My Fellow Zimbabweans:
The Movement for Democratic Change
has always been a people's project. We seek nothing but the best interests of
the people of our country.
Tragically, Zimbabwe has become one of the
worst man-made humanitarian disasters of a new and hopeful century. At least
two million Zimbabweans have already fled our homeland. An estimated half
million Zimbabweans have already died of starvation, malnutrition and
preventable disease.
Because of the failed policies of ZANU PF, five
million Zimbabweans
now face starvation and famine. We cannot allow this to
happen. All of us must provide decisive leadership.
My Fellow
Zimbabweans, on March 29 you voted for change. You have been clear. We will not
betray you. In this respect, the MDC entered these negotiations full of hope. We
put aside our grievances and reached out to ZANU PF for the good of the
people.
However, any dialogue to save our country must take place in
an
atmosphere of mutual respect and tolerance underpinned by our shared
patriotism and desire to stop the suffering, and build a prosperous future for
our children.
Let me be clear, MDC entered these negotiations seeking
a
transformative and healing solution to the deep-seated political
and
economic crisis facing our country. Our objective is simple –
a
peaceful resolution to the crisis that respects the will of the
people.
The MDC remains committed to participating in any meaningful
and
genuine dialogue that urgently moves this process forward.
We
knew negotiations would be difficult, but a resolution that
represents
anything other than the will of the Zimbabwean people would be a disaster for
our country. We are committed to a solution that recognizes that the people
spoke on the 29th of March 2008 - a solution that ensures tangible deliverables
are put on the table of Zimbabweans. A solution must thus put the people first,
not leadership positions and titles.
Our members of parliament and
councilors, indeed Zimbabweans of all political persuasions, are part of the
transformative process. We need a government that transfers power to the elected
representatives of the people to carry out the people's mandate for
change.
In the immediate days ahead, we have a historic opportunity to
choose between hope or hatred, cooperation or conflict, prosperity
or
poverty, the will of the people or selfish interests. In short, we
seek
a new Zimbabwe that will provide food, jobs, dignity and healing
to all our
people.
To accomplish this, we need to look forward together. Only by
working together can we transform our society. Only by working together can we
rebuild our nation.
Although there are many dimensions to our crisis,
there is one
immediate and urgent step that is required:
Our people
continue to face a profound humanitarian crisis. We know you are suffering.
Without further delay, we are demanding that NGOs be allowed to resume
humanitarian assistance – distributing food, medicines and life-saving
assistance. This destructive policy of banning humanitarian assistance can be
reversed with one letter.
The Zimbabwean problem is an African problem
that requires an African solution. This weekend's SADC Heads of State Summit in
Johannesburg is yet another opportunity for our African brothers and sisters to
offer us a hand at this decisive moment. In his role as facilitator and as
incoming SADC Chairman, President Thabo Mbeki must insist on ensuring that the
Zimbabwean issue is put to rest. Most importantly, President Mbeki must ensure
that humanitarian assistance is resumed immediately. In addition, civic society
that has been barred must be allowed to operate.
We hope that as
facilitator, President Mbeki will ensure that the issues that continue to divide
us at the negotiation table are resolved as soon as possible. Creativity,
leadership and vision is essential in this delicate stage.
In closing,
let me reiterate three points – first, we have always been
committed to
dialogue as the only way to resolve the current political
impasse; second, we
remain committed to reaching an agreement that upholds the will of the people;
and third, we remain urgently concerned about the humanitarian crisis and ask
for President Mbeki and SADC's immediate assistance in securing the resumption
of aid to our starving, sick and dying people.
I thank you.
May
God Bless Zimbabwe.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Aug 13, 2008, 13:27
GMT
Harare - Arthur Mutambara, leader of a breakaway faction of
Zimbabwe's
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), on Wednesday
denied reports
that he had signed an agreement to share power with President
Robert Mugabe
as 'totally false and baseless.'
Reports emanating
from Mugabe's party on Tuesday and repeated in
state-controlled media
Wednesday said Mugabe and Mutambara had forged ahead
with an agreement to
form a unity government without opposition leader,
Morgan
Tsvangirai.
'There is no way you can extract a bilateral agreement from a
tripartite
negotiations,' Mutambara said a day after three days of talks
mediated by
South African President Thabo Mbeki in Harare ended in
deadlock.
Sources close to Tsvangirai said he was still far apart from
Mugabe on the
question of how they would share power if, as had been
proposed, Mugabe
remained president and Tsvangirai was made prime
minister.
Mutambara, like Mbeki, downplayed their disagreement however,
saying the
three men had agreed on all but one issue, which he called a
'non-issue.'
While ruling out any negotiated deal that did not include
Tsvangirai,
Mutambara, whose MDC faction holds the balance of power in
parliament, said
if the talks that were adjourned Tuesday ultimately failed
'we'll then
consult and see if we can engage Zanu- PF or the party led by
Morgan
Tsvangirai.'
The Telegraph
Zimbabwe's opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai last night
insisted that any
political settlement in the country had to reflect "the
will of the people".
By Peta Thornycroft in Harare And Sebastien
Berger
Last Updated: 7:02PM BST 13 Aug 2008
The opposition in Zimbabwe
denies a deal's been signed with Robert Mugabe
which snubs MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai. ;
As talks with the octogenarian leader Robert Mugabe were put on
hold and
Thabo Mbeki, the South African president who is mediating the
process, left
the country, it was clear that Mr Tsvangirai was unhappy with
the proposed
division of power in a government of national unity.
In
a message to Zimbabweans he said: "On March 29 [the first round of the
presidential election, which he won] you voted for change. You have been
clear. We will not betray you.
"A solution must thus put the people
first, not leadership positions and
titles. We need a government that
transfers power to the elected
representatives of the people to carry out
the people's mandate for change."
Mr Mugabe want to retain as much
authority for himself as he can, and
sources said the negotiations had
stalled over a document entitled "the
powers of the prime minister" - the
post Mr Tsvangirai is expected to take
if a deal can be reached.
It
is understood that the key phrase in the paper is a reference to the
president being the "head of government", rather than the prime
minister.
If Mr Mugabe retains his position as head of government as well
as head of
state it is not clear whether Mr Tsvangirai's supposed
"executive" prime
ministership would have meaningful power - particularly if
the president, as
head of government, chairs cabinet
meetings.
Sources said that the meeting became bad-tempered as the talks
foundered,
but Mr Mbeki, who had been hoping to present a diplomatic triumph
to a
regional Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in
Johannesburg this weekend, insisted: "We are indeed convinced that it is
possible to conclude these negotiations quite quickly."
On Tuesday
night Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party claimed to have signed an
agreement with a
smaller faction of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change, but its
leader Arthur Mutambara yesterday denounced the claim as
"totally false and
baseless".
"We are at a crossroads in our country," he said. "The leaders
of our
political parties must rise up to the challenge to provide
leadership."
In a sign that pressure is being put on Mr Tsvangirai to
agree to the
proposals on the table, he added: "Morgan Tsvangirai has
requested time to
reflect and consult. Three times he agreed to this one
aspect and three
times he changed his mind.
"On our side, as a party
we have no problems on that aspect."
He said any agreement from the
negotiations had to include all three
parties, but left the door open to the
possibility of a two-party deal if
the talks collapse.
Analysts,
though, said such an outcome was doomed to fail. "Going with the
MDC faction
of Mutambara will not create a scenario which the international
community
can buy into," said Olmo von Meijenfeldt, of the Idasa think-tank
in South
Africa.
"That's a very thin veneer that everybody can see
through."
The official Herald newspaper said that Mr Mugabe would call
parliament next
week and form a government, whatever happened.
"Oh
what a tangled web Bob weaves," said an international development
official.
