The Times
August 17, 2007
Michael Evan,s Defence Editor and Fred Bridgland in
Johannesburg
British military commanders are reviewing contingency plans for
the
evacuation of up to 22,000 Britons from Zimbabwe after months of rising
violence and food shortages.
The Ministry of Defence has been asked
to look urgently at what logistical
help it could provide amid "real
concerns" in Whitehall about Zimbabwe's
slide into chaos.
Diplomatic
sources said that the review was focusing on a "civil contingency
plan",
which included seeking help from neighbouring countries. There is no
plan to
send in troops. "Military evacuation from a third country would only
be used
as a last resort," one source said.
Under existing plans, Britons would
be advised to take routes out of
Zimbabwe into South Africa and to head for
a former military base at
Artonvilla in Limpopo province. The MoD has been
asked to consider whether
it could help in the airlift of Britons from the
region. The diplomatic
sources said that if the MoD were unable to do so,
chartered commercial
aircraft would fly the evacuees to Britain.
"At
the last count there were between 17,500 and 22,000 British nationals
still
living in Zimbabwe. If there was an evacuation they would be entitled
to
bring their families and dependants with them, which is what happened
when
we evacuated British passport holders from Lebanon last year," an
official
said.
Thirteen months ago Royal Navy ships helped to evacuate some 4,600
people,
of whom 2,230 were British passport holders, from Beirut to Cyprus,
to
escape the war between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The evacuation,
however, was launched with the approval of the host country and the Israeli
military. Britain would have to take a far less interventionist role in the
event of a decision to move Britons from Zimbabwe if it were to avoid a
confrontation with President Mugabe's Government.
The trigger for
approving a "national evacuation order" would be a sudden
and sustained
escalation in violence or a deliberate targeting of Britons on
a wide
scale.
A spokeswoman for the Foreign Office said there was no evidence at
this
stage of British people being threatened. However, the Foreign Office
travel
advice for Zimbabwe, which was updated last week, says: "The current
situation is unpredictable, volatile and could deteriorate quickly, without
warning."
Political leaders from southern African countries formed a
laager, or
defensive circle, around Mr Mugabe yesterday, publicly lauding as
a hero the
man who has brought his country to the brink of
collapse.
Mr Mugabe was greeted with cheers, applause, dancing and
laughter from
fellow dignitaries when he arrived in Lusaka, the capital of
Zambia, for the
two-day summit of leaders of the 14-nation Southern African
Development
Community. He flew in aboard one of Air Zimbabwe's remaining
serviceable
Boeing aircraft, which was taken off its passenger flight
schedule by
presidential decree.
Mr Mugabe, 83, smiled broadly as he
acknowledged the rapturous welcome,
louder and more enthusiastic than for
any of the other heads of state or
government. The reception dented any
lingering hopes that African leaders,
in particular President Mbeki of South
Africa, would put pressure on Mr
Mugabe to step aside.
Mike
Mulongoti, the host country's Minister of Information, said: "Zambia
cannot
impose its will on Zimbabwe, just as Zimbabwe cannot impose its will
on
Zambia." But he admitted that, as Zimbabwe's plight worsened by the day,
all
that the community's leaders could do was to "quietly whisper to each
other
our concerns".
Patrick Chinamasa, Zimbabwe's combative Justice Minister,
rejected the need
for political reform. "There are no political reforms
necessary in my
country," Mr Chinamasa said. "We are a democracy like any
other democracy in
the world."
In Zimbabwe, a 15-year-old schoolboy
and a security guard were crushed to
death as hordes of shoppers tried to
buy scarce sugar in Bulawayo, the
country's second city. Several others were
injured at the Entumbane shopping
complex.
A Government order
slashing the price of all goods and services by half in
June has led to
panic buying and hoarding and critical shortages of maize
meal, bread, meat,
petrol and other basic commodities. A thousand people had
lined up from 6am
in an attempt to buy some sugar, according to the
government-owned Chronicle
newspaper.
Zimbabwe has the fastest declining economy in the world.
Inflation has
spiralled to more than 4,500 per cent and unemployment is at
more than 80
per cent.
