The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.
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Zim Independent

What price Zimbabwe's sovereignty?
MUCKRAKER was amused by an article that appeared in the Herald on Monday
claiming that Trevor Ncube's purchase of the Mail & Guardian had "sparked
controversy" and a "flood of debate" in South Africa. The story had the
fingerprints of the Department of Information all over it although it
originated at the Chronicle before finding its way to the Herald.

The "controversy" and "flood of debate" turned out to be no more than an
opinion piece by Snuki Zikalala (PhD, Bulgaria) which had been published in
South Africa two weeks earlier!

A "South African editor who preferred to remain anonymous" is cited as
saying Zikalala had written an article in the South African press that was
"anti-Ncube". But that was as good as it got.

Can you imagine a South African newspaper editor who "preferred to remain
anonymous"? And why does the Chronicle/Herald have this mysterious editor
citing the Zikalala column when their reporters could easily have tracked it
down themselves in the Sowetan of July 30? What sort of second-hand
journalism is this?

Zikalala, it will be recalled, tried to assist Jonathan Moyo ahead of the
2000 election by having SABC give the Harare authorities a more sympathetic
spin. Gullible reporters were sent up here to consult dubious "analysts" at
Sapes and then prefaced their reports with such insights as: "People are
asking, 'what is the role of the IMF in all this?'"

We even had one reporter suggesting the seizure of Roy Bennett's farm
represented an impressive experiment in cooperation between white farmers
and war veterans!

Thankfully the South African public declined to swallow this nonsense and
shortly afterwards Zikalala was unceremoniously replaced as SABC News boss
by Barney Mthombothi who restored a measure of professionalism at Auckland
Park.

Zikalala is now described as "a government spokesman" - which is what he has
always been - although apologist would be more accurate! He complains
bitterly in his Sowetan piece that: "In South Africa the key qualifications
for any journalist to be at the helm of a powerful medium are strong
anti-ANC, anti-President Thabo Mbeki credentials." There was a strategic
decision not to sell the M&G to "a reputable South African with an ANC
background", he claims.

He evidently doesn't understand the importance of newspapers being more than
just another voice of the post-liberation aristocracy. They have to be able
to question the mantras of self-serving politicians, something he admits he
is widely perceived as incapable of.

The South African media's response to Ncube's purchase of Guardian shares in
the M&G was overwhelmingly positive. Anybody reading the papers or listening
to the SABC's coverage at the time will agree.

There has been an ongoing debate in South Africa on the role of the media,
including ownership, over several years. But despite Moyo's fond hopes,
there is no prospect of this debate leading to a more sympathetic appraisal
of the Zimbabwean government's crackdown on the media here. All South
African newspapers, whatever their ownership or outlook, are agreed on one
thing: what is happening in Zimbabwe, whether it is security laws, treatment
of the press, or land, is beyond the pale and must never be repeated in
South Africa. Even President Mbeki has made that clear. And he has set up a
presidential press corps as well as regular meetings with editors to ensure
a healthy exchange of views between the President's Office and the media.

Leaving aside Zikalala's inability to get the name of the Guardian's CEO
right (it is Bob Phillis, not Phillip), his article is not quite the
swingeing attack the Herald would have us believe. He says it is the bidding
process he had problems with, not the choice of winner.

"I hold no grudge against Ncube," Zikalala wrote. "He is a journalist of
integrity with a proud track record and more than most deserves to own a
prestigious newspaper. He will probably make a tremendous contribution in
refocusing the newspaper."

Not quite the same as the Herald version but that's what happens when
journalists allow politicians to influence their stories. Snuki: NB!

Still on the subject of foreign bids for local assets, President Mugabe
appears unaware of the publicity surrounding Libya's ownership of key
Zimbabwean assets.

"No gold, no silver is precious enough to buy our sovereignty," he told his
followers at Heroes Acre on Monday. "We are not for sale."

Except of course to the Libyans - or anybody else who has fuel to supply on
credit. The Libyans are demanding prime farm properties and oil-related
infrastructure as their price. The Zimbabwe Independent first carried the
story of farms-for-fuel deals last year and cited Libya's interest in
financial institutions such as Jewel Bank. Last week the Times of London
published a similar story. Everybody is now aware of the price Zimbabwe's
much-touted sovereignty is going for. And while they may insist on gold and
diamonds from the Congo as payment for military intervention there, they are
happy to be paid in petrol for national real estate back home.

Apart from the Libyans, the new owners are already fat cats of the Zanu PF
regime. The Johannesburg Sunday Times reports Peter Chanetsa as now being
called "Five Farms" Chanetsa. Ignatius Chombo who has been berating white
farmers as "arrogant racists," is an interested party, it would appear. He
can't decide which of three farms in Raffingora he covets most, according to
the South African paper.

Nobody - either inside the country or outside - is buying Zanu PF's claim
about this being an historic mission to right past wrongs except a handful
of African Americans who are clearly using Zimbabwe to pursue a domestic war
against the Bush administration. The land grab is now being universally
reported as about Mugabe hanging on to power and giving land to his cronies.

Only very foolish or very dishonest American black empowerment spokesmen
like Elombe Brath, quoted in the Herald on Monday as expressing solidarity
with Mugabe's violent and chaotic land seizures, would regard what is
happening today with once-productive farms being turned into deserts as
"returning land to its rightful owners".

What national imperative requires Chanetsa to own five farms we wonder? What
wrong is he righting?

Emmerson Mnangagwa last weekend advertised the sort of lifestyles the ruling
rich-and-famous now have. He told the Herald: "We have made tremendous
strides since Independence. Very few people thought we would be leading the
kind of lives that we lead today." And what examples could he provide?

"During the colonial days it was unheard of to have an African fly an
aeroplane. Now we can even afford to have champagne at breakfast yet during
the colonial days we had very little or nothing for breakfast."

But what about the crisis the country is going through? "There will always
be ups and downs," the breakfast-with-champagne Speaker said. Now we know
what he meant when he told the People's Voice: "What we are accomplishing
now is the primary objective of the struggle."

Zupco was among several money-losing parastatals instructed to advertise
their unswerving loyalty to the regime by taking out fawning adverts in the
People's Voice over the Heroes holiday. Its ad celebrated the heroes "who
gave us Zimbabwe (Land to the People) and freedom".

Zupco CEO Bright Matonga used to write crude propaganda pieces in the
Herald. It would appear that some of that propaganda is finding its way into
the bus company's advertising copy. But there is a word missing from its
revisionist slogan. It should read "Land to Some People".

We reported last week on Didymus Mutasa's maladroit remarks to the BBC
praising Libya for its assistance and telling all those Western countries
involved in feeding Zimbabwe's poor to "keep their money".

This week he was at it again saying the country didn't need the millions of
farm workers facing dispossession. "We would be better off with only six
million people, with our own people who support the liberation struggle," he
was quoted as telling the Sunday Times. "We don't want all these extra
people."

The "final solution" is at hand it would seem! Anybody doubting Zanu PF's
capacity to wreak Pol Pot-style destruction across the land should note
Vincent Hungwe's remarks: "We may have to take this whole system back to
zero before we can start it up again and make it work in a new way."

Chilling isn't it? And there was the Anglican Church's retired Bishop
Jonathan Siyachitema at Heroes Acre on Monday giving his blessing to Mugabe'
s land seizures, saying God's message was he should never give up the fight.
Mugabe described the current Anglican head, Bishop Kunonga, as "standing by
our cause". Let's hope somebody is recording these remarks for posterity.

Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, South Africa's Foreign minister, has been having
difficulty explaining the differences between Madagascar and Zimbabwe. She
was asked at a press conference if there were double standards at play when
the African Union barred Madagascar from attending its Durban inaugural
meeting last month while Zimbabwe attended. Both countries held presidential
elections in which the results have been contested.

"Well, Zimbabweans have accepted the results," she replied lamely.

No they haven't, the reporters insisted. The MDC certainly has not and is
going to court over it.

"Well, so did Renamo in Mozambique and they ended up accepting the court
verdict," she mumbled, then added: "The important thing is to get food to
the people who haveto dialogue. Food is the priority."

That way you don't have to think too much about the contradictions, she
obviously felt!

One of the biggest contradictions to have emerged last week could be found
in remarks by spokespersons for international relief agencies insisting all
their food found its way to deserving recipients.

The Herald quoted the EU's acting head of delegation in Zimbabwe Clodah O'
Brien and the World Food Programme's Gawaher Atif as saying "reports carried
by the private media on the distribution of food aid in Zimbabwe were
untrue".

Ms Atif was adamant that there had not been a single complaint received by
the WFP about the politicisation of food aid. What boat has she just stepped
off? Reports of the politicisation of food aid have been widely carried.
Remarks by deputy Foreign minister Abednico Ncube telling MDC supporters
they should not expect help from the government have not been denied. And
why did WFP head James Morris only last month warn Zimbabwe against using
food as a political tool if the agency was so absolutely sure that wasn't
happening?

It is almost unbelievable that these two women would make such disingenuous
and gullible remarks when they knew they would be used to deny widely
documented evidence of food-aid manipulation. The WFP, let us note, only
recently admitted that the current famine was the product of bad policies.
Until the middle of the year it was pretending it was all down to the
drought.

The Herald's Rex Mphisa seems to have had a good time at Chinhoyi stadium
last weekend at the concert held to commemorate the Battle of Chinhoyi in
1966. His report gushed with praise for all those bands currently being
funded by taxpayers in the interests of Zanu PF. Apart from some unspecified
difficulty with "over-zealous ZBC security guys", he managed to get into the
swing of things.

This was of course a ZBC gala promoted by the Department of Information and
all their stars were there. Bryn Mteki came on stage with "some of his
girls" (which presumably didn't include his wife) who produced some steady
traditionsl dance "as he hammered his chimurenga sound".

"Mteki is a bomb that is about to explode," Mphisa reported, "and the way he
conducted himself was in a fashion that he is ready to take the throne left
vacant by guru Dr Thomas Mapfumo."

Oh dear, not another coup plot!
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Zim Independent

CFU boss to appear in court
Augustine Mukaro
COMMERCIAL Farmers Union Matabeleland regional chairman Mac Crawford and up
to 50 others will today appear at the Gwanda Magistrates' Court charged with
breaching the Land Acquisition Act's Section 8 orders.

Government has dispatched the police to all farmers on Section 8 notices in
the Matabeleland region issuing them with summons to appear in court today
and making them sign warned and cautioned statements for failure to move off
their farms.


Crawford yesterday said police had visited him at his Victory Farm to serve
him with summons and made him sign a warned and cautioned statement.

"I will be appearing at the Gwanda Magistrates Court together with 50
neighbouring farmers charged with failing to move off our farms," Crawford
said. "Most farmers in the region have been visited by the police and will
soon appear in court." By last night six farmers had confirmed they would be
appearing in court today.


The blitz is likely to intensify as government cracks down on commercial
farmers defying the order to vacate their properties after the August 10
deadline. Land task forces throughout the country are visiting farms which
have Section 8 notices checking on compliance.


Mashonaland West-South regional executive Ben Freeth said the land task
force would be visiting his province shortly to take stock of how farmers
had responded to the deadline.


"We are still not aware of the action that will be taken against defiant
farmers," Freeth said. "The only incident in my province was at Impalavel
Farm near Kadoma where the farm owner returned home from a shopping trip to
find settlers had moved into his farmhouse."


