinzima Vavi said.
Meanwhile, the two unions decried
as unfortunate statements by President
Thabo Mbeki that the international
community should not intervene in
Zimbabwe because the situation there was
still manageable.
“The statement is quite unfortunate as it misleads
those who might have the
solution to believe that there is someone managing
the situation when in
actual fact no one is managing it,” said Chibebe. –
ZimOnline.
Zim Online
by Nqobizitha Khumalo Wednesday 09 April
2008
BULAWAYO – Zimbabwe’s opposition leaders,
church and civic groups on
Tuesday urged African leaders to intervene to
break a political stalemate
that many fear could plunge the country into
anarchy and bloodshed.
Zimbabwe was plunged deeper into political
crisis after election
authorities withheld results of a March 29
presidential election that
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
party leader Morgan
Tsvangirai says he won against President Robert
Mugabe.
MDC secretary general Tendai Biti told journalists in
Harare that
Mugabe was delaying the issuing of results to prepare for a
violent
onslaught against opposition supporters in a bid to overturn defeat
in an
anticipated second round run-off against Tsvangirai.
Biti
said Mugabe has, since the inconclusive March 29 ballot, rearmed
militants
of his ZANU PF party who have gone on to attack opposition
supporters.
Mugabe, whose ZANU PF party lost its parliamentary
majority for the
first time in 28 years, was angling for violence to find a
pretext to impose
emergency rule in Zimbabwe and Africa should intervene
before there was
bloodshed in Zimbabwe, Biti said.
"There's
been massive violence inside our country since the 29th of
March 2008 . . .
MDC people are being beaten up . . . farms with remaining
pockets of white
people are being invaded. Farms with known MDC supporters
are being
invaded," Biti said.
He added: “They (African leaders) should not
wait for dead bodies in
Mbare, Dotito and elsewhere in the country. They
must intervene now.”
Biti spoke as churches and civic leaders
meeting in the second largest
city of Bulawayo urged African leaders to
pressure the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) to release poll results,
saying the deepening stalemate was
hurting efforts to heal a nation that has
faced political and economic
turmoil since 2000.
They said: “We
appeal to the Southern African Development Community
and African Union to
exert the required and necessary pressure upon ZEC to
release the results of
the presidential election as a matter of primary
importance.”
Among groups that met in Bulawayo were the Christian Alliance, Women
of
Zimbabwe Arise, Association of Evangelicals in Africa, Bulawayo Agenda,
Zimbabwe National Students Union, Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace
(CCJP) and the Zimbabwe National Pastors Conference.
The groups
said failure to announce results of the presidential poll
had caused
unnecessary anxiety and tension amongst traditionally peace
loving
Zimbabweans.
Meanwhile, the High Court postponed to Wednesday
hearing an MDC
application demanding the immediate release of presidential
election
results.
The court had delayed the matter several
times since Saturday as
lawyers from both sides argued first over whether
the court had powers to
hear the matter and whether it should be heard
urgently. It ruled earlier on
Tuesday that the opposition application was
urgent.
Lawyers expect the matter to last several more days before
the court
can pass judgment. Either party could go on to appeal the
judgment,
prolonging the stalemate further. – ZimOnline.
Zim Online
by Own correspondent Wednesday 09 April
2008
HARARE – Soldiers beat up revellers and late evening
shoppers in the city of
Gweru as punishment for not “voting correctly”, a
human rights group has
reported as Zimbabwe’s election stalemate looks
increasingly set to
degenerate into violent clashes between rival political
groups.
The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) said soldiers, some of them
wearing face
masks, on Sunday raided bars and a public market in Gweru’s
Mkoba 6 surbub,
assaulting people they accused of failing to vote
correctly.
Gweru, which is in Mdilands province, is a stronghold of the
opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party led by Mogan
Tsvangirai which
trounced President Robert Mugabe’s ruling ZANU PF party in
the city in the
just ended elections.