There are serious shortages of food and all
basic commodities. Millions of
Zimbabweans have fled to neighbouring
countries, including three million to
South Africa.
Zim Online
Friday 17
August 2007
Own Correspondent
LUSAKA - Southern
African leaders on Thursday settled for public posturing
rather than
confronting embattled Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe whose
widely
condemned policies look set to derail the region's ambitious economic
programme.
Political observers said Southern African Development
Community (SADC)
leaders meeting in the Zambia capital, Lusaka, for the 27th
annual regional
summit chose the inconvenience of living with a deranged
neighbour rather
than facing the crisis head-on.
The observers
discounted any prospects of any major breakthrough on the
long-running
Zimbabwean crisis.
Incoming SADC chairman and host President Levy
Mwanawasa set the tone at the
beginning of the two-day summit by pledging to
stand by Zimbabwe's side.
Mwanawasa said SADC was always ready to assist
resolve the problems in
Zimbabwe. The Zambian leader appealed to Zimbabweans
to maintain unity even
as the country faces political and economic
crises.
"My strong advice to my brothers and sisters in Zimbabwe,
therefore, is that
maintain peace and stability at all costs because the
opposite will just
push your beautiful country even further backwards. SADC
is there for you,"
he said.
The Zambian leader, who early this year
referred to Zimbabwe as a "sinking
Titanic", urged other southern African
leaders to be mindful of the
difficulties that Zimbabweans were currently
experiencing.
"In the meantime, SADC is there for you," he told the
Zimbabwean delegation.
The incoming SADC chairman's opening comments
resonated in Harare where it
was already being seen as another diplomatic
coup for the 83-year-old Mugabe
who is accused of running the
once-prosperous economy into the ground.
Mugabe's spokesman George
Charamba was quoted by Zambia's The Post newspaper
as having said that
Harare expected "nothing short of an extension of the
solidarity expressed
by the region during the SADC extraordinary summit held
in Dar es Salaam,
Tanzania, in March this year."
Harare also celebrated the rapturous
reception received by Mugabe at the
start of the SADC
summit.
Observers said, while the regional body was uneasy about the
goings-on in
Zimbabwe, the liberation movement mentality was going to carry
the day for
Mugabe.
Most of the countries in the region have
relations dating back to days of
the liberation struggle against white
minority rule.
Mugabe played a crucial role in the liberation of South
Africa and Namibia,
and helped the governments of Mozambique and the
Democratic Republic of
Congo repel rebel attacks.
Analysts say Mugabe
would be banking on these historical ties when South
Africa's President
Thabo Mbeki tables a much-awaited report on his mediation
role in the
Zimbabwe crisis talks involving Mugabe's ZANU PF party and the
opposition
Movement for Democratic Change.
Zimbabwean Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa on Wednesday told the media
that Harare saw no justification in
resuming dialogue with the MDC, which he
accused of engaging in a violent
campaign to remove Mugabe from power.
He repeated the position on
Thursday when he rejected calls for political
reforms in
Zimbabwe.
"Political reform is not necessary in my country because we are
a democracy
like any other democracy in the world," said Chinamasa, who is
part of the
ZANU PF team negotiating with the MDC. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Friday 17 August 2007
By Thabang
Mathebula
BULAWAYO - The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) has allegedly
deployed
hundreds of illegal foreign currency buyers in Bulawayo and Harare
in a bid
to raise scarce hard cash to finance desperately needed grain, fuel
and
power imports, ZimOnline has learnt.
Sources at the central bank
said the RBZ has for several months combed the
streets of Bulawayo and
Harare using its own network of buyers in search of
elusive United States
dollars and South African rands.
The bank is allegedly injecting more
than Z$80 billion daily to its network
in each of the two main cities to buy
all the foreign currency available on
the streets.
A senior RBZ
security officer said the bank had more than 40 foreign
currency dealers
operating in Bulawayo and almost double that number in
Harare.
"Upon
delivery, the cash is taken to a special operations department which
is
overseen by Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) state security agents
attached to the bank," said the RBZ source.
The special security
department is responsible for recruiting and running
the buyers, disbursing
the cash and setting the daily parallel market rates.