"I think it's a good thing Tsvangirai walked out and let SADC
stew. This is
not a deal without the MDC."
International Herald Tribune
By Celia W. Dugger Published: August 13,
2008
JOHANNESBURG: After three days of intensive negotiations
to resolve the
political crisis in Zimbabwe, President Robert Mugabe and the
main
opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, were deadlocked Wednesday on the
most
fundamental issue: Which one of them would lead a new unity
government.
The talks, which began last month with high hopes for a quick
settlement,
were adjourned with no date set for a resumption of
negotiations. President
Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, the official mediator
in the Zimbabwe crisis,
left Harare, Zimbabwe's capital, on Wednesday
without the power-sharing deal
he had hoped to broker.
In the
meantime, hunger and hyperinflation worsen across Zimbabwe, which has
sunk
into a deepening economic morass under Mugabe's leadership.
Mugabe, who
won a presidential runoff election against Tsvangirai that
independent
monitors said had been neither free nor fair, has yet to lift a
two-month-old ban on humanitarian assistance by nongovernmental
organizations, which he accused of colluding with Western nations to remove
him from power. More than 1.5 million people in Zimbabwe, which has a
population of 12 million, have lost access to food and other basic
assistance, donor nations say.
It is not clear what could break the
current political impasse. South
African trade union officials, human rights
groups and leaders of Botswana,
which has refused to recognize Mugabe's
legitimacy, contend that the
Southern African Development Community, which
will meet this weekend to be
briefed by Mbeki on the situation, must take a
harder line on Mugabe's
refusal to relinquish power.
The latest
round of talks at a hotel in Harare ended on a note of confusion.
Speaking
anonymously, officials of Mugabe's party, ZANU-PF, told news
agencies and
The Herald, a state-owned newspaper, late Tuesday night that
Mugabe had cut
a separate deal with a splinter opposition faction that
controls enough
votes in Parliament to swing the majority his way.
But Arthur Mutambara, the
faction leader with whom Mugabe had reportedly
signed the deal, denied any
such arrangement Wednesday, though he did say he
was ready to support a
proposed power-sharing agreement that had been
hammered out in recent
weeks.
"We are here basically to say it's totally false and baseless that
we've
struck a deal with ZANU-PF," Mutambara said at a news conference in
Harare.
The story in The Herald on Wednesday suggested a possible motive
for the
erroneous leak from ruling party officials. It quoted an anonymous
source as
saying that if Tsvangirai took too long to sign the agreement
Mugabe wanted,
Mugabe would "simply go ahead and form the next government."
The aim seemed
to be to press Tsvangirai to settle.
But opposition
sources close to Tsvangirai said he was determined not to
sign a deal that
left Mugabe in charge. Tsvangirai believes he should lead
the government
because he won more votes than Mugabe in the March general
election,
generally considered credible, and boycotted a presidential runoff
in June
because of widespread state-sponsored violence against his
supporters.
"We need a government that transfers power to the elected
representatives of
the people to carry out the people's mandate for change,"
Tsvangirai said in
a statement released by his party Wednesday.
A
reporter in Harare contributed to this article.
Reuters
Wed 13 Aug 2008,
14:43 GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - Power-sharing talks
in Zimbabwe can still succeed soon
despite disagreements over leadership,
South African President Thabo Mbeki
said on Wednesday after failing to
secure a deal at marathon negotiations.
President Robert Mugabe and
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai met in
Harare for three days without
reaching agreement, dimming hopes of an end to
a post election crisis that
has worsened Zimbabwe's economic decline.
"We are indeed convinced
that it is possible to conclude these negotiations
quite quickly," Mbeki,
the chief mediator in the negotiations, told
reporters in the Angolan
capital Luanda.
Mbeki appealed for patience, saying the crucial issue of
leadership
positions was still under discussion.
"They are working on
a truly inclusive government," he said.
Negotiations followed Mugabe's
unopposed re-election in June in a poll from
which Tsvangirai withdrew
because of attacks on his supporters. The ballot
was condemned around the
world.
Mbeki said earlier in Harare that Mugabe had agreed on sharing
power with a
breakaway faction of the Movement for Democratic Change
opposition, but the
group's leader Arthur Mutambara said on Wednesday that
no agreement had been
signed.
"This is a tripartite negotiating
framework. You cannot get an agreement
where only two parties agree,"
Mutambara said, adding that talks were likely
to continue.
Leadership
posts are a very sensitive issue for old foes Mugabe and
Tsvangirai. But
Zimbabwean political commentator Eldred Masunungure said
concessions are
unavoidable.
"The distance that President Mbeki and the Zimbabwe
negotiators have
travelled in these talks is quite long and if it is only
one sticking issue,
no matter how critical or strategic, it will be
overcome," he said.
"All parties have invested a lot in these
negotiations. The talks can't
collapse on this last leg. Both Mugabe and
Tsvangirai are condemned to a
political settlement, they are sizing each
other up, as it were, but there
is little doubt the two will find a
compromise."
NERVOUS INVESTORS
Political uncertainty given the
murky negotiations is likely to make
investors even more
cautious.
They want strong evidence that any new government will
safeguard their money
in a country where critics say Mugabe has used
nationalisation of foreign
companies as a political weapon and helped to
wreck the economy by seizing
white-owned farms.
A protracted
political stalemate would likely hinder efforts to give
Zimbabweans relief
from the world's highest inflation rate of over 2 million
percent and severe
food, fuel and foreign currency shortages.
The crisis has acquired a
regional dimension. Millions of Zimbabweans have
fled 80 percent
unemployment and other hardships for neighbouring countries,
straining their
economies.
Mugabe is expected to convene parliament next week and plans
to form a
national unity government with Mutambara, a ZANU-PF official said
earlier.
Mutambara's 10 seats would give the coalition the majority in
parliament
that ZANU-PF lost in March elections for the first time since
independence,
but excluding Tsvangirai would be unlikely to end the
crisis.
The picture may become clearer at the weekend, when Mbeki hosts a
summit of
the 14-nation regional SADC group of countries, which mandated him
as
mediator in the Zimbabwe talks.
Mbeki has dismissed criticism that
he is too soft on the defiant Mugabe,
saying pressure will only aggravate
tensions.
13 August 2008 13:52 UK
|
There is a ghost at the table around which the four principal negotiators have been sitting these last three days, trying to resolve Zimbabwe's political crisis. The talks are haunted by the spirit of the late Joshua Nkomo, whose fate stands as a warning to anyone trying to strike a deal with President Robert Mugabe. Joshua Nkomo was, broadly, Mr Mugabe's contemporary, and a Zimbabwean liberation leader of impeccable credentials. In 1980, at independence, he emerged as an alternative leader to Mr Mugabe. His support base was in Matabeleland in the south and west of the country. Ruthless campaign Mr Mugabe fought him for five years. He destroyed him in two ways. First he sent into Matabeleland the ruthless, North Korea-trained Fifth brigade. Thousands of Mr Nkomo's supporters were murdered and their bodies dumped in mass graves in a two-year operation known as Gukurahundi.
Then - and this was a master stroke - Mr Mugabe reached an agreement with Mr Nkomo: a power-sharing agreement. Mr Nkomo was brought into the government as vice-president. Officially, the two political parties merged to form Zanu-PF, but in reality Mr Mugabe's party swallowed Mr Nkomo's Zapu party whole. Mr Nkomo was neutralised, destroyed. Mr Mugabe used what, on the face of it, was sold to the world as a power-sharing agreement to consolidate his own one-party state. It entrenched his dictatorship for 20 years. If Mr Nkomo - who died in 1999 - could speak from the grave, would he warn the opposition Movement of Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai not to walk into the same trap? Deadlock Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai have agreed on the need to share power. Mr Mugabe stays as president, Mr Tsvangirai becomes prime minister.