The ZPP said: “Soldiers
descended on unsuspecting revellers in bars and late
night shoppers beating
them up. The soldiers were allegedly saying the
people’s crime among other
things was that they did not vote correctly.”
The soldiers, who allegedly
used logs and broom sticks to assault their
victims, were back on Monday
morning but this time at a different shopping
centre in Mkoba 14 suburb
where they again beat up civilians, according to
ZPP.
The ZPP, which
monitors politically motivated violence and human rights
abuses in Zimbabwe,
said it had also received reports of violence in
Mashonaland East province
where a ZANU PF official is said to be waging a
campaign of retribution
against people he suspects may have voted for the
MDC.
The human
rights group said three victims of the ZANU PF official, Gerald
Shamuyarira,
Shingi Chogovanyika and Irvine Chimanga, attempted to report
him to the
police but ended up being arrested themselves because the
official had filed
a report against his victims first.
The ZPP said: “The situation is
worrisome and events (reported) from the
provinces are threatening
peace.”
ZimOnline was unable to independently verify the claims by the
ZPP.
Politically motivated violence has resurfaced in parts of Zimbabwe
since a
March 29 poll that saw ZANU PF defeated by the MDC in a
parliamentary poll
while President Robert Mugabe is said to have lost to the
leader of the
opposition party, Morgan Tsvangirai.
War veterans and
ZANU PF militia have also stepped up farm invasions with at
least 60 white
farmers said to have been evicted from their properties over
the past few
days.
Analysts see new farm invasions and resurgent political violence as
part of
a well-orchestrated plan by Mugabe to regain the upper hand in rural
and
farming areas, where ZANU PF surprisingly lost several seats to the
MDC.
There are fears that an anticipated re-run of the presidential
election
between Mugabe and Tsvangirai could spark serious violence between
militant
supporters of the Zimbabwean leader on one side and opposition
supporters on
the other. – ZimOnline
Zim Online
by
Wayne Mafaro Wednesday 09 April 2008
HARARE – The High Court
this morning resumes hearing a petition by the
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) party demanding the release of results
of the presidential
election held 11 days ago.
“The matter is proceeding tomorrow
(Wednesday). We are still arguing,” MDC
lawyer Alec Muchadehama told
reporters yesterday.
Zimbabweans are still waiting to hear who their next
president is more than
one week after casting their ballots.
MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai says he won against President Robert Mugabe by
more
than 50 percent of the vote, which is enough to avoid a second round
run-off.
The opposition leader says the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC) is
holding on to the results in a bid to fix the vote in favour of
Mugabe.
However, ZANU PF and independent election observers say
Tsvangirai won with
less than 50 percent of the vote, warranting a re-run of
the ballot.
ZANU PF has been exerting pressure on the electoral
commission to order a
recount of ballots even though no result has been
announced yet.
The delay in announcing results for the presidential poll
has plunged
Zimbabwe deeper into crisis while Mugabe has continued to
preside over the
state, amid increasing signs that he might resort to
violence and
intimidation during the anticipated run-off in order to regain
the upper
hand against Tsvangirai. – ZimOnline.
Daily Mail, UK
Last updated at 21:55pm on 8th April 2008
African
states must intervene in Zimbabwe to prevent widespread bloodshed,
the
country's opposition warned yesterday.
Party leaders accused president
Robert Mugabe of trying to provoke violence
as a pretext for a state of
emergency - and to intimidate his opponents
ahead of a likely run-off
election.
The claims came amid growing reports that ruling party
thugs were escalating
their invasions of white-owned
farms.
Tendai Biti, the secretary-general of the opposition
Movement for Democratic
Change, appealed to African states to act, saying:
"I say to my brothers and
sisters across the continent - don't wait for dead
bodies in the streets of
Harare.
"There is a constitutional and legal
crisis in Zimbabwe."
He said the ruling ZANU-PF party had
launched a violent campaign against
their supporters following a stalemate
over March 29 elections.
Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai says
he won the presidential vote and
should be declared president-immediately,
ending Mugabe's 28-year rule.