"They are also
responsible for direct supervision of the buyers on the
streets," said the
source.
ZimOnline was introduced to some of the RBZ illegal foreign
currency dealers
in Bulawayo who operate mainly along the city's Fort
Street.
Some of the illegal dealers said they had been working for the
central bank
for three months, and disclosed that the bulk of the foreign
currency traded
on Bulawayo's streets ended up in RBZ vaults.
"One in
every three foreign currency dealers you see are either fully
employed or
contracted to buy currency for the central bank," said one of
the dealers
who requested anonymity.
The illegal currency dealer said they also acted
on behalf of private
companies, but these were a minority.
Most of
the RBZ dealers do not carry the cash, which is kept by bank
officials and
is only released when they find foreign currency sellers.
"They used to
give us the cash but because of a number of incidents where
people
disappeared with the cash, they now deploy their own people who keep
the
cash, leaving us with the sole duty of catching the customers. The (RBZ)
cars are our mobile ATMs," said another dealer.
Contacted for
comment, RBZ governor Gideon Gono denied the bank's
involvement in the
parallel market but said there were times when they were
forced to resort to
"desperate measures" to source foreign currency.
"As a matter of policy,
the RBZ does not deal in any way with the parallel
market," said
Gono.
He said any dealers claiming to be buying foreign currency on
behalf of the
RBZ were misleading the public.
He added: "Our
involvement has been limited to fighting the parallel market
with a view to
shutting it down."
The RBZ chief conceded that there were times when the
bank resorted to
bending the rules and bought hard cash from the parallel
market to "finance
key national interests, but you will also realise that
such matters are
sensitive as they involve national security."
Gono
is reported to have last week suspended a senior official in the bank's
foreign currency acquisition section for allegedly swindling the bank of
billions through a scam in which the official inflated rates at which he
bought hard cash from the parallel market.
Zimbabwe is battling its
worst economic recession that has manifested itself
in acute shortages of
fuel, raw materials and basic commodities. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Friday 17 August 2007
Own
Correspondent
MUTARE - Mutare City Council could have lost billions of
dollars following
allegations that the imposed ruling ZANU PF commission
running the city has
been disposing of council property among its members at
below market prices.
The unelected Fungayi Chaeruka-led commission is
accused of not following
procedures in the disposal of a motor vehicle and
house recently sold to the
chairperson and his deputy, Irene Zindi.
A
businessman, Chaeruka is alleged to have bought a late model Nissan Cefiro
vehicle from the local authority for only Z$300 million, payable over four
years at an interest rate of 19 percent per annum.
This is about five
percent of the open market value for the vehicle.
The open market value
of the vehicle is about Z$6 billion, ZimOnline
investigations revealed
yesterday.
It is alleged that Zindi, a former ZANU PF Member of
Parliament for Hatfield
in Harare, bought an upmarket three bed-roomed
council house for a miserly
Z$975 million, also payable over four years at
an interest rate of 30
percent per annum.
The house is situated close
to the city's central business district. Similar
houses fetch more than Z$5
billion, city estate agents told ZimOnline.
Contacted for comment,
Chaeruka confirmed buying the council vehicle but
insisted that both
transactions were above board.
He told ZimOnline that proper valuations
were conducted on the vehicle and
house in question before they were sold to
the pair.
"Before we bought these properties the council's evaluators
went out on the
market to get actual market values.
"I bought the
Cefiro for $300 million and there was nothing sinister about
that because
the issue went through all the stages before I finally bought
it," said
Chaeruka, adding the same applied with the sale of the house to
Zindi.
The decision to sell the properties to the two senior
commissioners was made
during a council meeting held on June 21 this
year.
Chaeruka is also being accused of abusing the council's fuel
facility after
he reportedly drew 432 litres of fuel between July 5 and 8
using four
different vehicles.
Top council officials including
Chaeruka are allocated a total of 80 litres
of fuel a week.
The
council fuel record book, shown to ZimOnline this week, revealed that on
5
July, Chaeruka received 55 litres for a vehicle, registration number
AAX9193
and 80 litres for the same vehicle the next day.