But they are deadlocked on how much and what kind of power Mr Mugabe should retain. Mr Mugabe has in mind what you might call the Nkomo solution: he retains control of the military and security services that he has used so successfully to terrorise his way to successive election victories. In other words he retains the coercive instruments of real executive power. Mr Tsvangirai gets the economy to sort out. Mr Tsvangirai is not weak enough to have to accept this poisoned chalice. For one thing the European Union and the United States have both made it clear that they would not help fund a recovery package under a deal like this. Mr Mugabe makes hay with this, accusing his rival of being the candidate of Western interests, of resurgent British imperialism. This plays well in much of Africa, but it no longer plays well in Zimbabwe, where there is now real economic privation. On the contrary, the evidence is that there is immense pressure on the MDC from below, from the millions of ordinary Zimbabweans who have risked much and endured more. If they are afraid of anything now it is that Mr Tsvangirai will be tempted to settle. Many would see such a deal as an unforgivable betrayal. 'Bullying' At the negotiating table it has been three against one - with Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and Arthur Mutambara, who leads a minority faction of the opposition, joining forces with Mr Mugabe to put pressure on Mr Tsvangirai to accept the Zanu-PF power-sharing plan. Brave as he is, constancy is not one of Mr Tsvangirai's virtues. The talks have hung on whether he would bend to this pressure. There is much dark talk in MDC circles of intolerable bullying.
But Mr Tsvangirai has not caved. He has shown more backbone than the other three had hoped. What he wants is the transfer of real executive power from the president's office to that of the prime minister. Mr Mugabe would stay on as head of state in a largely ceremonial role. The odds are stacked against that. The hardliners who run the military and security services are implacably against it. Mr Mugabe is negotiating for them as well as for his party. But Mr Tsvangirai has two strong cards: the first is that he holds the key to an internationally funded recovery programme, which cannot happen without him; and time is on his side. In South Africa, Thabo Mbeki has less than a year left in office. His likely successor, Jacob Zuma, has been much more critical of Mr Mugabe, and his party, the African National Congress, has openly accused Mr Mugabe of bringing the liberation tradition into disrepute. It is in Mr Mugabe's interests to strike a deal before Mr Zuma takes over. The parallels are not exact - this is not 1987. Joshua Nkomo did not, then, hold the cards that Morgan Tsvangirai holds now. Robert Mugabe is finding that it is no longer so easy to swallow the opposition whole and go on governing, unchallenged. |
http://www.zimbabwemetro.com
Local News
August 13, 2008 |
By Metro Investigations Unit
On top of the balance of executive power another
issue Arthur
Mutambara,Thabo Mbeki and Robert Mugabe agree on save for
Morgan Tsvangirai
is that Mutambara must be Tsvangirai's deputy.
ZANU
PF shifted goal posts on an earlier agreement in which the two posts of
deputy prime minister would be allocated to two members from ZANU PF and MDC
Tsvangirai respectively.
Since the talks began ZANU PF insists that
instead of a deputy from MDC
Tsvangirai, Mutambara must deputise
Tsvangirai.
"Mutambara has no mandate from the people, clearly that is
not acceptable to
us,talks will rather collapse", said an MDC official close
to the talks.
Mutambara is reportedly ecstatic about the unsolicited
offer,telling
Tsvangirai today to "put national interest before
self-interest".
"We are at a crossroads in our country," Mutambara told a
news conference.
"The leaders of our political parties must rise up to the
challenge to
provide leadership."
He charged that Tsvangirai was
indecisive,"Three times he agreed to this one
aspect and three times he
changed his mind."
Despite earlier patronising Mugabe and attending the
highly political Heroes
day celebration before a deal was struck Mutambara
insisted that he had not
signed the deal.
"All three parties must
agree if there is to be an agreement. There is no
way you can extract a
bilateral agreement from a tripartite process," he
said.
If the
three-way talks do not deliver, then "we are back to the drawing
table",
"This dialogue must not be allowed to crumble," he said.
The Mutambara
faction despite an alliance with Simba Makoni failed to garner
more than 10%
of the vote in the presidential election.
In the House of Assembly and
senate election the MDC led by Tsvangirai won
seats in all provinces in the
country while the Mutambara faction recorded
wins only in Matabeleland South
and Matabeleland North and a single seat in
Bulawayo. Despite the wins ZANU
PF led the popular in the two provinces.
Political pundits noted that
ZANU PF 's offer of deputy Prime Minister to
Mutambara is a strategy to
stealthy dilute Tsvangirai's influence and
sideline him in which they would
be working with Mutambara and avoiding
Tsvangirai.
The main sticking
point still remains the balance of executive power,the MDC
wants the
inclusive government to reflect the March 29 election result which
the MDC
warn.
Tsvangirai says he's still committed to Zim talks
"The Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) remains committed to participating
in any
meaningful and genuine dialogue that urgently moves this process
forward,"
Tsvangirai said in the emailed statement.
"We are committed to a solution
that recognises that the people spoke on the
29th of March 2008 - a solution
that ensures tangible deliverables are put
on the table of Zimbabweans. A
solution must thus put the people first, not
leadership positions and
titles."
Meanwhile shortly after the talks broke down last night, MDC
media support
staffer Andrew Chadwick was arrested at the Rainbow towers,
but was released
a few hours later.
Last in his weekly column
"Nathaniel Manheru" George Charamba,Mugabe's
spokesperson accused him of
leaking a document to The Star last week which
outlined a proposal he called
him a 'rapist of truth'.
By Lance
Guma
13 August 2008
Zimbabweans reacted angrily to press reports
suggesting Arthur Mutambara and
his breakaway MDC faction had signed a power
sharing deal with Mugabe, soon
after Tsvangirai walked way from the talks on
Tuesday night. Officials from
the party spent the whole of Wednesday denying
the deal, while some
expressed ignorance at developments unfolding. A
political commentator told
Newsreel 'deal or no deal Mutambara and his party
have been severely
compromised by these reports.'
The state owned
Herald newspaper ran a front page headline, 'Deal Sealed'
and our
correspondent Simon Muchemwa reports that thousands of anxious
people
snapped up the paper within minutes. They were to be bitterly
disappointed
after perusing the contents of the article which said
Tsvangirai, the victor
of the March 29 election, had been left out of a
unity government. Although
the newspaper does not have a reputable history
for telling the truth,
observers say the article would not have been
published without
authorization from senior officials within ZANU PF.
Officials from the
Mutambara MDC completely deny any deal was struck with
Mugabe but it has
been alleged that the threat of resignation from 7 of
their 10 MP's might
have forced a u-turn. Trudy Stevenson, a senior official
from the party,
sent a statement saying; 'What has happened is that there is
one issue on
which two of the parties are agreed but which Morgan Tsvangirai
has
requested more time to consult.' South African President Thabo Mbeki
weighed
in to clarify the confusion, saying no deal had been signed between
the
Mutambara group and Mugabe and that Tsvangirai had simply left to
reflect on
the deliberations.
If indeed Mutambara's party has been a victim of
malicious propaganda it did
not help matters that on Monday Mutambara joined
Mugabe at the Heroes Acre
commemorations. This was despite longstanding
acknowledgement that ZANU PF
usually hijack the occasion for their own
interests and most of the 'heroes'
buried there were selected by it's
politburo. An article from Mutambara
attacking the West in the same week
added to growing suspicions that he was
now singing from the Mugabe hymn
book.