Regional executives throughout the country said although there were no
incidents of violence or displacement, government had deployed police and
army details on all farms under Section 8 to establish why the farmers had
not moved.


Only one third of the 2 900 farmers served with notices have left their prop
erties while the rest decided to stay put. - Staff Writer.
Zim Independent

CFU starts to dismantle structures
Augustine Mukaro
THE Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) has started to dismantle its structures
and downsize staff in the face of a bleak future for the sector as the
terror campaign to force farmers off the land intensifies following
President Robert Mugabe's endorsement of evictions over the Heroes Day
holiday.

Out-going Cattle Producers Association chairman Tim Reynolds confirmed the
CFU was trimming the size of its secretariat in tandem with the number of
farmers who would be able to pay their membership fees next year.


"The organisation does not have money to support a huge staff complement
since most of its members would not be able to pay their levies as they
cannot farm next year," Reynolds said.


He said more than 90% of the CFU members were on Section 8 notices and their
future was bleak. Matabeleland regional chairman Mac Crawford confirmed the
staff reduction which he said was essential to survive the on-going reforms.


"We have lost a number of our members so we have to downsize to a level
which can be supported by our revenue," said Crawford.


"The main departments to be affected would be the commodities section and
head office. The regions would not be affected."


The CFU secretariat is wholly-funded by members through levies and
membership fees. An official at the CFU offices yesterday said the on-going
restructuring exercise at their head office would reduce the secretariat by
half to cut costs as the union's revenue base diminishes.

"The first posts to be affected are those of the two vice-presidents and
deputy directors," the official said. The CFU has vice-presidents
responsible for commodities and regions.


"The downsizing will affect the various producer associations which form the
structures of the union," the official said.


The CFU is also expected to lay off administrative staff at its head office
in Harare. The CFU structures comprise eight regional chairmen and their
regional executives, 10 commodity chairmen, a water committee, a research
division, extension and environment committee as well as 71 farmer
associations.


The future of the CFU has come under serious threat with some of its members
accusing the organisation of failing to effectively tackle government over
the land reform programme. Some members have broken away to form another
grouping, Justice for Agriculture.


The government has also threatened to ban the CFU as long as it remains
"confrontational" towards state policies on land.


Problems in the CFU began to show in the past two weeks with their website
not being updated. Their weekly bulletins were last updated in March.
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Mail and Guardian

In Zimbabwe, judges fear for their lives

      Johannesburg



While Zimbabwe's white farmers waited nervously last week to be thrown off
their land, an unexpected court ruling appeared to save many of them by
invalidating hundreds of eviction orders.

But like so many other court rulings, this one was completely ignored by
President Robert Mugabe's government, and top Cabinet ministers have
continued to demand farmers immediately leave their land.

"It isn't surprising," said Jenni Williams, representative for the white
farmers group Justice for Agriculture. "In the past, (officials) have just
paid lip service to the laws, and on the ground it has absolutely made no
difference."

Since political violence mainly blamed on government supporters began in
2000, Zimbabwe's once respected judiciary has been utterly marginalised.

The government has ignored a raft of rulings it dislikes and pressured
judges it considers critical of its policies to resign. Most other judges
have stopped ruling against the government, local legal observers said.

"The independence of the judiciary is gone," said Lovemore Madhuku, head of
the National Constitutional Assembly, which is fighting for constitutional
reform in Zimbabwe. "I think some judges genuinely fear for their lives."

In the past few months, a court decision throwing out new election laws was
brushed aside, a foreign journalist was ordered deported minutes after being
acquitted of violating media laws and the justice minister simply ignored
his three-month jail sentence for contempt of court.

Efforts to suppress the judiciary began more than two years ago, when the
government outlined its plans for seizing white-owned farms for
redistribution to landless blacks and sanctioned ruling party militants'
often violent occupation of many of those farms.

The courts repeatedly ordered the government to remove the militants from
the farms and restore law and order. The government refused, saying land
redistribution was a political, not legal, issue.

"The courts can do what they want. They are not courts for our people and we
shall not even be defending ourselves in these courts," Mugabe said at the
time.

In November 2000, the Supreme Court ruled that the government's land seizure
plan was illegal and unconstitutional. Soon after, hundreds of thugs from
Mugabe's ruling party stormed the court, dancing behind the judges' benches
and chanting, "Kill the judges." Police stood by, and no one was arrested.

Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay was forced into early retirement last year
after the government said it could not guarantee judges' safety. Several
other critical judges were also replaced with ruling party loyalists.

"Any judge who has been brave enough to take positions against government
institutions has been harassed and intimidated into resigning," said Ashwin
Trikamjee, a member of the International Bar Association's human rights
institute.

Now, on the rare occasions now when the courts rule against the government,
it is usually in cases too obvious to have been decided any other way, many
local lawyers said.

The government has ignored those rulings anyway.

In February, the Supreme Court overturned new election laws the opposition
said disenfranchised their supporters and made vote rigging easier.

The government called the ruling "a rotten fish," and days later, Mugabe
reinstated the laws with a presidential decree. Under those laws, he was
declared the victor in March elections that many international observers
condemned as intentionally biased to ensure his victory.

Despite the obstacles, Justice for Agriculture says it has no choice but to
contest the evictions in Zimbabwe's courts.

"We can only have the moral high ground if we continue to do the usual when
faced with the insane or unusual," Williams said. - Sapa-AP
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Zim Independent

ZBC faces collapse
Dumisani Muleya
INFORMATION minister Jonathan Moyo's self-serving restructuring exercise at
the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) has worsened the company's
financial woes and pushing it to the brink of collapse. Information at hand
shows the state-run monolith - which now operates exclusively as a
propaganda mouthpiece for government - is in the red to the tune of $655
million.

As of April 30, the parastatal, which is now technically insolvent due to
extended periods of mismanagement and corruption, owed money to at least 117
companies.


ZBC creditors include stationery and furniture shops, car hire and repair
companies, cellular phone networks, news agencies, electrical and computer
services companies, security firms and production houses. It also owed
Zimpapers, another bankrupt government media empire, about $1,2 million for
adverts.


The company was further indebted to hotels in Harare, Bulawayo and Gweru
where it had booked its workers for months when it shuttled them between the
cities.


ZBC owed the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe (CBZ) and Time Bank about $300
million and in April the outstanding interest on the CBZ loan was $18,7
million.


Other major ZBC creditors were PAYE ($235 million), Film Creditors ($109,3
million), pension ($76,7 million), Tel*One ($17,5 million), Zimra ($18
million), PJ Creditors ($16,4 million), Excellence Car Rental ($10,2
million) and Europcar Hire ($9,2 million).


A bloated workforce also worsened the company's financial crisis.


Before retrenchments started recently, ZBC's salary bill was over $70
million a month. About $11 million was channelled towards paying 47 heads of
department and managers. Over $59 million was paid to 924 employees.


Poor debt collection mechanisms were not helping matters. Recently the
company was battling to recover $303,7 million from advertising agencies and
direct clients.


Despite official claims that ZBC was coming out of the woods, the company
remains stuck in crisis. Its catalogue of problems include crippling debt,
high staff turnover, antiquated technology and equipment, a poor licence fee
structure, poor pricing structure of commercials, low credit rating, and
increased labour costs against a backdrop of a shrinking revenue base and
diminishing advertising interest.


The corporation is also dogged by high operating costs, lack of investment
in research and development, monotonous programme repeats resulting in
reduced viewership, poor information management systems and costing
policies, lack of strategic partners and limited sources of funds.


About 95% of ZBC equipment is analogue and therefore obsolete. As a result
it has poor quality output, frequent breakdowns and high maintenance costs.
The remaining useful life of its television equipment is less than a year.
Most of its transmitters are more than 24 years old and have gone past their
due-by date.


Despite Moyo's ideologically-driven and much-vaunted restructuring exercise
launched last November amid pomp and fanfare, ZBC has not recovered. In
fact, records show it is now wrecked although taxpayers' money continues to
be poured into its bottomless pit.


ZBC, which a parliamentary inquiry in 1999 found to be riddled with
corruption and mismanagement, last made a profit of $27 384 during the
1980/81 financial year. The cumulative effect of the losses since 1980 has
rendered it broke.


Last year its net current liabilities stood at $232,7 million with
high-gearing net liabilities of $73 million. The company requires $2,5
billion for recapitalisation and $150 million to rationalise its workforce.
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Zim Independent

US/EU to widen sanctions
Dumisani Muleya
AMERICAN and European leaders will gang up to tighten and widen
international sanctions against President Robert Mugabe and his circle of
party officials at the forthcoming United Nations World Summit on
Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, South Africa, next month.

Britain, which is locked in mortal diplomatic combat with Mugabe, said
yesterday Prime Minister Tony Blair and other leaders would mobilise on the
sidelines of the Earth summit to step up pressure on the Zimbabwe ruler.


The meeting will be held from August 26 to September 4 at Sandton City in
Johannesburg. In terms of a provisional programme, Mugabe has been slated as
speaker number 36 on the afternoon session of September 2.


British Foreign Office minister Peter Hain, a searing Mugabe critic over
recent years, said Blair and his counterparts would confront Mugabe over his
incremental repression and mismanagement of the economy. The "ethnic
cleansing" of white commercial farmers would also come up.


Tory leaders in the United Kingdom said Mugabe, who has been at the centre
of controversy at recent international gatherings, should be "faced down" at
the meeting for "challenging and breaking democratic norms and human rights
on a daily basis".


Western leaders have been angered by Mugabe's threats of a backlash against
them for imposing targeted sanctions on his regime.


Speaking during Heroes' Day holiday on Monday, Mugabe said he was working on
retaliatory measures against the Americans and Europeans following their
imposition of targeted sanctions against him and his officials.

"Britain, Europe and America can impose sanctions, or do worse devilish
things," Mugabe said. "But we shall not budge; we shall not be deterred.

We refuse to be hapless victims. That is never the response of
revolutionaries.


"We will, in due course, announce our own phased but comprehensive response
to those countries that have declared sanctions on us. They appear to have
forgotten that they also have interests here," he said.


Mugabe said Blair was a "gangster". In the past he has called him a
"scoundrel". But London hit back through Hain who compared Mugabe to Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein and former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic.


"One of the problems with dictators like Mugabe - and we saw it with
Milosevic before and we see it with Saddam Hussein now - is that they take
no notice of international opinion," he said. Hain said action and not words
were needed to rein in Mugabe.


Economic analyst Tony Hawkins said it would be difficult for Mugabe to
attack Western economic interests in Zimbabwe by nationalising their
companies.


"He would not dare do that," Hawkins said. "This is hot air. It was just
political bluster. I can't believe he would be foolish enough to do that."

Major Western companies operating in Zimbabwe include Standard Chartered
Bank, Barclays Bank, Levers, BAT, Rio Tinto and most fuel distribution
firms.


Political commentator Masipula Sithole said: "It would be futile for
Zimbabwe to impose sanctions on such huge economies as the US, the EU and
the UK ones."


Australian Prime Minister John Howard, who is chair of the Commonwealth
troika which in March suspended Zimbabwe for a year from the club's councils
for electoral fraud, yesterday said Mugabe was stubborn.


"There has been no serious attempt by the Mugabe government to engage the
opposition, to take notice of the Commonwealth concerns," he said.