He received another 20
litres the following day for vehicle registration
number AAL6784 and another
30 litres for vehicle registration number
AAV6129.
On July 8 he got
247 litres of fuel for vehicle registration number ABA4126.
Chaeruka is
also accused of allocating a Nissan Hardbody belonging to
council to his
wife.
The commission chairperson insisted that the fuel withdrawals were
done
above board.
The commission was appointed by Local Government
Minister Ignatius Chombo in
2006 after he fired another government-appointed
commission led by Kenneth
Saruchera.
The Saruchera commission had
been forced on the people of Mutare when Chombo
dismissed an
opposition-dominated council that he accused of incompetence
and
corruption.
Before its term was extended last December, the Chaeruka
commission caused a
stir in Mutare after demanding exit perks that included
vehicles, commercial
stands and upmarket houses for the six months they had
served. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Friday 17 August 2007
By Prince
Nyathi
HARARE - At least 360 families are still staying in shacks at
Hopley Farm on
the outskirts of Harare, two years after their houses were
razed down to the
ground during a controversial government clean-up
exercise.
A confidential report compiled by Engineer Tobias Chombe, a
site planner
with the government reconstruction project, Operation Garikayi,
says the
government had failed to allocate stands to the families to rebuild
their
lives.
President Robert Mugabe's government in 2005 sanctioned
the demolition of
thousands of backyard shacks and houses in urban areas,
leaving close to 700
000 people without shelter, according to a United
Nations (UN) report.
The hard-hitting report said the operation,
code-named Operation
Murambatsvina (Operation Clean-up Rubbish), had also
directly affected
another 2.4 million people around the country.
The
UN said the Zimbabwean government was guilty of human rights violations
over
the controversial exercise that also drew howls of protest from the
United
States, Britain and other major Western countries.
"The 365 families are
still staying in the open. I again pray for your
authorisation for us to
allocate them stands," said Chombe in the report
that covers the period 2006
up to February 2007.
Chombe said the situation was extremely dire for the
families that have to
endure the vagaries of the weather and communicable
diseases. He said the
families are drinking water from shallow wells and
have to use the bush to
relieve themselves because there are no toilets at
the farm.
The Harare authorities, stung by international criticism over
the home
demolition exercise, in August 2005 announced plans to build
thousands of
houses for the clean-up victims.
But the ambitious
programme to build houses for the clean-up victims however
fizzled out
because the government ran out of funds to complete the
project.
Beneficiaries were in most cases asked to occupy incomplete
houses or were
asked to finish building the houses on their
own.
"Once again I draw your attention to the fact that there is no
construction
going on. The reason is that there are no funds to pay workers
(involved in
the reconstruction project)," said Chombe in the
report.
Local Government, Public Works and Housing Minister Ignatius
Chombo, who was
in charge of the reconstruction project, could not be
reached for comment on
the matter. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Friday 17 August 2007
By Nqobizitha
Khumalo
BULAWAYO - A Zimbabwean man who is suing Catholic Archbishop Pius
Ncube for
alleged adultery on Thursday stormed and disrupted a public
meeting that was
being addressed by the clergyman in
Bulawayo.
Onesimus Sibanda is suing Ncube for Z$20 billion after he
accused the
clergyman of having an adulterous relationship with his wife,
Rosemary.
On Thursday, Sibanda stormed Pumula Hall in the city and headed
straight to
the front table where he handed Ncube an envelope containing
some
photographs.
It was not possible to establish if the photos were
similar to the lurid
pictures that were carried by the state-run Chronicle
newspaper last month
that showed Ncube in a compromising position with the
woman.
Organisers of the function, however, quickly intervened and
dragged Sibanda
out of the hall, leading to an abrupt end of the meeting
that had been
called by the Archbishop Pius Ncube Solidarity Trust to rally
support behind
the embattled cleric.
The meeting in Pumula was the
second one addressed by Ncube this week,
following another meeting that he
addressed in Nkulumane on Wednesday.
At the Wednesday meeting, Ncube
threatened to shut down all Catholic schools
if the government went ahead
with plans to force schools to slash fees in
line with a recent government
directive to reduce prices of basic
commodities.