Writing in his column, journalist Innocent Chofamba Sithole said,
'by
regurgitating Mugabe's political rhetoric and flawed anti-imperialism in
this article, Mutambara is merely confirming to us that he has endorsed
Mugabe's ideological position.' Sithole questioned why Mutambara chose not
to speak about the 'tragedy of oppression and violence that still stalks our
land.' He argued that Mutambara chose to berate the West and never once
'mention Mugabe's friends in the East who have continued to pour in weapons
and lend diplomatic succour to a regime that is guilty of brutalising its
own people.' Sithole ends, 'One gets the sense of someone in a hurry to bolt
in before the back door is bolted. This is opportunism of the worst
kind.'
People interviewed on the street were equally damning in their
assessment of
Mutambara. A Chitungwiza resident asked, 'who voted for
Mutambara and why
should he be Prime Minister as suggested? The people of
Zengeza West
rejected him at constituency level so how can he parachute
himself to such a
top position.' Another resident in Harare said, 'its
amazing all those who
lost in elections, Mbeki in Polokwane, Mutambara in
Zengeza West, Mugabe in
Zimbabwe are all ganging up against the victor in
Tsvangirai.'
Other people interviewed were oblivious to the political
games taking place,
with one man telling us 'I'm more worried about finding
food, queuing for
cash at the bank than keeping track with this nonsense. We
voted for
Tsvangirai in March, and Mugabe and Mbeki know
that.'
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.hararetribune.com/index.php?news=264
AFP | Updated: 13 August, 2008
10:25:00 GMT(-10)
Analysts are warning Mugabe and Mutambara that a government
of national
unity that excludes Morgan Tsvangirai won't work fro the
start
Harare -- A power-sharing deal in Zimbabwe that excludes main
opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai would do nothing to solve the country's
political
and economic crises, analysts said on Wednesday.
After
three days of negotiations between Zimbabwe's political rivals, the
talks
broke up on Tuesday night without a deal that includes all three
participating sides. However, the leader of the smaller faction of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Arthur Mutambara, said
there was "agreement on everything except on one aspect".
He added
that Tsvangirai, the head of the main MDC trunk, had asked for
"time to
reflect" on the issue, which he did not name, and that Mutambara's
branch
had "no problems on that aspect."
Major problems for a new
government
Excluding Tsvangirai, who finished ahead of President Robert
Mugabe in the
first round of the March presidential election, would pose
major problems to
a new government, analysts said.
Tsvangirai
boycotted the June presidential run-off, saying dozens of his
supporters had
been killed, but Mugabe pushed ahead with a one-man poll,
handing himself a
new term.
"The deal is not sustainable and it is not going to solve the
crisis the
country is experiencing," said Eldred Masunungure, a political
scientist at
the University of Zimbabwe. "Zanu-PF is not prepared to concede
power. They
would rather divide, conquer and rule."
Takura Zhangazha,
an independent political commentator, said: "Whatever they
do, they should
not ignore the Morgan Tsvangirai faction as this would
result in a serious
legitimacy crisis for any government that will be
formed." If the Zanu-PF
ruling party and Mutambara's MDC faction were to
combine forces, they would
hold a majority in parliament.
The ruling party had lost its majority for
the first time since independence
in the recent elections. But solving the
country's deep problems, including
an official inflation rate at 2.2 million
percent and major food shortages,
would be another matter.
Sanctions
will remain
Analysts say having Western countries lift sanctions against
Zimbabwe would
be key to solving the economic crisis, and that is unlikely
to occur without
a deal that includes Tsvangirai. "There is no way the
economy will recover
if sanctions imposed by Western countries are still in
place," said
Masunungure. Besides that, leaving Mugabe in charge likely
means changes in
economic policy will not occur, they say. Some critics
blame the 84-year-old
leader's chaotic land reform programme at the turn of
the decade which saw
some 4000 white-owned farms expropriated by the state
for Zimbabwe's
economic woes.
"The economic crisis will continue,"
said Laurence Caromba of South Africa's
Centre for International Political
Studies. "To put it mildly, Mugabe's
government has displayed very poor
economic management, and Zimbabwe's
economy will not recover until his
disastrous policies are reversed." But
Tsvangirai now faces a tough choice
on whether to accept a deal that favours
Mugabe, as he may be left with few
options that would allow him to gain
leverage in the negotiations, some
analysts say.
"Tsvangirai has no good options," said Caromba. "His only
option is to
participate in the negotiation process, but there is not much
he can do to
force Mugabe to make concessions." Some argue any power-sharing
deal between
the country's arch-rivals will pose problems since it will be
difficult for
them to work together. "A power-sharing arrangement on its own
will not
solve anything," said Lovemore Madhuku, a law expert from the
University of
Zimbabwe.
VOA
By Peta
Thornycroft
Harare
13 August 2008
The leader of
Zimbabwe's smaller opposition faction says negotiations on the
country's
political crisis are a three-way affair and no one party can sign
a
settlement deal with another. Peta Thornycroft reports from Harare.
The
leader of the smaller faction of the Movement for Democratic Change,
Arthur
Mutambara, says reports in the state-run media that he has signed a
deal
with the ruling ZANU-PF are not true.
Mutambara says the negotiations
were set up following the signing of a
memorandum of understanding last
month between his party, Morgan
Tsvangirai's larger MDC and President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU-PF.
He said therefore that a deal was only possible if it
is signed by all three
leaders, Mr. Mugabe, Mr. Tsvangirai, and
himself.
South African President Thabo Mbeki, who has been trying to
mediate a
resolution to the crisis, left Zimbabwe for Angola to report to
Southern
African Development Community head Eduardo dos Santos. Mr. Mbeki
says there
has been no breakdown in the talks.
"There is no break
down and as everybody has said, I will talk to all of the
negotiators and
reconvene them," he said.
Mr. Mbeki said he would continue to push for a
solution to the crisis, even
if it takes six months.
Arthur Mutambara
says Zimbabwe is at a crossroads and that the country's
leadership must be
up to the challenge to find a settlement to begin to end
the humanitarian
crisis which he said was engulfing the country. He said the
leaders must put
national interest before self-interest.
Mutambara said he hoped all three
leaders would attend the summit of the
Southern African Development
community in South Africa this weekend.
He said he hoped a deal could be
reached before then.
Financial Times
Published: August 13
2008 19:47 | Last updated: August 13 2008 19:47
To have a chance at
recovery, Zimbabwe needs a clean break. This is
something the long-suffering
Zimbabwean electors proved only too aware of
when they voted in a first
round of presidential elections in March to
retire Robert Mugabe. At the
least, they now need a strictly defined,
internationally monitored,
timetable that brings a near-term end to his
catastrophic rule.
Yet
the power-sharing formulas on offer at Harare talks mediated by Thabo
Mbeki,
South Africa's president, have fallen short of this goal. Morgan
Tsvangirai,
the opposition leader, has come under pressure to accept the
position of
prime minister, with the lead in managing the economy in a
national unity
government. Mr Mugabe may be willing to relinquish some of
his powers. But
he has sought to retain the trump card - a grip on the army
and police. It
is hubristic on his part to think that simply handing over
the ruins of
Zimbabwe's economy will be sufficient to persuade the
international
community to step forward with a rescue package.
There are those,
including Mr Mbeki, who doubt Mr Tsvangirai's ability to
lead Zimbabwe out
of the terrible mess it is in. The former trade union
leader has another
chance to prove them wrong. He left negotiations in limbo
on Tuesday night,
asking for time to reflect. By standing firm, he will
prove his mettle. If
there is no prospect that he can dismantle the
institutions underpinning Mr
Mugabe's dictatorship, he has nothing to gain
from a deal. On the contrary,
he has everything to lose: respect among his
supporters, credibility in the
region, and the leverage he enjoys in the
negotiations through his ability
to sway international opinion on whether to
refloat the economy.