But ZANU-PF is pressing for a delay in
issuing the presidential results
pending a recount, and is also alleging
abuses by electoral officials.
Scroll down for more
...
Earlier, a farmers' union said that veterans of Zimbabwe's
independence
war - used as political shock troops by Mugabe - had evicted
more than 60
mostly white farmers since the weekend.
Mugabe's
information minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu said the union was lying,
and added
that there had been no outbreak of violence in the country.
"There is
nothing like that," he added. "They are concocting things. It is
peaceful."
The High Court has begun hearing arguments in a
case brought by the MDC to
force the release of the election
result.
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged Zimbabwe's Electoral
Commission to
release the election results "expeditiously and with
transparency".
zimbabwejournalists.com
8th Apr 2008 22:09 GMT
By a Correspondent
LONDON - British
and Swedish parliamentarians Kate Hoey and Birgitta Ohlsson
have urged the
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to lead a UN delegation to
deal with the
election crisis in Zimbabwe.
In a joint letter to Secretary-General
Ki-Moon the two MPs said his presence
in Harare would signal that the world
community stood united in an appeal
for the installation of a government
that reflects the will of the people.
Ban Ki-moon has since made an
urgent statement urging the expeditious,
transparent release of election
results from the March 29 elections.
Said the UN on behalf of the the
secretary general; "Nine days ago, the
people of Zimbabwe voted in a
responsible and peaceful manner. The
Secretary-General is concerned that
presidential results have yet to be
released in spite of the constitutional
deadline. He urges the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission to discharge its
responsibility and release the results
expeditiously and with transparency.
He calls upon all actors to act
responsibly, exercise restraint and calm,
and to address all issues
regarding the elections through recourse to legal
means and dialogue as
necessary for the good of all Zimbabweans."
But
Hoey and Ohlsson want him to lead a delegation to the African
country.
Both MPs have made recent undercover visits to Zimbabwe visiting
opposition
activists and members of civil society engaged in the struggle
for democracy
and human rights.
Labour's Hoey is Chair of the
All-Party Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe in
the UK Parliament. Birgitta
Ohlsson is the Foreign Affairs spokesperson for
the Liberal Party in the
Swedish Parliament.
The two wrote; "We are writing to express our deep
concern regarding the
events unfolding in Zimbabwe following the March 29
elections. More than a
week has passed and the people have not yet received
the official election
results, while crackdowns and arrests of opposition
and journalists have
been reported by media.
We, the undersigned,
have made repeated visits to Zimbabwe and have noted
pleas from within the
country for help from the United Nations. In order to
facilitate a peaceful
solution to the ongoing crisis, the United Nations
must act
immediately.
The United Nations’ ability to respond decisively in the
wake of a bitterly
contested election was illustrated during former
Secretary-General Kofi
Annan’s diplomatic intervention in
Kenya.
Therefore, we urge you as Secretary-General of the United Nations
to lead a
UN delegation to Zimbabwe. Your presence in Harare would signal
that the
world community stands united in an appeal for the installment of a
government that reflects the will of the people.
Secondly, the UN
delegation headed by the Secretary-General should arrange
face-to-face
meetings with presidential candidates Mr Robert Mugabe and Mr
Morgan
Tsvangirai. At this stage, it is crucial that the UN listens, leads
and
calms the situation.
Thirdly, in order to ensure the Zimbabwean people’s
confidence in an open
and transparent election process, the UN Security
Council should demand that
the election results are made
public.
Finally, we believe it is of utmost importance that you, as
Secretary-General, engage all of the region’s nations. Such a shuttle
diplomacy would be essential in ensuring that a peaceful and democratic
resolution of the conflict has the backing and legitimacy from neighboring
states.
The United Nations has an obligation to stand by the
Zimbabwean people who
have bravely shown their commitment to the democratic
process. The
Secretary-General of the United Nation must play a leading and
active role
in facilitating resolution to the current crisis and preventing
further
conflicts."