Howard said he would meet South African President Thabo Mbeki and his
Nigerian counterpart Olusegun Obasanjo who are part of the

Commonwealth team dealing with Mugabe
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Zim Independent

AG's office losing role as govt legal advisor
Vincent Kahiya

THE Attorney-General's Office is slowly losing its role as government's key
legal advisor in the wake of increasing use of private practitioners by
government officials who accuse lawyers from the AG's office of
incompetence.

The AG's office has recently been in the news accused by government
officials of bungling in handling contempt of court charges against Justice,
Legal and Parliamentary Affairs minister Patrick Chinamasa and Information
and Publicity permanent secretary George Charamba.

This is not the first time the AG's office has clashed with the government.
The government last year accused the AG's office of bungling in the handling
of the Capital Radio issue. This year Loyce Matanda-Moyo - representing
President Mugabe and Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede in an appeal by the
government challenging a High Court ruling on the holding of mayoral and
municipal elections in Harare - was accused of delaying the filing of
papers.

Matanda-Moyo has also been at the receiving end of government officials
after she last year consented to an order by the High Court to extend
British journalist Joseph Winter's stay in the country by five days.

The accusations levelled against the Attorney-General Andrew Chigovera have
fallen short of labelling him an opposition force being used to undermine
the government by bungling at the courts.

But the opposition MDC secretary for legal affairs, David Coltart, has also
accused the AG of negating his constitutional obligation.

"We believe the Attorney-General is guilty of conducting himself in a biased
and unprofessional manner," said Coltart.

"He has violated his constitutional obligation by failing to prosecute
politicians who were named in the VIP Housing Scandal and those who looted
the War Victims Compensation Fund.

"In the past two years, more than 160 people have been killed in
politically-motivated crimes and out of that only two - the Patrick
Nabanyama and the Cain Nkala cases - have been prosecuted," he said.

He accused the AG of unprofessional conduct in the prosecution of war
veterans accused of murdering his election agent Nabanyama. He said the
prosecution of the MDC MP Fletcher Dulini-Ncube, accused of murdering war
veterans leader Nkala, has also exposed the shortcomings of the AG.

While the AG's office has that pivotal role of advising government, it
appears it is no longer consulted on key issues of national importance like
the drafting of legislation and the screening of statements by public
officials.

Government officials, notably Information and Publicity minister Jonathan
Moyo and Justice minister Chinamasa, have opted to use lawyers in private
practice to represent them in instances where they should have been
represented by the AG's office.

Legal experts have also accused the AG's office of shoddy workmanship when
prosecuting cases, resulting in criminals, especially car thieves and
fraudsters, escaping with light sentences.

Charamba and Chinamasa have now opted for counsel in private practice to
defend them. Moyo has engaged private practitioners Muzangaza, Mandaza and
Tomana to represent him in the civil suit filed by the Association of
Independent Journalists of Zimbabwe challenging the constitutionality of the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).

It is reliably understood that the government has also paid millions of
dollars to lawyers in private practice to draft legislation - notably AIPPA
and amendments to the Land Acquisition Act - a duty which normally is the AG
's office's.

The lawyers in private practice will eventually be paid using state funds
when the same services could have been offered for free by government-paid
lawyers.

Observers have said as long as there is conflict between government
officials and government law officers, and as long as accusations of poor
output continue to be levelled against the AG's office, that vital
department of government is set to become an institution of ridicule.

Contempt of court charges against Charamba and Chinamasa arose from their
criticisms of High Court judgements. Observers said this could have been
avoided had the officials sought free legal advice from the AG's office
before shooting from the hip.

Legal sources this week said the AG's office needed a complete revamp for it
to be relevant and regain its stature in the country's legal system.

"A country cannot have an Attorney-General's office that is criticised by
government officials and the general public for shoddy workmanship," said a
senior lawyer in private practice.

"The representation in civil cases is terrible and the prosecution of cases
has become amateurish," he said.

However, the AG in a statement to the Zimbabwe Independent, said he was
still mandated to represent government officials.

"In civil matters, this office represents government officials in cases
where the civil wrong complained of occurred in the course of such an
official's execution of his duties," said Chigovera.

"In most of these cases the government would have joined in as being
vicariously liable for its employee's actions.

"The Charamba and Chinamasa contempt cases do not fall into this category as
they do not give rise to civil liability on the part of the government but
are cases where the rights of officials are threatened as a result of
communicating the government's official reaction to judgements of courts in
their official capacities," he said.

Charamba in May criticised a judgement by Justice Moses Chinhengo who in his
ruling barred the police from attending meetings organised by the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions. Judgement on the case was reserved.

Chinamasa was on the other hand found guilty of contempt of court following
his criticism of a High Court judgement on three American citizens allegedly
found in possession of arms of war at Harare International Airport. The High
Court sentenced the three to six months in jail each.

Despite its seemingly clear role, the AG's office finds itself in a fix as
it faces criticism from government officials and the general public.

Law lecturer and civic activist Lovemore Madhuku said the AG's office had
become notorious for producing shoddy work.

"It is now evident that some departments of government are not happy with
the quality of work being produced by the Attorney-General," said Madhuku.

"If one goes to the Magistrates Courts, the level of ignorance one sees
displayed by the law officers is unbelievable. Some police officers are
actually more versed in the law than officers at the Attorney-General's
office in terms of understanding elementary aspects of law," he said.

Law officers who spoke to the Independent this week said the work
environment at the AG's office had of late become hostile due to political
demands in prosecutions.

"We are expected to be professional but how do we achieve that when there is
political pressure on us in cases like the arrests of journalists and
opposition politicians?" said one law officer who preferred to remain
anonymous.

"If the state loses a political case, notwithstanding the weakness of the
evidence brought by the police, it is the prosecution that is blamed," he
said.



AG's office losing role as govt legal advisor

Vincent Kahiya

THE Attorney-General's Office is slowly losing its role as government's key
legal advisor in the wake of increasing use of private practitioners by
government officials who accuse lawyers from the AG's office of
incompetence.

The AG's office has recently been in the news accused by government
officials of bungling in handling contempt of court charges against Justice,
Legal and Parliamentary Affairs minister Patrick Chinamasa and Information
and Publicity permanent secretary George Charamba.

This is not the first time the AG's office has clashed with the government.
The government last year accused the AG's office of bungling in the handling
of the Capital Radio issue. This year Loyce Matanda-Moyo - representing
President Mugabe and Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede in an appeal by the
government challenging a High Court ruling on the holding of mayoral and
municipal elections in Harare - was accused of delaying the filing of
papers.

Matanda-Moyo has also been at the receiving end of government officials
after she last year consented to an order by the High Court to extend
British journalist Joseph Winter's stay in the country by five days.

The accusations levelled against the Attorney-General Andrew Chigovera have
fallen short of labelling him an opposition force being used to undermine
the government by bungling at the courts.

But the opposition MDC secretary for legal affairs, David Coltart, has also
accused the AG of negating his constitutional obligation.

"We believe the Attorney-General is guilty of conducting himself in a biased
and unprofessional manner," said Coltart.

"He has violated his constitutional obligation by failing to prosecute
politicians who were named in the VIP Housing Scandal and those who looted
the War Victims Compensation Fund.

"In the past two years, more than 160 people have been killed in
politically-motivated crimes and out of that only two - the Patrick
Nabanyama and the Cain Nkala cases - have been prosecuted," he said.

He accused the AG of unprofessional conduct in the prosecution of war
veterans accused of murdering his election agent Nabanyama. He said the
prosecution of the MDC MP Fletcher Dulini-Ncube, accused of murdering war
veterans leader Nkala, has also exposed the shortcomings of the AG.

While the AG's office has that pivotal role of advising government, it
appears it is no longer consulted on key issues of national importance like
the drafting of legislation and the screening of statements by public
officials.

Government officials, notably Information and Publicity minister Jonathan
Moyo and Justice minister Chinamasa, have opted to use lawyers in private
practice to represent them in instances where they should have been
represented by the AG's office.

Legal experts have also accused the AG's office of shoddy workmanship when
prosecuting cases, resulting in criminals, especially car thieves and
fraudsters, escaping with light sentences.

Charamba and Chinamasa have now opted for counsel in private practice to
defend them. Moyo has engaged private practitioners Muzangaza, Mandaza and
Tomana to represent him in the civil suit filed by the Association of
Independent Journalists of Zimbabwe challenging the constitutionality of the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).

It is reliably understood that the government has also paid millions of
dollars to lawyers in private practice to draft legislation - notably AIPPA
and amendments to the Land Acquisition Act - a duty which normally is the AG
's office's.

The lawyers in private practice will eventually be paid using state funds
when the same services could have been offered for free by government-paid
lawyers.

Observers have said as long as there is conflict between government
officials and government law officers, and as long as accusations of poor
output continue to be levelled against the AG's office, that vital
department of government is set to become an institution of ridicule.

Contempt of court charges against Charamba and Chinamasa arose from their
criticisms of High Court judgements. Observers said this could have been
avoided had the officials sought free legal advice from the AG's office
before shooting from the hip.

Legal sources this week said the AG's office needed a complete revamp for it
to be relevant and regain its stature in the country's legal system.

"A country cannot have an Attorney-General's office that is criticised by
government officials and the general public for shoddy workmanship," said a
senior lawyer in private practice.

"The representation in civil cases is terrible and the prosecution of cases
has become amateurish," he said.

However, the AG in a statement to the Zimbabwe Independent, said he was
still mandated to represent government officials.

"In civil matters, this office represents government officials in cases
where the civil wrong complained of occurred in the course of such an
official's execution of his duties," said Chigovera.

"In most of these cases the government would have joined in as being
vicariously liable for its employee's actions.

"The Charamba and Chinamasa contempt cases do not fall into this category as
they do not give rise to civil liability on the part of the government but
are cases where the rights of officials are threatened as a result of
communicating the government's official reaction to judgements of courts in
their official capacities," he said.

Charamba in May criticised a judgement by Justice Moses Chinhengo who in his
ruling barred the police from attending meetings organised by the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions. Judgement on the case was reserved.

Chinamasa was on the other hand found guilty of contempt of court following
his criticism of a High Court judgement on three American citizens allegedly
found in possession of arms of war at Harare International Airport. The High
Court sentenced the three to six months in jail each.

Despite its seemingly clear role, the AG's office finds itself in a fix as
it faces criticism from government officials and the general public.

Law lecturer and civic activist Lovemore Madhuku said the AG's office had
become notorious for producing shoddy work.

"It is now evident that some departments of government are not happy with
the quality of work being produced by the Attorney-General," said Madhuku.

"If one goes to the Magistrates Courts, the level of ignorance one sees
displayed by the law officers is unbelievable. Some police officers are
actually more versed in the law than officers at the Attorney-General's
office in terms of understanding elementary aspects of law," he said.

Law officers who spoke to the Independent this week said the work
environment at the AG's office had of late become hostile due to political
demands in prosecutions.

"We are expected to be professional but how do we achieve that when there is
political pressure on us in cases like the arrests of journalists and
opposition politicians?" said one law officer who preferred to remain
anonymous.

"If the state loses a political case, notwithstanding the weakness of the
evidence brought by the police, it is the prosecution that is blamed," he
said.

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Zim Independent

Tsvangirai raps Mugabe over militia boast
Dumisani Muleya
OPPOSITION Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai has
slammed President Robert Mugabe for bragging about the activities of his
youth brigades which have been accused of perpetrating violence and
intimidation across the country during the March presidential election.



Tsvangirai said it was appalling for Mugabe to boast about the rampaging
militias and cling to tedious anti-Western rhetoric while millions of people
starved.