In
the event that Mr Mugabe fails to entice his main rival into government,
he
has a Plan B: to co-opt Arthur Mutambara's breakaway opposition faction
into
a coalition. This would give Zanu-PF the 10 seats it needs in
parliament to
form a slim majority, and allow Mr Mugabe to cling on.
This is a
preposterous idea that provides no hope of an end to the misery
facing
Zimbabweans. Mr Mutambara should have no truck with it. Nor should
regional
leaders when they meet to discuss the Zimbabwe crisis at a summit
this
weekend. Instead, they should take a cue from South Africa's unions who
are
promising to obstruct the flow of goods into Zimbabwe should Mr Mugabe
remain in power. The wily autocrat is turning negotiations into a means of
preserving the status quo. At this point, the talks are only worth pursuing
if they establish a peaceful way for him to go.
HARARE,
13 August 2008 (IRIN) - Abigail Mukurazhizha, 35, a stockbroker in Harare,
capital of Zimbabwe, was among the scores of people jostling each other to buy a
copy of The Herald, the official newspaper, with the headline proclaiming "Deal
Sealed" above a story on the crucial talks to resolve the political crisis.
Photo:
IRIN
President
Robert Mugabe - not yet ready to give up power
However, her excitement quickly turned to disappointment because as far
as she is concerned, "there is no deal at all".
"Let's make no mistake
about this - a deal that does not involve [opposition leader Morgan] Tsvangirai
— the man who won the free and fair election in March — is null and void, and it
seems the old man [President Robert Mugabe] is just not ready to hand over power
to those that have legitimacy," Mukurazhizha commented. "We are moving in
circles and that makes me sick; very frustrated."
The two factions of
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the ruling ZANU-PF have
been locked in power-sharing talks for over three weeks to break the political
impasse after a controversial presidential election re-run on 27 April.
Tsvangirai, leader of the main MDC faction, won the first round of
presidential elections on 29 March but pulled out of the presidential run-off,
citing a campaign of violence in which he claimed over 100 of his party
supporters had been killed.
Mugabe, leader of ZANU-PF and President of
Zimbabwe since independence 28 years ago, was left as the sole candidate in the
run-off and installed as head of state, but agreed to talks mediated by South
African President Thabo Mbeki.
But, according to the Herald, Tsvangirai
walked out of the talks on 12 August, while Mugabe and the leader of the smaller
MDC faction, Arthur Mutambara, whose party won 10 seats in the parliamentary
elections, signed a deal.
But Mbeki told IRIN on 13 August that
Tsvangirai had asked for time out and the talks had been adjourned.
"There has been a disagreement with one element of the talks which has
to do with an agreement with power sharing. Morgan Tsvangirai asked for time out
in order to reflect on this matter so that we reconvene them later," he said.
Tsvangirai won the first presidential poll in March with 47.9 percent of
the vote against Mugabe's 42.7 percent, but did not get enough votes to avoid a
second poll for the presidency.
"Just like in the run-off, where Mugabe
'contested' alone, this empty deal is in all essence a ZANU-PF agreement,"
Mukurazhizha said. "Mutambara did not run in the presidential elections and is
just too happy to have some relevance in Zimbabwean politics."
Mukurazhizha had hoped that a deal giving Tsvangirai executive powers,
possibly as prime minister, with Mugabe as a ceremonial president, would set
Zimbabwe's economy, now in its eighth year of acute meltdown, on a path to
recovery.
Hopes dashed
"All my hopes of
returning to a normal life in the near future have been dashed by Mugabe's
unwillingness to relinquish power," John Rukweza, 28, a shop manager in the
capital, told IRIN.
"Prices keep going up as our pockets shrivel. There
is no electricity, no water, and unemployment will rise even further as
industries close - all because of an obsession with power, an obsession that
benefits a few people at the expense of the majority," said Rukweza.
He
predicted that many Zimbabweans would leave the country after hanging on, hoping
that the talks would bring political and economic stability. "Many in formal
employment thought that an internationally accepted deal would bring back the
spark to their jobs, but there seems to be no light at the end of the tunnel."
Rukweza is afraid that if no agreement involving Tsvangirai is reached
soon, the country will slide back into political violence. "I am convinced that
Mugabe is living in perpetual fear, and the brave face that we see on television
masks a man who is in a deep quandary," he said.
"Even if he [Mugabe]
wanted to give Tsvangirai some executive powers, there are many powerful people
within his party who would lose out, and these people seem to be pressuring him
to deny the MDC leader what rightfully belongs to him and to the people."
Divide and rule
Abednico Mataure, 59,
a retired teacher, warned that Mugabe could be looking to weaken the opposition
by "divide and rule" tactics. "After parliamentary elections the opposition won
more seats than ZANU-PF, and that was good, since it reversed the then ruling
party's ability to make decisions based on its majority in parliament," he
commented.
There has been a disagreement with one element of the talks which has
to do with an agreement with power sharing. Morgan Tsvangirai asked for time out
in order to reflect on this matter so that we reconvene them later
"However, with the stance taken by Mutambara, the opposition
is now divided. There are some in the opposition who would grab any chance to be
in positions of power, and I am afraid that Mugabe might announce a cabinet that
includes members from Tsvangirai's party, a development that could further
weaken his party if some of those members decide to accept what is offered."
However, Tsitsi Zambuko, a 55-year-old widow and veteran of the
liberation war, urged Mugabe to forge ahead without Tsvangirai. "Since January,
everyone has been talking about elections and nothing has been moving; we have
gone for too long without a parliament," she said.
"And who is
Tsvangirai to think that he can hold us to ransom? After all, he is nothing but
the mouthpiece of Britain and the United States, and is responsible for all the
suffering we are experiencing today," Zambuko told IRIN.
She said Mugabe
was the "legitimate leader of Zimbabwe because he won the 27 June run-off, and
led the war against imperialism, while he spends sleepless nights trying to find
ways of totally empowering the people of this country".
Deal
still in sight?
Mbeki told IRIN that he was confident though
that he would be able to wring out a settlement.
Despite claiming
victory in the June run off, Mugabe has not sworn in parliament or announced his
cabinet in the hope of securing an all inclusive government.
"The
political leaders acknowledge that none of them on their own with their
political parties have the capacity to solve these problems and so they have to
work together," said Mbeki.
He declined to spell out details of the
disagreement.
One of the negotiators involved in the talks told IRIN
that the talks hit a hitch after Tsvangirai had been offered a non-executive
prime minister's post with no meaningful responsibilities.
"Tsvangirai
was not happy that he would have presided over a few social and economic
ministries while Mugabe retained executive powers as executive president while
security ministries would have fallen directly under the control of Mugabe,"
said the negotiator.
Mugabe told IRIN that the talks had not broken
down. "No, the talks have not collapsed. They can never collapse as long as we
have tongues for talking."
Mutambara confirmed at a press conference
that while they had not signed any document, they were in agreement with the
power sharing proposals.
[ENDS]
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
By
Tichaona Sibanda
13 August 2008
The commander-in-chief of the Zimbabwe
Defence Forces, Robert Mugabe, on
Tuesday honoured the generals responsible
for the post election violence
that has seen 125 MDC activists killed and
left at least 10 000 injured.
Retired members of the defence forces said
the move by Mugabe to decorate
and promote some of the generals acknowledges
the fact they were responsible
for 'fixing' the election results and
spearheading the political violence
against the MDC.
Among the
beneficiaries were George Chiweshe, chairman of the Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission, the organization that ensured Mugabe 'won' a second
round of
voting by denying Morgan Tsvangirai an outright majority in the
first vote
in March. Chiweshe retired from the army as a brigadier.
Central
Intelligence Organisation director-general Happyton Bonyongwe was
also
rewarded. He also retired from the army as a brigadier to head the CIO
which
ran killer squads responsible for the deaths of many MDC activists
before
the second vote in June. Paradzai Zimondi, the prison service chief
who said
he would never recognise a Tsvangirai victory, was also decorated
and
promoted.