President Robert Mugabe's government lost control
of the country's
parliament for the first time since independence in
elections held on March
29 and Mugabe himself is believed to have lost the
presidential poll to
Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition MDC
leader.
Results for the presidential election have not been announced 10
days on
though Zanu PF is already talking of a run-off of the presidential
election
when the results are still to be made public.
The MDC on the
other hand has claimed victory, saying Tsvangirai is the
righful Zimbabwe
President after pipping Mugabe at the polls.
Australian Broadcasting Corporation
Broadcast:
09/04/2008
Reporter: Tony Jones
Gugulethu Moyo, a Zimbabwean
lawyer and media relations advisor on southern
African issues discusses the
country's situation in the wake of its
election.
Transcript
TONY
JONES: I'm joined now from London by Gugulethu Moyo, a Zimbabwean
lawyer.
She was the in-house counsel for the Zimbabwean-based
newspaper, The Daily
News, which was violently shut down by Robert Mugabe's
Government in 2004.
Thanks for joining us, Gugulethu Moyo.
I'm
wondering how significant you believe this High Court decision is to
hear
the MDC's case urgently on releasing the election results?
GUGULETHU
MOYO, ZIMBABWEAN LAWYER, INTERNATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION: Well, you
know, it's
progress. I think that that's what many people were hoping for so
I think
it's important now that they complete the arguments about the merits
of the
case and we hope that perhaps tomorrow he will deliver a judgment
compelling
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to actually publish the
results.
TONY JONES: I'm wondering what the case could comprise of. I
said earlier it
should, in effect, be the shortest case in legal history
because what could
the argument against releasing the election results
possibly be?
GUGULETHU MOYO: Well, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission is
saying that they
are still counting the votes, they're still verifying the
counts that were
done at the polling stations some 10 days ago when the
first counts were
done so that's their basic argument that we haven't
finished yet. Give us a
bit of time.
But of course the Opposition is
arguing that they ought to have finished,
that their explanation for the
delay is just not plausible and that this is
possibly just giving the ruling
parties an opportunity to manipulate the
outcome and I think they're arguing
that the longer this delays the less
likely it is that the results that will
be announced will be the actual
count.
TONY JONES: Has this High
Court shown any, in the past, or had any
reputation for genuine independence
and can we expect a fair and free legal
judgment, particularly a legal
judgment on this question?
GUGULETHU MOYO: Well, you know, the Zimbabwe
courts actually do not have a
reputation for their independence. They have
been criticised by many
independent observers, including the International
Bar Association for whom
I work, for their lack of independence therefore
being politicised and
allowing themselves to be manipulated by politicians
from the ruling party.
But I think that what might be happening is that
judges would be considering
at this point their position, you know, power is
shifting quite clearly in
Zimbabwe. So if I were a judge in that seat, even
if I were inclined to, you
know, follow the dictates of some politician from
the ruling party, I would
also consider what it means for me if I perhaps am
not acting impartially
and will be then faced with the situation where the
new government wants to
clean up the bench and would like to reinstate
judges who are independent.
So I think that there are many pressures that
are weighing on the judge.
But having said that, one of the things that
you cannot rule out is that
even if this judge issues a decision, which is
impartial, that he won't be
victimised by Zanu-PF. We saw earlier today that
some polling people who
were employed in the polling stations have been
arrested and accused of
taking bribes in order to favour the Opposition. And
you can't rule out
that, you know, a judge who acts independently today and
tomorrow will be
victimised in a similar fashion.
TONY JONES: That is
pretty ominous, the arrest of these five or depending on
who you listen to
seven electoral officials accused of under-counting Robert
Mugabe votes to
the tune of hundreds of thousands of votes. You know, is
there any evidence
at all that you know of that's been released or have they
just been secretly
arrested?