"Where Zimbabweans expect a message of hope and decisive leadership to
confront problems bedevilling the country, they are told that their
daughters and sons will be drafted into the so-called national youth service
and be transformed into killing machines for perpetuating Mugabe's
dictatorship," Tsvangirai said.


Mugabe on Monday paid glowing tribute to the militias who recently helped
him to storm back into office amid controversy.


Speaking on Heroes' Day during the burial of former Finance senior minister
Bernard Chidzero, Mugabe said the national youth service - modelled along
the lines of Chinese and Cuban indoctrination programmes - had generated
patriotic fervour among Zimbabweans ready to defend their country against
its enemies.


"I am happy there is a growing awareness that we are our own liberators," he
said. "Already, the Third Chimurenga (revolution) has yielded a new war
veteran: those young men and women who slugged it out on the farms in
support of their elder veterans, the same young men and women whom our
detractors have vilified as impostors of real war veterans."


But Tsvangirai said Zimbabweans should reject Mugabe's totalitarian
doctrines and tyranny of thought as well as wholesale ideological
brainwashing.


"People must send a clear and unequivocal message to Mugabe that he and his
cronies cannot continue to brutalise us, murder us, starve us to death and
visit all manner of unimaginable atrocities on us," he said.

Mugabe insisted people should undergo national service training to
demonstrate they were patriotic.


"Once fully operational, the programme will be an open sesame to higher
studies," he said. "As a Zimbabwean, you cannot choose to love your country
or defend it. You have a duty to love and defend it! And the national youth
service programme is the way to demonstrate your commitment to love and
defend this country once called upon to do so."

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Zim Suffering a Man-Made Tragedy



Business Day (Johannesburg)

OPINION
August 16, 2002
Posted to the web August 16, 2002

Peter Hain
Johannesburg

AS HUNDREDS of white owners and tens of thousands of black workers face
being forced off their farms in Zimbabwe by government decree, they can be
forgiven for nostalgia. The jewel in Africa's crown. Stable. Peaceful.
Democratic. Prosperous. The breadbasket of the region.

Yet Zimbabweans are now wracked by starvation. The nation is torn apart by
state-organised violence. The world's fastest shrinking economy is
declining: 10% last year, another 11% this year. Despite Harare's claims
this a result of drought, everyone knows it is a man-made tragedy: one
man's.

Instead of increasing food supplies, the regime has actively increased the
suffering. Instead of encouraging commercial farmers to meet the food gap,
it wants to evict them. It will lead to farmers losing their land, farm
workers losing their livelihoods and the people of Zimbabwe losing their
food.

And, as the Zimbabwean deputy foreign minister recently admitted, the regime
is using food as a political weapon: denying it to areas which support the
opposition.

The regime claims farmers will be allowed to keep one farm. But this is not
how the chaotic land seizures have been implemented. It ignores the fact
millions from donors like Britain have been available for some time to help
with land reform, so long as the beneficiaries were the rural poor, not the
ruling party's cronies.

Britain has long warned this was a policy of economic suicide, condemning
Zimbabwe to years of food insecurity and economic decline.

A huge amount of food aid is now needed. Britain is providing £32m in aid
this year, distributed outside Zimbabwean state channels and properly
monitored, so that it goes to the most needy, whatever their political
views.

Some say Britain should compensate farmers for their losses. But that would
merely justify retrospectively what the regime has done and encourage
similar violent and illegal expropriations elsewhere.

The New Partnership for Africa's Development, devised by progressive African
leaders, offers a vision for the future where aid is focused on those
respecting human rights and democracy. Regimes like Zimbabwe's will not be
backed by the developed world.

Britain, the Commonwealth and the European Union have done all we can to
persuade a change of course. But a regime that cares so little for its own
people obviously cares nothing for international opinion. That is why we and
others have taken targeted steps against 72 Zanu (PF) leaders.

Our government will do its best to give practical advice and support to any
British nationals who face eviction. Our high commission is in regular
contact with commercial farmers and farm workers. And we will continue to
provide as much emergency assistance as we can for Zimbabwe's long-suffering
poor.

It is a tragedy that there was not an African solution to this African
problem, especially since the Zimbabwean crisis has hit international
investor confidence in the whole region.

But frustrating though it has been for Zimbabwe's friends to watch its sad
collapse, change can only come from within, and be based on the needs of all
Zimbabweans.

One day they will get the future they deserve. In the meantime, we will
maintain our solidarity while working for a change of direction and
maintaining sanctions on the elite.

Hain is UK Foreign Office Minister.
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Zim Independent

Staff exodus at AG's office
Vincent Kahiya
THE Civil Division of the Attorney-General's office is in chaos due to the
departure of staff who have left in droves because of poor working
conditions, the Zimbabwe Independent heard this week.

Sources said the AG's office was failing to execute its duty of representing
government in civil cases. The office is now left with a staff complement of
five lawyers out of a possible 20.


Recently an officer from the Cri-minal Division was transferred to the Civil
Division to assist the overstretched staff. There is a long list of
vacancies for law officers at the Civil Division but there have been no
takers.


The Civil Division should play a strategic role of advising government and
representing its officials sued or suing in matters arising from their
execution of duties on behalf of the state. The division should also render
legal representation to parastatals but most have moved away to hire private
law firms.


The office has been recruiting law graduates straight from the University of
Zimbabwe but most have left to join private practice after acquiring some
experience. Hardest hit by the staff shortages are cases involving
commercial farmers challenging Section 8 notices on land acquisition and
evictions.


Members of a Commercial Farmers Union splinter group, Justice for
Agriculture, have to date filed at least 100 applications challenging their
evictions. These have to be dealt with by the Civil Division.


There are also hundreds of land-related cases before the Administrative
Court in which government requires legal representation. Sources said the
Ministry of Lands and Agriculture had set aside funds to hire law firms to
represent it in civil suits.


Government ministries have now resorted to farming out work to lawyers in
private practice.


"The trend that is slowly emerging is that each ministry is having to hire a
law firm to represent it in civil suits and in drafting legislation," the
source said.


Meanwhile opposition MDC secretary for legal affairs David Coltart this week
said he would soon move a motion in parliament to have the Attorney-General
probed by the house for alleged incompetence and negation of his
constitutional obligation to prosecute cases.


Coltart said the AG had failed to prosecute cases of corruption involving
government officials implicated in the VIP Housing Scandal and the War
Victims Compensation Fund, and cases involving politically-motivated
murders.

Zim Independent

CBZ's grain import deal in trouble
Vincent Kahiya/Augustine Mukaro
PLANS by the Jewel Bank to import 500 000 tonnes of white maize are now
uncertain owing to unforeseen logistical problems and the scarcity of the
commodity in South America.

The Zimbabwe Independent reported last month that the Jewel Bank had gone
into a deal to import white maize valued at US$95 million on behalf of the
Grain Marketing Board (GMB).


But industry sources this week said the bank was now looking for yellow
maize after failing to secure adequate stocks of white maize.


The Independent also has it on good authority that the bank, which initially
tried to negotiate the deal on its own, had sought the assistance of a
commodity broking firm to land the contract.


To date, only 26 000 tonnes of maize have been secured and are expected in
Beira this week.


"There is no more white maize left in that part of the world (South America)
because of the huge draw-down from southern African countries," an industry
source said.


"The Jewel Bank can only bring in yellow maize which is available, but there
is immense competition for it. That's why they now need an experienced
broker to fight for the deal," the source said.


Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe Regional Disaster Alleviation Trust (Zirdat), which
was recently formed by local businessmen, has secured a permit to import 700
000 tonnes of food in a move to augment the humanitarian assistance thrust
in the country.


Speaking at a press briefing in Harare on Wednesday, Zirdat chairman Don
Middlemost said his organisation secured the permit last week and had opened
dialogue with donors to fund the imports.


"The permit we obtained allows us to import 600 000 tonnes of maize and 100
000 tonnes of other foodstuffs," Middlemost said. "The permit has a
six-month lifespan but has a provision to extend it."


Middlemost said his organisation would import food which conforms to
government requirements in terms of hygiene and genetically-modified
organisms.


"Our imports will be tested against rules and regulations set by government
in terms of storage and GMOs," he said, adding that the food would be
distributed through non-governmental organisations which already had
structures on the ground.


"We have no capacity to distribute food but, on the other hand, NGOs with
personnel on the ground have no food to distribute or permits to import so
we will join hands to provide food to the needy," he said.


The 700 000 tonnes would feed the hungry population for around five months.
Middlemost said about nine million people were projected to be on food aid
by next month.
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Zim Independent

Meaningful tribute to Bernard Chidzero
ON Thursday last week, Zimbabwe lost one of the most able, motivated and
innovative of all those who have played a role in governing the country
since its independence in 1980.

The late Bernard Chidzero held office for many years as senior Minister of
Finance and Economic Development. He died with unwavering integrity, deep
awareness of the nation's needs and of the required policies and actions to
address those needs. All too frequently he was obstructed in the pursuit of
constructive economic policies by some of the political hierarchy which,
notwithstanding the esteem it held for the then minister, opposed him
whensoever his proposals were not aligned with their ill-conceived notions
of Marxist-Leninist socialistic economics.

Similarly, he was hindered whensoever he endeavoured to contain rampant
corruption in many of the corridors of government, which corruption
considerably increased state expenditure. He was repeatedly prevented from
endeavours to curb government spending. He was very well aware that
uncontrolled spending, at levels far beyond revenue inflows, inevitably
occasioned recourse to vast, unsustainable borrowings and would be a major
stimulant of inflation, and unhesitantly cautioned against state profligacy.

Unfortunately, his wisdom and his cautions usually fell upon deaf ears, but
that did not distract him from continuing to speak out, albeit usually in
the most diplomatic manner. Nor was he diverted by the recurrent obstacles
put before him; he determinedly strove to devise and implement policies
which would generate much-desired economic recovery and growth.

And he consistently did so with the utmost of good humour. (I well recall an
occasion when I addressed a large conference and, responding to a question
as to the continuing decline in value of the Zimdollar, I facetiously
responded that because the devaluation of the currency had been so great,
Zimbabwe was contemplating introducing a new currency. The smallest
component of the currency would be the zero, and one hundred zero's would
make one Chidzero! The following day, in the course of a telephonic
discussion, Chidzero thanked me for paying him such a great compliment, for
no one had previously proposed that a national currency be named after him!)

It was the combination of that good humour and his determination to see a
significant improvement in the lot of all Zimbabweans that motivated him to
pursue his efforts to restructure the Zimbabwean economy, notwithstanding
that his colleagues in government almost habitually thwarted him from
achieving that which was necessary.

However, he ultimately prevailed, to an extent that government eventually
agreed upon an Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (Esap). Minister
Chidzero was the architect of Esap and not, as the many opponents to Esap
suggested, the handiwork of the Bretton Woods financial institutions, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Bank of
Reconstruction and Development (the World Bank). Admittedly, both those
entities contributed significantly in advice to the minister and his
officials, but so, too, did the representatives of virtually every economic
sector in Zimbabwe, many non-governmental organisations, the economic
ministries of government, and many others.

In formulating Esap, Chidzero was determined to canvas opinion far and wide,
drawing upon the expertise of as many as possible, and to be aware of the
detailed circumstances impacting upon all facets of the economy. So
thoroughly did he have the Zimbabwean economy researched in order to
maximise the efficacy and the prospects of success, of the plans to be
crafted in order to steer the economy to well-being, that soon after he had
persuaded the numerous in government reluctant to agree to his proposals,
and after he presented Esap to the nation, he became known as "Mr Esap".