Retired army colonel Bernard Matongo described the promotions
as a first in
the history of the military in the country.
'At
retirement, we know officers from the rank of Lieutenant Colonel are
promoted to a rank higher. This was introduced in the 1980's as an
inducement package for soldiers wishing to leave the army to accommodate
forces from the liberation armies of ZANU-PF and ZAPU,' Matongo
said.
He added; 'but to promote retired officers is unheard of, this is a
first
and I don't think this has ever happened anyway else in the world
unless one
belongs to a reserve force.'
'To decorate a retired
soldier is nothing new, but it should be done in
accordance to what that
person's role is in civil society. But decorating
the chairman of ZEC and
CIO boss is a farce,' Matongo said.
Apart from the promotions, Mugabe
promised the military better remuneration
and housing, and praised them for
the 'alert, vigilant and patriotic manner
in which they have conducted their
day to day duties.'
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
In Summary
Zimbabwe’s pre-independence white supremacist leader, Ian Smith once declared: “I don’t believe in black majority rule ever, in Rhodesia, not in a thousand years.”
Less than 10 years down the line his colonial government was swept away by two liberation war movements led by President Robert Mugabe and the late Dr Joshua Nkomo, ushering Zimbabwe’s independence on April 18, 1980.
Mr Smith was forced to eat humble pie and even had a short-lived stint in a parliament controlled by the majority blacks for the first time in the country’s tortuous history.
The major lesson the rebel leader learnt was that even a day in politics is too long for you to make permanent enemies.
But decades down the line the architects of the 15-year bush war that cost thousands of lives seem to have learnt nothing from Mr Smith’s embarrassing political miscalculations.
In the run-up to Zimbabwe’s historic March elections, the security chiefs who are veterans of the liberation war declared that veteran opposition leader Mr Morgan Tsvangirai will never rule the country because he was a “stooge” of Western countries.
Even after Zimbabweans voted overwhelmingly for Mr Tsvangirai the generals remained defiant and went on to spearhead a campaign of terror all in an effort to reverse Mr Mugabe’s embarrassing defeat.
But after the 84 year-old leader posted a pyrrhic victory in the June 27 presidential run-off election where he ran alone, the generals are now being forced to eat their words with their tails firmly tuck between their legs.
After weeks of intense negotiations, Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai have agreed to share power with the finer details of the power-sharing arrangement still having to be thrashed out.
Intelligence services
But what is certain is that the commander of the Zimbabwe national army, General Constantine Chiwengwa, police chief Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri, Retired Major General Paradzayi Zimondi and Mr Happyton Bonyongwe the director general of the feared intelligence services would be forced to relinquish their positions.
“The generals have no choice but to resign because they took an undertaking that they will not work under Tsvangirai in whatever circumstances,” Mr Oswald Ndlovu a political analyst said.
“I see them resigning as soon as a new government is installed to save face and if they wait to be pushed out, I foresee a situation where Zimbabweans will demand that they should be prosecuted for human rights violations.
“It would be wise for them to make hay while there is still sunshine and negotiate their exit with guarantees that they will not be prosecuted.”
Last week, there were reports that President Mugabe was facing stiff opposition from the Joint Operations Command (JOC), a shadowy but powerful cluster of security chiefs over his decision to cede executive powers to the MDC in an all inclusive government.
The national security think tank made up of the army, police, prisons and the Central Intelligence (CIO) chiefs was accused of plotting the violent campaign to secure Mr Mugabe’s victory in the discredited election.
“The service chiefs don’t want Tsvangirai to have executive powers,” the Zimbabwe Independent weekly newspaper quoted unnamed sources as having said.
“They wonder how they will relate to him after they issued statements before the elections that they would not salute him if he won.”
The JOC members were last week invited by the talks’ negotiators so that they could spell out their position on the negotiations and their likely outcome.
The paper said the security chiefs were also concerned about their security amid fears that they would be arrested for alleged human rights abuses during the violent run-off campaign.
“They are against the ceding of too much power to Tsvangirai,” the paper added. “They are also afraid of being punished for human rights abuses.”
The JOC was said to have been fiercely opposed to any deal that would demote President Mugabe to a ceremonial role and give executive powers to Mr Tsvangirai.
But with the economy in free-fall and the need for a realistic compromise deal having become imperative, the JOC was forced to relent.They now appear powerless to influence the fast moving political developments.
Mr Mugabe’s spokesman, Mr George Charamba described the unexpected cooperation between the ruling Zanu PF and the MDC – parties that seemed to be like oil and water only a month ago – as “a milestone.”
“This is an important milestone that has been registered in the inter-party dialogue,” Mr Charamba said.
He was speaking ahead of a visit by the mediator in the talks South African President Thabo Mbeki for a meeting with Mr Mugabe, Mr Tsvangirai and Professor Arthur Mutambara of the smaller faction of the smaller faction of the MDC to wrap up the dialogue.
Last Saturday, a bomb explosion rocked Harare’s main police station and police officers were said to be the main suspects.
Although the motive of the blast has largely remained a mystery, it was rumoured that some security chiefs opposed to the talks could have been responsible.
There were also reports that the police could be trying to destroy evidence of human rights violations anticipating change.
The MDC says more than 100 of its supporters were killed and thousands left homeless during a wave of state sponsored violence in the run-up to the June poll.
Senior police and army commanders were fingered in the violence and there have been growing calls for them to be tried.
However, the draft agreement between the MDC and Zanu PF reportedly provides for amnesty for those who were involved in political violence.
They can still retire
Although there are strong feelings within Zimbabwe that the security chiefs must face international justice at one point, they can still retire in the comfort that it would not happen soon.
Zimbabwe has not ratified the Rome Statute, which launched the International Criminal Court (ICC) where they can be tried for crimes against humanity.
Only the Security Council of the United Nations or Mr Mugabe’s government can launch prosecutions for war crimes committed during the run-up to the elections and the massacres in Matabeleland in the 1980s.
By Violet Gonda
13 August 2008
The
confusion over the status of the talks has increased with reports that
Morgan Tsvangirai will attend the SADC summit this weekend, with Robert
Mugabe. Arthur Mutambara would neither confirm nor deny that he is also
going, saying he has signed a confidentiality clause. Tsvangirai had walked
out of the talks Tuesday night, fuelling speculation that the talks had
collapsed. Observers say that South African President Thabo Mbeki has failed
and that SADC is now intervening.
On Wednesday Mbeki was forced to
return to South Africa without a deal in
the bag, because of fundamental
differences over determining the functions
of the Prime Minister and the
President, and who would chair the cabinet.
The proposal by ZANU PF is that
Tsvangirai should be a senior Minister
responsible only for certain
ministries and without the power to call
meetings of the cabinet. It's said
the other unresolved issue is over the
constitutional
process.
Lovemore Moyo, the National Chairman of the Tsvangirai MDC, told
journalists
and civil society in Bulawayo on Wednesday that other hurdles
included the
duration of the power sharing government. He said Mugabe wants
the process
to last for 5 years while Tsvangirai is saying it should only
last for two
years.
Moyo was speaking at a de-briefing meeting
organised by the Bulawayo Agenda
and he said it was because of the
unresolved issues that Tsvangirai had
walked out of the talks. Moyo added
that the talks have reached a deadlock,
but have not collapsed.
As a
result of the media blackout and the lack of information, rumours and
opinion filled the vacuum on Tuesday evening. There were a number of
versions about the status of the talks and who had signed what. There were
reports that the talks had completely collapsed, while the Herald newspaper
said ZANU PF and Mutambara MDC had signed a bilateral agreement, without
Tsvangirai
The confusion extended to the Mutambara camp with MPs
allegedly threatening
to cross the floor to the Tsvangirai MDC if their
leaders signed a deal that
excluded Tsvangirai.