GUGULETHU MOYO: Well, it's difficult to find out what has
happened to these
people and who they are. One of the things, of course,
that surprises
everybody is that the outcome, the result isn't out as far as
we know but
Zanu-PF clearly knows what is going on inside the Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission so they've been arrested. Of course Zanu-PF, rather the
police,
claim that they have evidence that, you know, some of these people
have
acted fraudulently so they don't need to wait for the result but many
people
are sceptical because I think given what's been taking place in the
last few
days they just think this is a desperate attempt on the part of
Zanu-PF to
manipulate the outcome and perhaps to discredit the process if it
doesn't
favour them.
TONY JONES: Now we haven't had, in spite of
everything and this election has
been relatively, and the period immediately
after, has been relatively free
of violence until very recently. We're now
getting reports that 80 or more
opposition activists in different parts of
the country have been attacked
and beaten by Mugabe supporters. This is on
top of the arrest of the
electoral officials that we're talking about. Are
you at all concerned, and
is there a growing concern, that the backlash by
Mugabe supporters that's
long been warned of is just starting to happen
now?
GUGULETHU MOYO: Oh yes, you know, we're very concerned. Our partners
that we
speak to on the ground, the independent monitors on the ground are
also very
concerned about what lies ahead. They see Zanu-PF that has been
shocked by
the outcome of the first round of the this election and fears the
loss of
power and instead of conceding defeat, they are now really resorting
to old
election tactics to win back power. So, you know, they're going back
to the
use of violence and intimidation against the electorate and that is a
really
very serious concern.
TONY JONES: We've in fact been sent a
long list of senior military officers
who are allegedly in charge of
orchestrating a campaign for Robert Mugabe in
different regions throughout
the country in the run-off elections. It looks
like they are expecting the
run-off elections to proceed but they're
intending to use the old tactics of
the past and to use the military to make
sure that these things and the war
veterans to make sure that things don't
go wrong this time.
GUGULETHU
MOYO: Yeah, I mean, you know, I don't know how reliable your
sources are but
I mean you can just see it from what is going on in the
ground and what is
being reported by the Zimbabwe press itself, the
state-run press. They've
had war veterans, people who call themselves war
veterans, coming out saying
that they're out to defend the revolution, as
they call it, they're out to
defend the land, they've been evicting farmers
in parts of the country. But
I do understand also that the police have
stopped them from actually, you
know, evicting some farmers in some parts of
the country. So there is, you
know, some resistance, or at least some law
enforcement that is taking place
and so, you know, the situation is pretty
fluid.
Also I think, you
know, the Zimbabwean Government is aware of the intense
international
scrutiny over this process so they will be a little bit more
cautious,
perhaps, about how they proceed. But I have no doubt that, you
know, these
are people who are very desperate and I think all the signs are
there for
everybody to read. And when Zanu-PF finds itself faced with
opposition,
their normal strategy, their normal tactics are to simply beat
up the
opposition and trying to suppress the opposition in a violent
fashion.
TONY JONES: You've had personal experience of that. I don't
know if you're
in a position to talk about it or if you're comfortable to
talk about it but
if you can can you tell us what happened to
you?
GUGULETHU MOYO: Oh, well, you know, that's a bit of a long story,
but when I
worked for the Daily News in Zimbabwe, which was at the time the
only
independent daily newspaper, one of our reporters, who was a
photographer
was arrested and beaten up by the police and some soldiers. At
this was at
time when he was covering a demonstration which had been called
by the
opposition the final push. It was meant, according to the opposition,
to be
a demonstration which would really oust Mugabe from power. So, you
know,
political tensions were very high. The photographer who was covering
this
was arrested and beaten up, which was quite normal, you know. Many of
our
reporters would be attacked by the police or ruling party supporters
when
they went out to try to report matters because the Government regarded
us
not as an independent newspaper but as the opposition.