The tragedy was that, although he had the unequivocal support of the
international community and of commerce, industry, and most others actively
engaged in the economy, he was accorded only half-hearted support by the
government that had agreed to Esap. Only those measures as did not impinge
upon political ideologies and upon self-interest were materially
implemented. But Esap was a total, integrated package, with piecemeal
application yielding only piecemeal results. Soon, scepticism developed
amongst the populace, which began to denigrate Esap, for promised results
were, at best, only partially forthcoming. Moreover, even the limited
economic gains forthcoming in the early phases of Esap were reversed by the
devastating 1991/92 drought.

However, Chidzero was not prepared to be disillusioned. Nor could he be
diverted from his conviction that Esap was the path to economic recovery and
growth. Ultimately, he prevailed upon those who had opposed or hindered the
unstinting implementation of Esap as an indivisible package of economic
measures, and in 1993 it was embarked upon substantively and with apparent
conviction. The positive results were pronounced, with significant economic
growth from 1994 to 1997. Despite the very obvious benefits that Esap began
to yield, the programme continued to have many detractors.

To a major extent, they were those who had benefited from an economy
encompassing little, if any, competition and who were unable to confront
that competition when it developed, and those who were able to reap vast
profits from operating in a regulated economy, but would cease to do so when
Esap brought about deregulation. Unfortunately, many of those detractors
were within the government itself, and in the corridors of the various
ministries constituting the government administration, as well as in the
politburo and the central committee of the ruling party.

The first phase of Esap was scheduled to be completed by 1995 and was to be
followed by a new programme, which would be founded upon Esap. That
programme was devised, but never meaningfully implemented, and Chidzero was
no longer in a position to press its pursuit, for ill-health had
necessitated his retirement. Without his inspired advocacy the new programme
lay moribund, and the government unhesitatingly followed policies and paths
diametrically opposed to the fundamental concepts and precepts of Esap,
rapidly reversing the gains that had been forthcoming from the belated
implementation of that positively conceived programme for economic
restructuring.

Those who had been opposed to Esap, and especially those whose wealth was
contigent upon massive state regulation of the economy, became more and more
vocal, determined to ensure that Zimbabwe now revert once more to a
market-force driven economy. They attributed the economic negatives of 1991
to 1993 to Esap, blinding themselves to the fact that, at that time, Esap
could not deliver because it was not properly embarked upon, and that which
was done, was partially ineffectual because it was implemented without
conviction.

And, when the economy went into reverse as a result of the destructive
manner in which land reform was pursued, and of the incurring by government
of unsustainable expenditures, and many other unnecessary and
counter-productive government policies and actions, the critics of Esap
reinforced their spurious criticisms by ascribing the further economic
decline to Esap.

In reality, Chidzero had, in the conceptualisation of Esap, demonstrated
himself to be a man of vision, with a deep, caring and patriotic desire to
steer Zimbabwe to an economic utopia, and realising that the road to be
transversed was an arduous one which necessitated much sacrifice in order to
reach the destination of economic well-being. Esap did not fail! It was
beginning to succeed, as shown by the economic upturn of 1994 to 1997, only
to be destroyed by those lacking his vision.

President Mugabe has eulogised the late Chidzero, and justly so. Many mourn
his passing, and will be poorer for the loss of his wise counsel. Words are
an insufficient tribute. So, too, is the bestowal of national hero status.
The only fully meaningful tribute would be to create a living memory of the
man. That could be done by now recognising the substance of the economic
policies which he propounded, and implementing them.

Zimbabwe should abandon excessive regulation of the economy. It should
develop the rapport and self-respect that Chidzero had for the international
community, and that that community had for him. It should assure the
survival and growth of each and every economic sector, by constructive
dialogue with those sectors and collaboration to achieve recovery and
growth. It should vigorously contain state expenditures, enforce fiscal
disciplines, and address the elimination of corruption. To do so would give
meaning to the many tributes paid to Chidzero, and would be the most
meaningful tribute of all.
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Times Educational Supplement

      Young victims of Mugabe's evictions


      By Karen MacGregor
      16/08/2002




           Tens of thousands of poor black pupils have had their schooling
thrown into chaos after last weekend's evictions of white farmers.

            The pupils are children of farm workers who must seek work
elsewhere in the country after being forced out by invaders who support
President Robert Mugabe. An estimated 90,000 commercial farm workers have
already moved, along with their families.

            Schooling across the troubled country is already reeling from
two-and-a-half years of economic collapse, famine and widespread harassment
of teachers suspected of opposing President Mugabe.

            President Mugabe has encouraged the invasion of thousands of
white-owned commercial farms by so-called liberation "war veterans". His
chaotic fast-track land reform programme has brought rural education close
to a standstill.
            Professor John Makumbe, a political scientist at the University
of Zimbabwe and local chair of the good governance group Transparency
International, said that, since the evictions started, drop-out rates in the
country's schools had shot up to 30-40 per cent. This is set to worsen with
the government's eviction of nearly 3,000 commercial farmers, 1,200 of whom
had reportedly left before the President's August 9 deadline.

            Even more damaging than the evictions, suggests Professor
Makumbe, has been the violence against teachers, which has seen thousands
flee their jobs. "The education situation is very sad, and is caused by a
combination of factors," he told The TES. "The main problem is
state-sponsored violence against teachers."
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ninemsn
Downer says Zimbabwe sanctions more likely



It was now more likely Australia would implement targeted sanctions against
the leadership of Zimbabwe, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said.

Mr Downer said what to do about Zimbabwe remained a tough question and if
there was anything simple, it would have been done long ago.

He said the government flagged some time ago that it was considering
targeted sanctions against Zimbabwe which would restrict the banking and
travel of the president and senior officials.

"We haven't done that because of the Commonwealth troika initiatives which
included the establishment of envoys from both South Africa and Nigeria who
were to endeavour to try to produce some sort of process of reconciliation
between President Mugabe and the movement for Democratic Change, the
Opposition," he said on ABC radio.

"That has not been successful. So the prime Minister as the chairman of the
troika and the other two are in contact to see what further steps can be
taken."

"We could of course move to introduce our smart sanctions that we flagged
some time ago. That I think is quite likely."

Mr Downer said the situation in Zimbabwe was getting worse and there was a
sense that the time had come to introduce those sanctions.

He said the Zimbabwean government's forcing of farmers from their land was
plunging the country into a serious food shortage.

"They are getting close to suffering famine," he said.
The Age

 PM makes a plan on Zimbabwe
SUVA, Fiji|Published: Friday August 16, 8:30 PM



Prime Minister John Howard signalled he was developing a plan on Zimbabwe,
saying he identified with the strong feelings people had over the African
nation's failure to heed Commonwealth warnings.

His comments came as New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark called for a
tougher Commonwealth position on Zimbabwe which has defied warnings to
restore democracy.

Ms Clark said Zimbabwe should have been suspended from the Commonwealth
quite some time ago.

"Clearly there needs to be a new round of diplomacy to get a stronger stance
by the Commonwealth," she told reporters at the Pacific Islands Forum in
Fiji.

Mr Howard is chairman of the Commonwealth troika set-up to persuade or
punish Zimbabwe.

The troika suspended Zimbabwe from the councils of the Commonwealth in March
with the decision to be reviewed in a year.

The suspension came after a Commonwealth observers group found Zimbabwe's
elections were neither free nor fair. Mr Howard said at the time he favoured
fresh elections.

He is taking advantage of the presence at the 33rd Pacific Islands Forum
meeting of the presence of Ms Clark and the leaders of several other
Commonwealth nations in the region to consult on next steps against
Zimbabwe.

Mr Howard indicated he is formulating ideas to take to fellow troika members
South African President Thabo Mbeki and Nigerian President Olusegun
Obasanjo.

"I understand why people are growing in their sense of frustration and anger
about Zimbabwe," Mr Howard told reporters.
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Mail and Guardian

Zimbabwean farmers invited to move to Botswana

      Gaborone



The Botswana Agricultural Union (BAU) on Wednesday urged Zimbabwean farmers
who have been ordered off their land by President Robert Mugabe to come to
neighbouring Botswana.

BAU chief executive Bowetswe Masilo said white Zimbabwean farmers who
planned to leave their land after an eviction order was served on 2 900 of
them should be encouraged to help revive the ailing agricultural sector in
neighbouring Botswana.

"These people are running away and they have not yet found land. I will
encourage them to come and invest in the country," Masilo said.

"The best thing that they could do is to try to form joint-ventures with the
local farmers. And that would greatly benefit the agricultural sector in the
country."

Botswana, which is the size of France but has a population of 1,6-million
people, has seen the agricultural sector's contribution to the country's
gross domestic product fall from 65% at independence in 1966 to three
percent at present.

A deadline for the 2 900 farmers to leave their property expired last
Thursday, but most of the farmers defied the order. One farmer was on
Wednesday forcibly evicted from his land by black settlers.

A delegation from the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) left for
Zimbabwe on Wednesday to discuss the political and economic implications of
the Zimbabwe land seizure programme.

The farming crisis in Zimbabwe has caused a diplomatic rift
between the two countries.

Zimbabwe last week complained after Botswana allowed 17 representatives of
the Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) to meet officials of the
agriculture ministry in Gaborone. - Sapa-AFP
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....and this........? ..........

Financial Times

      Botswana snubs white farmers
      By Our Harare Correspondents
      Published: August 15 2002 5:00 | Last Updated: August 15 2002 5:00

      Botswana yesterday turned away Zimbabwean farmers hoping to rebuild
their livelihoods in the southern African country's agricultural sector -
increasing the likelihood that some will seek refuge in South Africa.

      The government ruled out offering land or providing assistance to
farmers evicted from their land in neighbouring Zimbabwe under President
Robert Mugabe's controversial land reform programme.

      Masego Mphathi, the permanent secretary of the Botswana Agriculture
Ministry, said he had met a delegation of 17 Zimbabwe farmers and
businessmen, who had come to discuss opportunities to settle in Botswana.
"The constraint is land. We do not have any to allocate to them," he said.

      Some of the farmers suggested forming partnerships with Botswana
farmers and businesses. "If our farmers are willing to do that, it is a
personal issue and no one can stop them," Mr Mphathi said.

      There was, he stressed, no Botswana government policy to encourage
farmers from Zimbabwe nor would there be any special assistance.

      White farmers from Zimbabwe are trying to relocate to neighbouring
countries, mostly Zambia, but also to Mozambique and, in a few cases,
Uganda. White South African farmers are farming in Zambia and Mozambique.

      Six days after the expiry of an order for white farmers to vacate
their properties, there are still no reports of any official action to evict
them. But the Justice for Agriculture group said yesterday a farming family
was being forced by "militant settlers" to pack up its belongings and leave
Condwelani farm, near Bindura, north-east of Harare.

      JAG said the Hinde family was leaving the farm for safety reasons
while seeking urgent High Court action to prevent the government
acquisition.

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07 August 2002

A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT: 1- 31 JULY 2002
The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum has continued to receive reports of political violence from Buhera. The torture of MDC and suspected MDC supporters has led to the killing of Cosamu Mudzimuirema, an MDC committee member who died as a result of torture by riot police.