Trudy Stevenson, a
senior member of the Mutambara led MDC said in an emailed
message; "I have
absolutely no idea what has really happened or why. It is
inconceivable that
we could have signed any agreement with Zanu PF without
the Tsvangirai group
also signing, since we have been negotiating as one
team since July last
year." She said a deal had not been signed and Arthur
Mutambara would not be
in a position to sign anything without full agreement
of the National
Council.
Another senior MDC official from the Mutambara camp said there
is no way
that Mutambara would sign a bilateral agreement as the party's
national
executive committee had said the agreement is conditional to
Tsvangirai
buying in.
The Mutambara MDC holds key seats in the
legislature that can sway the vote,
sources in the party said out of the 10
parliamentarians and 6 senators the
majority will not support a pact with
ZANU PF, that excludes Tsvangirai.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
africasia
JOHANNESBURG, Aug 13 (AFP)
Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has been invited to a
weekend summit of
southern African leaders, the head of a regional bloc said
Wednesday,
despite calls that he be barred from attending.
The
political crisis in Zimbabwe, exacerbated after Mugabe's one-man
re-election
in June, is expected to be among the top agenda items at the
14-nation
Southern African Development Community summit in Johannesburg.
"All SADC
heads of state and government were invited including his
excellency Robert
Mugabe," SADC executive secretary Tomaz Salomao told
reporters.
"Now
it's up to the relevant authorities in Zimbabwe to decide who is going
to
represent Zimbabwe."
As the SADC-appointed mediator for Zimbabwe,
President Thabo Mbeki will
brief the regional bloc's security troika on
Friday on the talks between
Mugabe and opposition factions in Harare this
week.
Salomao said he did not know if main opposition Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai would be
coming.
"What we have to do is encourage the parties to find a solution.
We believe
the difference might be solved as we go... and what we have to do
is support
the role that the mediator is playing."
South African
Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma said the host country
would be "sad"
if Botswana followed through on threats to boycott the summit
if Mugabe
participated without a negotiated deal having been reached.
"Between
South Africa and Botswana there is really no problem. The problem
that they
may have is not within South Africa's control. It's a problem that
South
Africa is spending a lot time, energy and resources trying to
resolve."
Tsvangirai boycotted Zimbabwe's June presidential run-off,
saying dozens of
his supporters had been killed, but Mugabe pushed ahead
with a one-man poll,
handing himself a new term.
A SADC observer team
said the run-off in June "did not represent the will of
the people of
Zimbabwe".
South African trade unions are planning a march this weekend
against
Mugabe's participation in the summit.
http://blogs.thetimes.co.za/hartley/2008/08/13/mugabe-must-not-be-welcomed-to-south-africa/
13 August 2008, 17:00 GMT + 2
THERE
can be no deal on Zimbabwe without the agreement of both president
Robert
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Period.
Any deal less than
that will not be acceptable to such a large portion of
the population that
it will be recipe for continued conflict.
The fact that Mugabe believes he
may have a deal with a breakaway faction of
the MDC is neither here nor
there.
The fact is that President Thabo Mbeki's negotiation efforts have come
very
close to forging an agreement between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, something
thought impossible until very recently.
But the final hurdle - an
effective shift in the power balance from Mugabe
to Tsvangirai - remains
elusive.
There is the danger that Mugabe is once more playing the diplomatic
game he
has become so adept at: Engaging and then withdrawing just when
progress
appears to be made.
That is why it is right that the world
continue to apply pressure on his
regime.
And that is why Cosatu is right
to see his planned visit to South Africa for
the SADC summit as an
opportunity to air the displeasure of this country at
his anti-democratic
regime.
The argument that Mugabe ought to be treated with kid gloves because
he is
negotiating, doesn't hold water.
Now is the time to remind him that
he cannot return to the community of
nations until he has accepted that he
must give up power in Zimbabwe.
Rewarding Mugabe for failing to reach an
agreement by welcoming him to South
Africa would be to send an inappropriate
signal.
If the Zimbabwean opposition, which won the most votes in the March
election, decides to reconcile with Mugabe, such a call should be seriously
considered.
Until then, Mugabe remains a pariah that must be isolated by
the world.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2561
August 13, 2008
By Tendai
Dumbutshena
THE SADC summit in Johannesburg this weekend was supposed to
be the moment
of triumph for South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki. He was
set to cock a
snook at his detractors by presenting a deal signed by all
parties to
Zimbabwe's conflict.
With praise ringing in his ears he
would have savoured the moment he proved
critics of his Zimbabwe policy
wrong. Stung by accusations of bias in favour
of Zanu-PF leader Robert
Mugabe Mbeki wanted to have the last laugh in front
of his SADC peers and
the world's international media.
It is a measure of his desperation for
success that he spent an
unprecedented three days in Harare nudging Mugabe
and MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai to sign a deal paving the way for a
government of national unity
(GNU). A room at the Rainbow Towers hotel was
suitably decorated for the
signing ceremony. According to reports a deal in
which Mugabe would retain
the executive presidency with Tsvangirai as a
token prime minister was on
the verge of being signed. Mbeki wanted to kill
two birds with one stone -
secure an agreement that keeps Mugabe in power.
The only concession Mugabe
would have made was to have some MDC cabinet
ministers.
But things went terribly wrong. At the last minute Tsvangirai
refused to
sign a document that would have legitimized Mugabe's rule for a
full five
years and condemned the MDC leader to a meaningless subordinate
role. Mbeki
must now face the summit to report failure. He will put a
positive spin on
it but few will bite. Once again the Zimbabwe issue will
overshadow all
others on the agenda. His critics at home and abroad will
have a field day.
Thousands of demonstrators led by the labour federation
COSATU will be there
to voice their opposition to Mugabe's presence if he
dares attend. There
will be renewed calls for tougher action against
Mugabe's regime. Botswana
is likely to boycott the summit if Mugabe is
invited. Mbeki can no longer
count on the support of his ANC party for his
Zimbabwe policy. It is a mess.
Mbeki's intervention in Zimbabwe was
flawed from the start because it never
sought to find a fair solution to the
crisis. Its strategic objective was to
keep Zanu-PF in power. As a result
his mediation degenerated into shameful
appeasement and collusion. The
mediator became part of the problem. His
foreign affairs ministers and
officials moonlighted as Mugabe's defenders at
various international fora.
Mugabe saw in Mbeki a staunch ally not a neutral
broker. This only
strengthened his resolve not to yield any ground. It is
this obduracy that
forced Tsvangirai to walk away from the talks.
It is so easy to forget
recent events. Mugabe lost the March 29 elections.
Faced with certain defeat
in the June 27 presidential run-off he used savage
violence to force
Tsvangirai out of the race. The African Union and SADC
urged him to form a
GNU. It was a polite way of telling him that they could
not recognize the
farce of June 27.
The MDC took the reasonable position of proposing an
inclusive transitional
government of limited duration to perform specific
tasks culminating in a
free and fair election. Mbeki should have nudged
Mugabe towards this
eminently reasonable position. Instead he tried to
railroad the MDC into
accepting a Mugabe led GNU with Tsvangirai a pathetic
sidekick.
Mediators try to find compromises that are fair to all parties
to a
conflict. They do not bully and cajole one party to sacrifice its
interests
and principles to the point of capitulation. Unconfirmed reports
say the MDC
had accepted Mugabe's executive presidency. If that is true it
was a grave
mistake. Predictably there was no big reciprocal concession from
Zanu-PF.
All power belongs to them.
A derisory vice-presidency was
offered to Tsvangirai joining a queue behind
Joseph Msika and Joice Mujuru.