I went down
to the police station to try and secure the journalist's release
together
with a colleague, and when we, while we were there the wife of the
commander
of the armed forces, you know, his wife, she arrived and she had
been for
some reason asserting control over the police who were stationed in
this
particular post and giving them instructions. She then approached me
and
asked me why I was at the police station and when I explained and told
her
that I worked for the Daily News she just, you know, really became very
angry and started to beat me up and also then, you know, asked or instructed
her henchmen to do the same. She then told the police to detain me, which
they did, you know, this is a civilian who's instructing the police, you
know, to do all these things. They detained me, she then ordered them to
beat me further, which they did, and, you know, the long or short story of
it is that I was detained for a further 48 hours in police custody, there
were no charges against me but the police listened to her instructions and
kept me in a police cell in Harare. My lawyers actually got a court order
compelling the police to free me because there was no ground on which they
were keeping me but the police defied that because she had instructed them
not to release me. It was only after my lawyers threatened to go for a
second order that they then released me.
So, you know, it's
characteristic of ruling party tactics, you know, people
who support the
ruling party can use violence against anybody they perceive
to be opposition
and they can do it with impunity to this day this woman has
gone unpunished.
When I reported the matter the police, despite the fact
that it happened in
a police station, the police said "Oh, we don't remember
this. When did that
happen?" Later on when they acknowledged that this
incident had actually
happened, they then said they couldn't find her and
asked me to provide them
with her address, which I did, but they knew
because of course they knew
where she lived because the police guard her
home, you know. The commander
of the armed forces has an official police
guard outside his home. But, you
know, as I say she remains unpunished and
my hope is that some of these
cases will be addressed and there are many
like this, that in a different
dispensation when we have perhaps a
democratic government that is interested
in upholding the rule of law, I
hope that this woman and others who were
involved in this attack will face
justice.
TONY JONES: One final
question. I mean Morgan Tsvangirai has actually kept
his mass movement
relatively quiet until now, they haven't gone on to the
streets, they're not
demonstrating at the fact that the results have not
been released, do you
expect that to change?
GUGULETHU MOYO: Well, you know, I don't know. I'm
quite surprised, actually,
by the quietness of the opposition supporters. My
understanding is that
Morgan Tsvangirai has told his supporters to wait and
that they must be
disciplined and that they think that is Morgan Tsvangirai
thinks that he
doesn't want to provoke Mugabe into declaring a state of
emergency and
clamping down on the opposition.
But I think that to
many people, to many of Morgan Tsvangirai's critics,
this looks like what
has happened in the past. He's been accused of being
tactically inept, of
being always not able to follow through. So he clearly
has Zanu-PF in a
weakened position but instead of following through and
ensuring that this
time around the opposition wins and prevails in victory,
he is still playing
by the ruling party agenda. So they're still setting the
pace and one thing
I'd like to see is Morgan Tsvangirai speaking to his
supporters and
reassuring him that he's doing something about what is
happening, that this
election won't be stolen again because he says he's
won. So I think he needs
to show that confidence and I think that is lacking
at the moment is
somewhat surprising. I understand that the rule of law
situation is
difficult and that perhaps the war veterans and other state
agents might
come down heavily on his supporters but Morgan Tsvangirai has
said that
things have changed in Zimbabwe, people are openly defiant, many
people
including the police, including the soldiers no longer support Mugabe
or are
no longer willing to be used as tools of the ruling party. So I think
that
he ought to have a bit more confidence. He certainly needs to speak to
his
supporters because Zimbabwe's press is state-controlled and so what
people
are hearing is only what the government wants them to hear and
they're not
hearing from Morgan Tsvangirai about what he's doing about the
delays and
the election outcome.
TONY JONES: Alright, Gugulethu Moyo, thank you very
much for taking the time
to come and talk to us tonight. Hopefully we'll get
a chance to speak to you
again.
GUGULETHU MOYO: Thank you.
Daily Nation, Kenya
Editorial
Publication Date: 4/9/2008 Events in Zimbabwe could be taking a
dangerous
turn. The longer the delay in releasing the presidential election
results,
the greater the threat to democracy in the country.
If
independent projections and the results of the parliamentary
elections are
anything to go by, then President Robert Mugabe’s 28-year hold
on power is
over.
His chief rival Morgan Tsvangirai claims to have won just
over 50 per
cent of the presidential vote, and thus claims outright
victory.