The month of July has also seen attacks on civil servants by Zanu PF supporters and war veterans. Teachers accused of belonging to the opposition MDC party are reportedly to have being assaulted by Zanu PF supporters. At Mapanzure Secondary School in Masvingo four teachers were seriously injured after Zanu PF supporters assaulted teachers at the school. In Zaka, Zanu PF youths are allegedly assaulting teachers suspected to be MDC supporters. The District Administrators of Matobo and Umizigwane were pushed out of their offices by war veterans led by Gayigusu. The campaign follows remarks by the Minister of Local Government, Public Works and National Housing who reportedly accused civil servants of delaying the land redistribution exercise.

............. click here to read more .............
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FinGaz

      Ministers are the real stooges and puppets

      By Sydney Masamvu
      8/15/02 7:04:47 PM (GMT +2)

      THERE has been a lot of name-calling by the leadership of the ruling
ZANU PF party, especially against fellow citizens who do not feverishly
support President Robert Mugabe's policies, no matter how undemocratic they
may be.


      Anyone who has dared to question his leadership and policies has been
labelled a traitor, a saboteur, a stooge, a puppet and all sorts of unkind
names.

      This is how ZANU PF has closed democratic space in this country so
that any voice of dissent is not tolerated at all.

      It is only those who do not see evil, talk of no evil or write nothing
about the evil they see about the status quo, even when these are happening
in their faces, who are being called patriots.

      But one may ask: who are the real stooges and puppets in Zimbabwe at
this hour when the country is being ruined and wrecked on a daily basis?

      The real stooges and puppets are ZANU PF cabinet ministers and
politicians who, even when the country is crumbling in their faces, see
nothing wrong about it at all.

      This group of praise-singers and cheerleaders are presiding over the
demise of the country so long as it guarantees them a day in power and the
riches and opportunities that come with it.

      The real stooges and puppets are ministers and politicians who dare
not question the actions and policies of their leader, no matter how
unworkable and destructive they are, as long as this helps them to keep
their "life-long" jobs.

      The reason why Zimbabwe is bleeding and suffering economic and
political turmoil is not that people do not know what needs to be done. The
problem is that we have stooges and puppets who lead us and we allow this to
happen.

      The real stooges and puppets are ministers who go out of their way to
craft oppressive legislation like the Public Order and Security Act and the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act to protect the political
interests of an individual who is only one person: Mugabe.

      When as a minister you create legislation which does not allow the
President to be criticised, then if you are not a stooge or a puppet, I do
not know what you are.

      Margaret Dongo once remarked in Parliament that some of the
politicians in ZANU PF behave like Mugabe's wives.

      Taking a cursory look at what is happening in this country and the
behaviour of some politicians among us, she could not have summed it up any
better.

      Never in my lifetime have I seen a breed of cowardly politicians in
our midst like the ones I see in Zimbabwe.

      This is why the country has collapsed because we do not have leaders
among those in power who can stand up to question wrong policies.

      When ministers and ZANU PF politicians fail to stop destructive
policies that are being pursued by their leader, it will be asking for too
much to expect anyone among them to challenge Mugabe for his job.

      No wonder why Mugabe himself has the guts to suggest that if he were
to quit the party, it will disintegrate and will not have the capacity to
win any election.

      The reason is simple: he is leading puppets and stooges and he knows
that.

      In Zambia, when former President Fredrick Chiluba wanted to seek a
third term, none other than his vice president stood up to say "No". Other
cabinet ministers supported the vice president and campaigned vigorously
against Chiluba's ill-advised intentions.

      This is how all politicians should behave: they must make their
leaders accountable by consistently questioning some of their decisions and
taking a hard line when this is in the interests of their country.

      The docility of ZANU PF politicians in the face of Zimbabwe's rapid
descent into chaos exhibits who the real stooges and puppets of this country
are.

      One thing is certain: anyone who stands up to oppose any policies and
leadership style which kill a country must surely be the only patriot.

      Zimbabwe needs more and more patriots and less stooges and parrots.

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FinGaz

      War vets not senior leaders of our party


      8/15/02 7:01:01 PM (GMT +2)

      Dear Cabinet and Politburo Members
      Comrades, we have now successfully completed our land reforms and I am
very happy that every deserving member of our glorious party has found a
piece of land.

      I am also pleased to hear that all you senior leaders of this party
have managed to get at least two commercial farms each to cater for your
growing families.

      I actually wouldn't have minded even if Tony Blair's puppets here such
as those boys in the opposition had also approached us for a bit of land but
they chose to listen to their master and so will remain poor and landless.

      I hear that there is some grumbling from some members of the war
veterans' association who wrongly thought they were also entitled to at
least two farms each.

      This and other complaints that have been forwarded to me from the rank
and file of our party convinces me that there is serious lack of discipline
among some of you.

      There is a clear pecking order in this party and everyone who is a
true cadre should know where they belong and what is expected of them.

      The reason why we have such a clear-cut pecking order is that those
who have fought tirelessly for this party should be seen to be ably rewarded
for their efforts, while those who choose once in a while to go out and vote
for us obviously deserve less.

      So senior members of the party such as you obviously deserve more than
the rank and file because your needs are more and greater.

      The war veterans have no reason to complain that they were not awarded
commercial farms like the senior leaders of this party because they are not
senior leaders of our party.

      Period.

      The war veterans are soldiers and I am their commander-in-chief. The
war veterans should accept their standing in life and their useful position
in our glorious party, which is to enforce some of our decisions.

      Such idle talk as trying to form another political party outside ours
from some of their leaders is treasonous and will be met by the full wrath
of the state machinery.

      So while we remember all those heroes who sacrificed their lives so
that we can rightly reclaim our land, our party members must cherish that
they have such a wise leadership that is still alive to guide them in these
treacherous times.


      Sincerely

      ME
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FinGaz

      New student funding policy a mockery to the liberation war

      Tapera Kapuya
      8/15/02 7:08:50 PM (GMT +2)

      THIS week as we saluted and commemorated the gallant sons of Zimbabwe
who sacrificed their lives for the freedom of our country, we are forced to
make an introspection into the actions of those who survived and became the
implementers of the ideals behind the liberation struggle.
      It has to be clear that the war of liberation was fought for two main
principles - the rights of every Zimbabwean to choose a government of
his/her choice and for the fundamental rights of all to be equally
respected.

      These two entailed that the democratic principles of governance
prevail in which people had to be convinced than coerced in the election of
their government, and that they should expect their government to afford
them a decent way of living. Thus access to food, water, health, education
and a standard dignity to life had to be the state's obligation to its
citizens.

      But when we look at these ideals and the actions of those who survived
in the fight for them, one is left wondering whether those who lost their
lives are being respected. The latest policy on higher education funding is
a case in point.

      The Ministry of Higher Education and Technology's "new" student loans
policy is as empty as the heads that created it. Under the plan, students
are compelled to borrow from commercial banks to pay fees and other costs of
higher education.

      With massive tuition fee increases of 3 000 percent slated for the
upcoming semester, these loans could be big business. But will students and
the country benefit?

      First, it is important to note that this government policy does not
truly exist beyond the propaganda statements and rally utterances of Samuel
Mumbengegwi, ZANU PF chairman for Masvingo and de facto Minister of Higher
Education.

      There are no mechanisms that might regulate or humanise the scheme by,
for example, providing surety, interest relief and limits on interest rates
or debt repayment assistance for the most needy.

      While there is no certainty that the funds will ever really be made
available to students, one thing is clear - the loan scheme has been
introduced to soften criticisms about tuition fee increases and to funnel
more money to President Robert Mugabe's cronies.

      There has been no involvement of any of the key education
"stakeholders", including students themselves and their guardians, in
relation to the loan scheme. As such, the loan programme does not address
the real problems, which are rising fees and the lack of any serious
government commitment for meaningful access to higher education.

      Concerns about the loans themselves are numerous: huge loan amounts
due to rising fees; loan repayments and massive interest fees; surety; lack
of disposable sustenance funds to cater for students' food, toiletries,
transport, books and stationery etc.

      Not entirely tangential is another key question. Who will be reaping
the profits of this forced and unregulated student loan scheme, and at what
expense to society at large?

      The scheme, accompanied by 3 000 percent tuition fee increases, is
likely to condemn entire generations of students to lifelong debt and cut a
large swathe of lower income families out of higher education for good. This
has certainly been the case in other countries with high tuition fees and
student loans.

      Ultimately, these loans could contribute to the further crippling of
the economy through rising personal debts, while a few bank shareholders
reap the benefits.

      If the system is not changed in the coming semester, students in the
faculties of arts and humanities will be left with a paltry $5 000 of the
loan (after paying various fees) to take them through a 13-week semester.
Estimates for the real cost of food for one semester is $50 000! University
meals now cost $200 and prices are likely to shoot up depending on the
dictates of our "runaway" economy and the black market.

      The situation is even grimmer for students in the faculties of
medicine and science, as they must sustain many additional costs for
in-study materials.

      The regime and its policies defy logic. There is simply no rationality
or sensibility but rather self-serving interests. At the very least, the
government could have chosen to maximise the investment of the revolving
fund and floated an educational bond for industry and commerce to
participate in the education of the nation.

      That, although a clear transfer of wealth from public to private
hands, would have at least provided a more transparent and regulated means
for business to participate in the education system. Unfortunately, the
revolving fund has been corrupted and allegedly looted by the "heavyweights"
and some of the University of Zimbabwe (UZ)'s senior administrators.

      The privatisation of catering services and, most recently,
accommodation at universities and tertiary colleges has worsened the plight
of students and the standard of service. One wonders at the sanity of Mugabe
's government, which claims to be guided by revolutionary principles of
socialist equality by day, while it carouses with the bourgeois elite by
night.

      Students should see this hypocrisy and assert that they cannot be
taken for granted, especially by people who themselves benefited from Ian
Smith's policies and the missionaries' charity.

      The carpenter did not pay a cent for the "prince's" education! Such
cravenness is exactly what has sent us to the dogs.

      Education is a right that by obligation any government should afford
its citizens. It is true that Zimbabwe is lacking in resources to provide
for this right, but it is unforgivable that inept, self-serving government
policies, excessive corruption and questionable government priorities - such
as commitment to the Congo war - have been mobilised to compound this lack
of access to education.

      Clearly, it serves the regime's interests to dump us, drive us out,
brainwash young people through the national service and torture and coerce
people into respecting a government that has brought nothing but disaster to
its own people.

      Given the situation, students must recognise that their problems are
part of a bigger national crisis. Although it will be a difficult path, now
is the time to start an in-depth public debate and to reclaim what is
theirs.

      Mugabe's illegal regime will never grant them the right to education.
An educated person is a threat to any corrupt and despotic regime, hence the
deliberate frustration of any intelligent young person.

      Some students will be seduced into silence by the paltry loans, which
might never come anyway, and might get a nasty shock upon discovering that
inflation has eroded the loans' usefulness.

      More to the point, the harsh reality of unemployment will not make too
many exceptions for college and university graduates.

      There are few excuses to delay participating in the struggle for a
better Zimbabwe. Students occupy a critical position in the politics of our
country and must rise to the challenge.

      Zimbabwe was born out of the blood and sweat of its fallen and living
heroes and heroines. To these, the fight for Zimbabwe's freedom was not
motivated by self-interests.

      For these men and women, the success of the struggle was to be
measured by the material gains of all Zimbabweans and upheaval of its
institutions to be humane and promote the development of its citizenry. This
meant the overthrow of repressive legislation and access to education for
all citizens without discrimination.