When this was rejected Tsvangirai was offered
an empty shell - a prime
minister with zilch executive powers. They might as
well have offered him
the post of minister without portfolio in Didymus
Mutasa's office. The MDC
leader was expected to sign such a humiliating
suicide note.
What the
MDC was expected to do was validate the June 27 run-off in exchange
for
cabinet posts. Mugabe's enormous powers underwritten by the military
would
have remained intact. In Zimbabwe cabinet ministers do not carry much
weight.
Ask former finance ministers Simba Makoni and Herbert
Murerwa. The MDC was
indulging in self- delusion if it thought the
allocation of certain
ministries to it would make a difference to the
governance of the country.
It is a point they have to note seriously. The
only issue of critical
importance as far as power politics goes is the
position of Mugabe and the
generals who underpin his rule. If that is not
addressed the MDC will be
sucked into a shameful agreement that will achieve
nothing but its eventual
humiliation and demise.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
By Clare Byrne Aug 13,
2008, 16:20 GMT
Johannesburg - The man dubbed the 'bridesmaid' in
any political settlement
in Zimbabwe has emerged as a key player in
deadlocked talks between
President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai on a
government of national unity.
Mutambara, who
leads a splinter faction of Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) that is also party to the talks, on Wednesday denied
reports he had
agreed a deal with Mugabe over Tsvangirai's head on sharing
power.
But the 42-year-old robotics professor tightened the screws on
Tsvangirai,
indicating he was open to working with Mugabe's Zanu-PF party if
the
tripartite talks failed.
Born in May 1966, Mutambara was a
student leader at the University of
Zimbabwe, where he headed up
anti-government protests in the late 1980s.
He later studied at Oxford
University in Britain, where he obtained a
doctorate in robotics and
mechatronics, going on to lecture at several
universities in the United
States, including the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology.
He has
also worked as a business consultant with the renowned McKinsey &
Company consultancy.
In 2005, Mutambara fell out with Tsvangirai over
whether the MDC should
contest elections to the newly-formed Senate.
Tsvangirai overruled a
decision by MDC members to contest the elections - a
decision labelled by
some in the party as autocratic.
Mutambara
formed a separate MDC faction in early 2006, with constitutional
lawyer
Welshman Ncube as his deputy.
By contrast with Tsvangirai's faction, his
formation is perceived as more
elitist and has failed to garner much support
outside the southern
opposition stronghold of Matabeleland.
In March
2007, the tall, well-spoken politician was among the MDC leaders
arrested in
a police crackdown on an opposition prayer rally, during which
Tsvangirai
was badly beaten.
Months later, he and Tsvangirai attempted to reunify
the party to create a
common front to Mugabe in March elections.
But
the reunification talks ended in failure - Mutambara's faction accused
Tsvangirai of making excessive last-minute demands - and the two MDCs went
their separate way at the polls.
The divisions hurt Mutambara's
faction, which took only 10 out of 210 seats
in elections to the lower house
of parliament, against 99 for Tsvangirai's
MDC and 97 for Mugabe's
Zanu-PF.
In the simultaneous presidential election, Mutambara also backed
the wrong
horse. His preferred candidate, former Zanu-PF finance minister
Simba
Makoni, came in a distant third.
After the elections, Mutambara
and Tsvangirai struck a pact to work together
in parliament, giving the
combined MDC a comfortable majority.
Mutambara also continued to defy
Mugabe, describing his bid to hang onto
power as 'illegitimate and illegal.'
The remarks saw him arrested and
charged with producing information
prejudicial to the state but later
released.
In recent days, however,
his allegiances appear to have shifted.
In remarks echoing Mugabe,
Mutambara took aim in a weekend opinion article
at Western powers, who have
called for Tsvangirai to lead the unity
government, accusing them of
'meddlesome interference' in Zimbabwe's
affairs.
Mutambara was also
conspicuously present at Heroes' Day celebrations in
Harare this week, where
Mugabe officiated. Tsvangirai stayed away.
While ruling out entering any
deal that did not include Tsvangirai,
Mutambara, said Wednesday, if the
talks failed, 'we'll consult and see if we
can engage Zanu-PF or the party
led by Morgan Tsvangirai.'
While Mutambara could give Mugabe the
parliamentary majority he needs to
govern, analysts say only Tsvangirai can
deliver Mugabe what he really
needs - aid and investment from the
West.
'Mutambara will be nothing more than the bridesmaid in this
marriage, if
Mugabe and Morgan make it to the altar at all', Sydney Masamvu,
a
Harare-based analyst for the International Crisis Group, told South
Africa's
The Star newspaper.
Alex Magaisa Scene:
Harare, Zimbabwe, Corner Samora Machel Avenue and Julius Nyerere Way,
three people standing, Prudence, Fanwell a.k.a Funny and Reason. * You can contact Alex
Magaisa on a.t.magaisa@kent.ac.uk or
wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
August 13, 2008
Prudence
Karigamombe has
fallen! Did you hear?
Funny
Are you sure? Who said
that?
Prudence
I am serious. Ask
Reason.
Funny
Reason, who told you that
Karigamombe has fallen?
Reason
Yes it’s true. They said
Karigamombe fell last night.
Funny
Who said?
Prudence
Didn’t you hear? I thought
you had a television. Don’t you have access to the internet?
Reason
You are so yesterday, my
friend! It’s everywhere! Everyone is saying Karigamombe fell last night. You are
the only one in Jerusalem who does not know what has happened!
Prudence
He does. He has everything
– TV, Internet, buys the papers … but he is here professing ignorance! You’re
playing with our minds, boy.
Reason
So how come he doesn’t
know? Oi, how come you don’t know what everyone else knows? Ask all these people
passing by - bet you even that old beggar knows Karigamombe fell last
night!
Funny
You talk too much, guys.
But tell me, where are we right now?
Reason
Harare! You know we are in
Harare. Why do you ask silly questions? Maybe, that’s why you don’t know that
Karigamombe fell last night. Everyone has heard it except you. You worry me,
young man - you used to be an intelligent fellow, up-to-date with news and all
but these days, Goodness Gracious! you have become so out of touch with reality
– you think too much, that’s why!
Funny
No, I mean where are we
standing right now? Is that hard to answer?
Prudence
Is that not obvious? I
thought you are the one who called and said let’s meet paKarigamombe? That’s why
we are here and now you ask where are we? Trying to run away from the issue, are
we?
Funny
So, tell me my friends, if
Karigamombe fell last night, as you say you have seen everywhere, on TV, on the
Internet, from friends and impeccable sources, when exactly did Karigamombe rise
again? Because, as you yourself have just said, we are here at Karigamombe. Or
is it a modern-day miracle, that Karigamombe fell just last night and has now
risen so swiftly?
Reason
No wait, let me check my
Blackberry (pause while he scrolls on his Blackberry and continues, face lit
up with excitement) – Here - Look! Reuters says Karigamombe is, in fact,
still standing. They have heard from a source very close to Karigamombe that
Karigamombe is still standing. And here, also AP have it from an impeccable
source that Karigamombe is still standing.
Prudence
They must be right. These
are reliable sources – even the BBC, CNN, and that other new channel, al Jazeera
- they all had it as breaking news late last night. Maybe there is a mole who
fed them wrong information.
Funny
(A heavy sigh) But
are we not here, my friends, standing at Karigamombe?
Reason
No wait, I will call my
friend at the private newspaper to see if he can confirm that Karigamombe is
really still there. He usually has very reliable and impeccable sources to call
upon for inside information … (Funny begins to walk away, shaking his head
and mumbling to himself, “Where is this world coming to? ….”) ... Ey!
Funny-boy, don’t you want to wait for the
confirmation?