President Mugabe’s party concedes the opposition candidate
got the
most votes, but says not by the majority required to avoid a
run-off. It
thus says it is ready for a run-off, but at the same time
demands vote
recounts in some constituencies.
More ominously,
government security agents have begun arresting
officials of the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission. At the same time, the
self-proclaimed war veterans
have been re-activated and have resumed
evicting white farmers.
The opposition is warning that President Mugabe is planning to wage
war on
his own people, fears which cannot be far-fetched looked at against
the
recent history of that country.
It remains inexplicable that the
Electoral Commission has been unable
or unwilling to release the election
results. The uncertainty this has
caused cannot be good for the
country.
Democracy in Zimbabwe cannot be allowed to abort. If that
happens so
shortly after the trauma that Kenya has undergone over its own
disputed
elections, a very worrying message will have been sent about the
fate of
democracy in the whole of Africa.
Special for El Universal
Robert
Mugabe's rejection by the people of Zimbabwe is a harbinger of what
awaits
Chavez down the road. Mugabe was initially a liberator from white
rule,
racism and apartheid but in the last decade he sank deep into those
same
pits himself. His 2000 confiscation of white property was popular at
first,
but when it resulted in inflation, unemployment, malnutrition and
misery,
the people of Zimbabwe learned about Mugabe's tricks to stay in
power. His
tricks work magic no more in Zimbabwe. His early liberation of
Zimbabwe from
white minority rule is no longer his legacy. That legacy is
one of death and
destruction for which he shall be long remembered.
It took a decade for
Zimbabweans to realize how Mugabe migrated from the
early dreams of
liberation to later nightmares of despotism. And it has
taken a decade for
Venezuelans to realize the same about Chavez, who faces
the same future as
Mugabe but has 300 billion barrels of oil to convince the
world it's not so.
Some may remember the day in 1999 when Chavez delivered
his inauguration
speech about liberating Venezuela from poverty and
corruption, when 90% of
the people were happy to have him in Miraflores. But
what shakes faith in
the Chavez of 1999 is that in 2008, poverty is just as
bad, inequality is
worse, corruption is epidemic, inflation is the worst in
the hemisphere and
Venezuela has become the murder capitol of the world.
With half a
trillion dollars going through his hands in the last decade, it
is
unimaginable that Chavez could manage so terribly, but he has. He has
gifted
foreigners with $100 billion while in his Fatherland one family out
of five
is ill-housed, one third are desperately poor, and the standard of
living of
the Bolivarian Republic is a fraction of what it was in 1954.
Here's what
few Venezuelans recall: from 1920 to 1970, Venezuela had the
lowest
inflation and best growth rate in the world. It was prepared to join
the
first world of nations as an equal and dignified partner in progress.
Yes,
malfeasance in office by past politicians surely created the
opportunity for
Chavez to take power, but it did not give him the right to
do to Venezuela
what Mugabe did to Zimbabwe. And for that he will always be
remembered,
especially by those who supported him.
michaelrowan22@gmail.com
ZIMBABWE SOLIDARITY
FORUM-SA
DEMOCRACY
RALLY
ELECTIONS IN
ZIMBABWE:
A LOOK AT THE
OUTCOME,
DEEPENING
DEMOCRACY,
TAKING TRANSFORMATION
FORWARD!
DATE
WEDNESDAY, O9 APRIL,
2008
VENUE
LIBRARY GARDENS-CORNER PRESIDENT
AND
SIMMONDS STREET
JOHANNESBURG
TIME
11:00
am-4:00pm
SPEAKERS
COSATU, APF, SANGOCO, SACP, YCL, ZSF
PEACE AND REPRESSION MONITORS, CENTRAL METHODIST CHURCH BISHOP PAUL VERRYN AND
OTHERS
POETRY, CHOIRS AND MANY
MORE
ALL ARE
WELCOME
FOR MORE INFORMATION
CONTACT
SIPHO O82 5000
811
PHILANI 076 9423
565
SIMON 0769157893