      Of course during that time discrimination was more apparent on race
and sex basis than on class and economics as has been sustained by Mugabe.
These are the ideals for which our heroes sacrificed their lives, the values
for which their attainment is the real tribute we can give to them.

      Let's solve the national chaos now. We can't afford this regime an
extra day. Be my comrade and stand up for your right to education in a free
Zimbabwe. Your silence will not protect you against the vagaries of this
dictatorship.

        a.. Tapera Kapuya, a former secretary-general of the University of
Zimbabwe's Student Representative Council who was expelled from the
university in November 2001, is currently based in Durban, South Africa

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COMMERCIAL FARMERS' UNION
Farm Invasions And Security Report
Friday 16 August 2002

This report does not purport to cover all the incidents that are taking place in the commercial farming areas.  Communication problems and the fear of reprisals prevent farmers from reporting all that happens.  Farmers names, and in some cases farm names, are omitted to minimise the risk of reprisals.

NATIONAL REPORT IN BRIEF

·        Five farmers were charged this morning at the Gwanda Magistrate’s Court under Section 9 of the Land Acquisition Act.

·        Gutu/Chatsworth – the Condor Farm owner had 350 head of cattle locked in a kraal for approximately 50 hours with minimal access to water and no access to grazing. 

·        Mwenezi - farm workers who had paid the local warlord, Vundukai, in advance on the promise of receiving maize, were sidelined when a government truck delivered maize at the weekend. Only settlers were allowed to receive maize, and this is one of several deliveries from which the farm workers were excluded over the past month. Some farm workers have only been able to access less than 10kg of maize per month to feed themselves and their families.

·        Mwenezi - People settled on Kleinbegin leased out grazing for 2000 head of cattle, which are crowding out the owner’s 300 head left there. Thirsty game, which are relentlessly chased by dogs, seek refuge within the security fence and are killed there.

·        Chakari - None of the farmers in this association have been allowed to continue production.  

·        Burma Valley - On 09.08.02 there were labour strikes on four farms in Burma Valley and one farmer and his wife were barricaded in their farmhouse.

·        Nyazura - There have been strikes on some farms, where the workers demand the farmers provide mealie meal, which is not available.

·        Harare South - One farmer had the tap on his dam opened and lost a considerable amount of water.  

·        Norton - On Riverside Farm the owner was given a magazine containing an article about someone who had been killed.  The bits about the incident were underlined.  The person who gave him the magazine wants to move into his home. 

 

REGIONAL NEWS


MANICALAND
Middle Save - Four farmers were told by a deposition of army, OIC, and land task force members to be off their farms by 8am on 12.08.02.  They moved to neighbours farms.  They have all had a letter from the DA giving them permission to grow wheat.  On 13.08.02 they were told to remove their equipment and that they would be compensated for growing the wheat.  The farmers are pursuing legal channels.  Chipinge - On Lushoff Farm an electric motor for the dairy pump was stolen as well as one calf. The Land Task Force are visiting various farms, to find out why farmers are still working. 

Chimanimani - all quiet.

Burma Valley - On 09.08.02 there were labour strikes on four farms in Burma Valley and one farmer and his wife were barricaded in their farmhouse.  The labour demands 100% pay increase.  The farmers contacted the Ministry of Labour, NEC and the Police.  There were strikes all weekend and the farmers decided not to work on 14.08.02 and went to see the Ministry of Labour and ZANU PF.  The authorities agreed the strike was illegal and the DA was inundated with phone calls demanding to know why there were no bananas in Mutare.  Ministry of Labour, ZANU PF, the labour and the farmers met 15.08.02 to try and resolve the issue.

Mutare - all quiet.

Odzi - The Land Task Force went to various farms over the long weekend and asked farmers why they were still farming.  The farmers approached said the group were very amenable.

Nyanga - Two farmers have been told to move off their farms by 19.08.02 and they are not allowed to take anything with them.    When another farmer was approached, he informed the delegation he was awaiting confirmation of his subdivision.

Rusape - On the night of 10.08.02, Mr & Mrs DUP Muller awoke at 1am with their house on fire.  Mr Muller radioed his son for help and they managed to salvage two vehicles and three deep freezes.  The rest was totally destroyed.  Mr Muller has had his eyes damaged from the fire; the doctors are hopeful that he will fully recover.  At present they are staying with their son.

Headlands – The OIC is going around verifying Section 8's.  Theft of irrigation pipes and crops is still ongoing.  ZFTU are still trying to extort money from farmers.

Nyazura - There is plenty of stock theft, theft of wire, irrigation equipment etc.  The poaching is worsening, and is not confined to the settlers, as the labour sell the goods for money to buy food.  There have been strikes on some farms, where the workers demand the farmers provide mealie meal, which is not available.

MASHONALAND CENTRAL
No report received.

MASHONALAND EAST
Beatrice - Theft is rife.  Some items stolen include five pickup wheels, T.V, and car radio.  Five Section 7 Notices received.

Bromley/Ruwa - No report received.

Enterprise - No report received.

Featherstone - No report received.

Harare South - four Section 5 Notices received.  General labour problems with regards to severance packages.  Theft ongoing.  One farmer had the tap on his dam opened and lost a considerable amount of water.  

Macheke/Virginia - Labour strikes ongoing at various farms where labour demand S.I. 6.  One farmer had 5 bales of tobacco stolen.  Another farmer had 13 irrigation pipes stolen.  One farmer reported "war vets” were looting the farm village: police attended but no arrests were made.  

Wedza   - On one farm where the owner and son in law vacated their homesteads, both homesteads were broken into.  Labour problems continue with workers demanding S.I.6

Marondera South - A farmer and his wife were barricaded in their house from 10.00am until 6.00pm on 16.08.02. They went to pay out half of the S.I.6 package (this had been agreed to by the labour) the balance to come when the tobacco was sold.  The labour refused to sign for it. 

MASHONALAND WEST (NORTH)
No report received.

MASHONALAND WEST (SOUTH)
Norton - On Riverside Farm the owner was given a magazine containing an article about someone who had been killed.  The bits about the incident were underlined.  The person who gave him the magazine wants to move into his home.  Other farmers in Norton were phoned by the police to ask whether they knew of who had Section 8 Orders.

Selous - There have been various threats, but no serious moves to evict farmers from their homes at this time. 

Chegutu - There have been threats certain individuals will be targeted for eviction, but at this stage this has not happened.  On Just Right Farm Gilbert Moyo has stolen the irrigation pipes after threatening the owner.  Police and C.I.O also detained the owner for three hours because he had taken video footage of his assets on his property.  The argument from C.I.O was that it was not his property any longer because there was a Section 8 Order on it.  They said that if he wanted to video the property of the state he had to get police clearance.  He was also accused of poisoning the water in the borehole, but was able to resolve this on site by drinking the water from the borehole.  On Farnham "A"the owner was faced with a noisy group armed with sticks wanting him to pump more water for them.  On Oldham Gilbert Moyo came to ask for cash or building materials. 

Suri-Suri - On Kufaro Farm settlers moved into the main homestead over the weekend. 

Battlefields/Kadoma - On Overlaw Ranch the owner’s wife was told by Mr Shumba from the Kadoma lands committee that he wanted to move into her home, and that she would become a martyr if she stayed in it.  On Railway Farm 5 settlers approached the police about the owner still being on ”their” farm.  Police approached the D.A. who evidently said that they should be evicted despite the fact they are on a single owned farm and they were told by the Governor in the presence of PROPOL, DISPOL and the D.A. amongst others that they should grow a winter crop, and that they would not be evicted.  On Pamene Farm settlers threatened the black boots would come in at midnight to evict the owner and his family. 

Chakari - On Blackmorvale there was a report that settlers have commandeered the owner’s tractors and all his other equipment.  None of the farmers in this association have been allowed to continue production.  

MASVINGO
Mwenezi - This has been a weekend holiday of intense overseas and local media interest with at least 12 interviews given. The world is trying to understand why developed producing commercial farms are being destroyed as part of an intense racial and political campaign, when the rest of the nation is starving. The period was relatively quiet over the Section 8 deadline period and without the expected sensationalism their interest dropped. On Moria Ranch several months ago, A1 settlers were removed from this productive farm when it was delisted. Part of the farm has fruit orchards and sugar cane under irrigation and the owner had sold another bigger property in Mwenezi to Government as part of a deal. However over the holiday weekend the Ministry of Lands insisted on marking out plots in the irrigation. On complaining to the local MP the manager was told the farm would be split up under the A2 scheme and that eight new owners would move on there and then. The farmer was to be left with only 100 ha irrigation “as that was his core business”. The rest of the ranch is otherwise waterless with water being piped from the Moria Weir. When asked what would happen to the farm’s cattle the MP explained that they would discuss that when they discussed the pumping of the water. The “new owner” of the 2000ha plot at the end of the pipeline (where there is the only grazing left) is no other than the Mwenezi MP himself, I. Shumba who is Deputy Minister of Education and whose Government vehicle is often seen on the property.  People settled on Kleinbegin leased out grazing for 2000 head of cattle, which are crowding out the owner’s 300 head left there. Game was poached at a phenomenal rate on this property, which is part of the Bubi River Conservancy. On one night 6 eland and one giraffe were killed with only two eland carcases being transported away and the rest left to rot. Only one borehole remains intact and in working order as the others were sabotaged. The entire settler, cattle and game population drink there and the borehole has now dried up. Thirsty game, which are relentlessly chased by dogs, seek refuge within the security fence and are killed there. More people and livestock are being moved on every day as part of the intimidatory tactic.  People are bussed in to LOT 21A in large numbers even though it has been allocated as an A2 settlement area. There is a frantic chopping and clearing and building of houses. The only water on this farm is pumped from a depth of over 100 metres. At Fauna (C.L Von Abo), police were called in to mediate when militant settlers demanded Lister engines (which had been removed for safety after several had been badly damaged) be returned to pump water for the intensive resettlement on FLORA. A compromise was reached and a previous grazing area was released for use by the owner. Settlers promised to supply diesel and pay for pump repairs once the engines were put back. Water is a major problem on all Mwenezi properties and Government has made little effort to assist the people they have settled with water.  The Rutenga Ranch  ) owner is reports an upsurge in cattle theft on property. The Sonop Ranch  owner reports settlers told him to remove cattle off a property which he leases.  He also reports alarming accounts of veld fires on property. General Comments - Farm workers who had paid the local warlord, Vundukai, in advance on the promise of receiving maize, were sidelined when a government truck delivered maize at the weekend. Only settlers were allowed to receive maize, and this is one of several deliveries from which the farm workers were excluded over the past month. Some farm workers have only been able to access less than 10kg of maize per month to feed themselves and their families.

Chiredzi – the Pastoral Investments  owner was asked by Dispol Chiredzi to report at the Police Station on 15/8/02 at 10:00am.  Owner reported and a situation where an A2 settler accused owner of cutting cane was resolved.  At Eureka Ranch a delegation approached the owner on 14/8/02 enquiring which 2000 hectares the owner would like to retain.  There is ongoing destruction occurring on B.J.B Ranch The owner is losing cattle at an alarming rate.

Masvingo East & Central – a Government vehicle arrived on Dromore Farm  (over the weekend and enquired from owner if he was still on property and if owner had suffered any damages.

Gutu/Chatsworth – the Condor owner had 350 head of cattle locked in a kraal for approximately 50 hours with minimal access to water and no access to grazing.  Settlers were demanding owner remove cattle from paddocks.  Situation was temporarily resolved when SPCA and Dispol were called in. an ongoing labour dispute that has taken place at Bath Farm over the last week has finally been resolved with the help of a NEC representative from Harare.

  

MIDLANDS
No report received.


MATABELELAND
Five farmers were charged this morning at the Gwanda Magistrate’s Court under Section 9 of the Land Acquisition Act.  They have been given bail of ZW$5000 each and the case set for 06.09.02.  Since then further farmers have been arrested and held at various police stations within Nyamandlovu, Gwaai and Shangane.  Although farmers have reported to Plumtree, there have been no news of arrests.

Morale is still good.

aisd1@cfu.co.zw                                               Visit the CFU Website www.mweb.co.zw/cfu
 
Disclaimer
Unless specifically stated that this message is a Commercial Farmers' Union communiqué, or that it is being issued or forwarded to you by the sender in an official CFU capacity, the opinions contained therein are private. Private messages also include those sent on behalf of any organisation not directly affiliated to the Union. The CFU does not accept any legal responsibility for private messages and opinions held by the sender and transmitted over its local area network to other CFU network users and/or to external addressees.
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ABC News

Zimbabwe Arrests More Farmers


Aug. 16
- GWANDA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwe charged five white farmers and
arrested up to 22 others Friday for defying government orders to vacate land
targeted for redistribution to landless blacks.
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's government has ordered 2,900 of the
remaining 4,500 white commercial farmers in the country to give up their
land without compensation by Aug. 8, but nearly two-thirds are refusing to
go.
Five farmers appeared before a magistrate in the southwestern town of Gwanda
and were charged with defying orders to leave their farms in Matabeleland
province.
"You did not obey and continued farming in contravention of section nine of
the Land Acquisition Act," the state prosecutor told farmers Dudley Herbert
Rogers, Thomas Gavin Connolly, Lucas Cornelius van Vuuren, Peter Johannes
Cloete and James McDonald Crawford.
Magistrate William Kasitomo did not ask the farmers to plead, but ordered
four of them to return to court Sept. 6 and the fifth on Sept. 16. He
granted each man bail of 5,000 Zimbabwe dollars ($90).
The farm lobbying group Justice for Agriculture had earlier said six white
farmers were expected to appear in court. It said as many as 50 farmers in
the area could be charged.
MORE FARMERS ARRESTED
Police spokesman Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena said police had
arrested 22 farmers around the country since Thursday and would soon be
bringing them to court.
"For as long as we have people who are defying those Section Eight
(eviction) orders we will continue arresting them ... they shouldn't blame
anyone at the end of the day," Bvudzijena said in remarks broadcast on state
television.
The agriculture group's spokeswoman Jenni Williams said police had arrested
up to 10 farmers Friday in Matabeleland province.
"In the Nyamandlovu and Figtree/Plumtree farming areas about 10 farmers have
been arrested and are in custody as we speak. Indications are that they
might spend the weekend in jail," Williams told Reuters.
"We have confirmation that police headquarters have issued instructions to
all stations that they are to arrest all farmers under a Section Eight
(eviction notice) ... and to detain these people until they can appear
before a magistrate," she added.
Justice for Agriculture said it received reports from Mashonaland Central
and East provinces that groups of police, war veterans and government
officials had visited farmers and ordered them to leave by 5.00 p.m. (11
a.m. EDT) Friday or face arrest.
Williams said government officials were in the process of evicting another
farmer in the central district of Chegutu, but there were no details.
"LAND OF OUR ANCESTORS"
Black militants armed with clubs and stones forced a white farmer from his
land in northeastern Zimbabwe Wednesday in the first farm seizure since the
deadline expired a week ago.
Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo, who chairs the government's land
acquisition audit committee, told the official Herald newspaper the
government would take action against farmers defying the evictions in the
next few days.
"We are considering a number of options to ensure that the land
redistribution program that we embarked on is not unnecessarily derailed by
some defiant white commercial farmers," Chombo said.
The land reforms coincide with a drought which is causing food shortages in
much of southern Africa. An estimated six million Zimbabweans, nearly half
the population, are short of food because of disruption on the farms and
drought.
Mugabe, who has been in power since Zimbabwe gained independence from
Britain in 1980, says his land drive is aimed at correcting colonial
injustice which left 70 percent of the country's best farmland in the hands
of white farmers.
Friday, Mugabe told an annual congress of black farmers that there was no
going back on the program.
"There are still those who believe that the Land Reform Program can be
reversed. This is irreversible, completely irreversible. This is not
(British Prime Minister Tony) Blair's land, this is Mugabe's land. This is
the land of our ancestors," Mugabe said in remarks carried by the Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corp.
MSNBC

Zimbabwean government begins arresting, charging defiant white farmers

ASSOCIATED PRESS

HARARE, Zimbabwe, Aug. 16 - The Zimbabwean government appeared to be
cracking down Friday on white farmers who defied orders to leave their land,
charging seven in court and detaining at least 27 others across the country,
farming leaders said.
       Dozens of others were told they would be forced to appear in court
soon, they said.

       The move was the first coordinated government action against hundreds
of the 2,900 white farmers who defied orders to leave their land by midnight
Aug. 8. Many had reportedly been harassed by ruling party militants.
       Mac Crawford, an official with the Commercial Farmers Union, was
among five farmers charged with violating the government's land seizure laws
in a court in the town of Gwanda, 80 miles south of the western city of
Bulawayo.
       Those farmers were freed on unconditional bail of $15 and told to
reappear in court Sept. 6, he said.
       Two other farmers were released without having to pay bail at a court
in the southern Filabusi area.
       Several others in the western Matabeleland province reported being
served with papers Friday summoning them to court later, Crawford said.
       As many as 50 more farmers had been told they would be asked to
appear in court soon in western Zimbabwe, said Jenni Williams, spokeswoman
for the Justice for Agriculture farming support group.
       Defiant farmers face a maximum penalty of up to two years in jail and
a fine.
       Many of the 27 other farmers questioned by police were being held
overnight while attempts were made to secure their release, Williams said.
       Most were held in Matabeleland, but some were being questioned in the
Marondera and Macheke districts east of Harare and the Karoi district
northwest of the capital.
       The police action was shrouded in confusion. State radio on Friday
quoted President Robert Mugabe saying no white farmers would be left
landless or homeless.
       None would be deprived of their sole means of livelihood, Mugabe told
a visiting group of African-American activists of the U.S.-based Patrice
Lumumba Coalition, the radio reported.
       But Ignatius Chombo, the local government minister, warned that the
government had lost patience with hundreds of white farmers defying orders
to leave their farms by midnight Aug. 8, the state Herald newspaper
reported.
       ''We are considering a number of options to ensure the land
redistribution program ... is not unnecessarily derailed. Those defying the
law should be duly charged,'' he said.
       Williams said most of the farms subject to eviction notices were the
owners' only homes and source of earnings.
       Since the eviction deadline passed last week, ruling party militants
made at least a dozen attempts to force farmers from their land.
       On Wednesday, about 60 armed ruling party militants and blacks who
have been promised land by the government, surrounded the Hinde family's
home near Bindura, 55 miles north of Harare, in a daylong siege.
       The militants smashed windows and dragged some belongings out of the
house before Terry Hinde, 59, his wife Sue, 58, and their son Christopher,
32, were allowed to leave late Wednesday with a truck of household goods,
Williams said.
       Agriculture Minister Joseph Made has suggested farmers themselves
arranged sieges of their land to gain international sympathy.
       The government has targeted 95 percent of properties owned by 4,000
white farmers for confiscation under its land reform program.
       It says the land seizures are a final effort to correct colonial era
imbalances in land ownership by taking white-owned farms and giving them to
blacks.
       Critics say it is part of the increasingly authoritarian government's
effort to maintain power amid more than two years of economic chaos and
political violence mainly blamed on the ruling party.
       The farm disruptions came as half Zimbabwe's 12.5 million people face
a severe hunger crisis, according to the U.N. World Food Program. The WFP
blames the crisis on drought combined with the agricultural chaos caused by
the seizures.
Independent (UK)
More farmers held by police enforcing Mugabe threat
By Basildon Peta Southern Africa Correspondent
17 August 2002
Zimbabwe's President, Robert Mugabe, began widespread arrests yesterday of
defiant white farmers refusing to leave their land.

Twenty seven farmers were arrested, another seven appeared in court and 50
more were charged in the southern province of Matabeleland, for defying last
week's government deadline to vacate their farms to make way for landless
blacks.

The moves are the clearest sign yet that President Mugabe is cracking down
against farmers after the 10 August deadline. He told them in a speech on
Monday that the ultimatum still stood.

Farmers' leaders say police chiefs have instructed all police stations to
arrest the remainder of some 1,800 farmers, out of a total of 2,900 whose
land has been designated for confiscation. They face a maximum penalty of up
to two years in jail and a fine. The Commercial Farmers Union's regional
chairman for Matabeleland, Mac Crawford, said he and 50 other farmers had
been charged with violating Mr Mugabe's order and would appear in court
soon.

More ominously, another 27 farmers were arrested yesterday, including Max
Rosenfels, 77, of the family that pioneered British colonisation of the
territory in 1890. Mr Rosenfels is on crutches after being injured while
fighting with poachers on his property last week.

Robin Greaves, an ailing 74-year-old, was also among those arrested
yesterday. They were still in police custody later and all indications were
that many of them would spend the night in detention.

A police spokesman, Wayne Budzijena, warned this week that the law
enforcement authorities would move swiftly against all defiant farmers. Most
were being held in Matabeleland, but some were being questioned in the
Marondera and Macheke districts east of Harare and the Karoi district
north-west of the capital.

Five white farmers appeared in court in Gwanda on charges of defying the
government eviction order. They were let out after posting bail of 5,000
Zimbabwe dollars (£60), having been told by the state prosecutor: "You did
not obey and continued farming in contravention of section nine of the Land
Acquisition Act."

The farmers are the first to face prosecution for resisting Mr Mugabe's
order. Two others were released without having to pay bail at a court in the
southern Filabusi area.

Witnesses said the farmers looked exhausted and worried in the small but
packed courtroom where they were charged. Riot police were deployed outside
the court to keep a group of black militants in check. A sixth white farmer
was expected to appear in another district court last night.

Justice for Agriculture (JAG), a new lobby group of white farmers advocating
court challenges to the President's land seizures, said it had learnt that
all police stations had been instructed to arrest farmers remaining on their
farms. "The situation keeps on getting more tense. Signals have been sent
for police to arrest farmers and charge them in court ... Those being
arrested are loyal Zimbabweans and single farm owners," said a JAG
spokeswoman, Jenni Williams.

Mr Mugabe had said in his statement on Monday that he was confiscating land
only from those farmers who owned more than one property.

Mr Crawford said he and 50 other farmers had been visited by police and
charged with failing to abandon their property. But, unlike other farmers,
they were not arrested and held in detention. He said he expected to appear
at Gwanda magistrates' court.

Ms Williams said officials were in the process of evicting another farmer in
the central district of Chegutu, but there were no details.

Black militants armed with clubs and stones forced a white farmer from his
land in northeastern Zimbabwe on Wednesday in the first farm seizure since
the deadline expired a week ago.

The land reforms coincide with drought, which is causing food shortages in
much of southern Africa. An estimated six million Zimbabweans, nearly half
the population, are short of food because of disruption on farms and
drought.

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