"For how long shall
our people suffer?" asked Ncube at the Wednesday
meeting.
"Recently I
was in Plumtree and saw scores of people stranded waiting for
transport. But
the government is not looking at all that. They are busy
focusing on
people's private lives," Ncube told the gathering.
Ncube is a harsh
critic of President Robert Mugabe's government.
The Catholic clergyman
has in the past called on former colonial power
Britain to invade Zimbabwe
to remove Mugabe from power, accusing the
Zimbabwean leader of murdering
political opponents and other human rights
violations. Mugabe denies the
charges. - ZimOnline
Zim Independent
Dumisani
Muleya
THE Southern African Development Community (Sadc) has
imposed
stringent conditions on the proposed economic rescue package for
Zimbabwe
whose economy was yesterday described by the Zambian President Levy
Mwanawasa as in the "doldrums".
Well-placed diplomatic sources
said yesterday the conditions to
economic aid - which Zimbabwe needs
urgently to avoid total collapse which
could have a grave regional contagion
- are tougher than those usually
imposed by global institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund.
The demands are designed to secure
concessions of political reform
from President Robert Mugabe (pictured) who
is hostile to democratic change.
Conditions attached to the
regional bail-out for Zimbabwe are
contained in a confidential report
compiled by Sadc executive secretary
Tomaz Augusto Salomao who addressed the
grouping's summit in Lusaka
yesterday.
The stern conditions
include the need for political and legal reforms,
economic liberalisation,
and privatisation of public enterprises.
Sadc is also demanding
fundamental structural reforms, including
public enterprise and civil
service overhaul, removal of administrative
controls in pricing, restoration
of the rule of law and property rights, as
well as improvements in
governance.
Sadc also wants Zimbabwe to immediately and decisively
address the
current economic crisis by implementing a comprehensive
stabilisation
package comprising several mutually reinforcing
actions.
The regional body wants a tightening of fiscal and
monetary policies.
It has raised alarm over quasi-fiscal activities by the
Reserve Bank and
recommended price and exchange rate regime liberalisation.
Sadc further
wants a reduction of the budget deficit and fiscal discipline
to contain
inflation unofficially estimated to be 13 000%.
The
grouping believes the Zimbabwe crisis is extremely serious and
needs to be
tackled with commanding urgency to limit the ongoing implosion
that is
already destabilising the region through a wave of economic refugees
fleeing
from economic chaos in Zimbabwe across neighbouring borders.
Sadc
has proposed to send economic advisors and monitors to oversee
the
implementation of the economic rescue programme. This implies firm
methodologies and reporting, progress monitoring, and censure in the
process.
Sadc leaders began their summit in Lusaka yesterday,
with the spectre
of the Zimbabwe situation hanging over their
heads.
Salomao has already presented the economic report to
chairman of the
Sadc troika on politics, defence and security President
Jakaya Kikwete of
Tanzania, who has presented it to the summit which ends
today.
Kikwete has also received a report on the talks between the
ruling
Zanu PF and the MDC from South African President Thabo Mbeki,
facilitator of
the current dialogue for a negotiated settlement to the
Zimbabwe crisis.
(See below.)
Mbeki briefed Sadc leaders on the
Zimbabwe situation in a closed door
session yesterday. The delivery of the
economic rescue package depends on
the success of the talks.
But since Harare yesterday said there would be no political reform,
Sadc
might also play hardball with Mugabe's government. Harare officials
talked
tough this week in Lusaka, with Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa
blatantly
saying no to political reform.
"Political reform is not necessary
in my country because we are a
democracy like any other democracy in the
world," Chinamasa said. He said
Mugabe was "our sure foot forward" in next
year's elections.
However, while Chinamasa said there would be no
political reforms in
Zimbabwe, his own party is currently struggling to
introduce reforms in
parliament through a Constitutional Amendment (No 18)
in a bid to retain
Mugabe in power, probably for life. Mwanawasa seemed to
caution against
Chinamasa's hardline tendencies when he said that
"unnecessary political
acrimony centred on personal political salvation" is
not helpful.
"The Sadc summit will assist, where it can, to bail
Zimbabwe out of
its current economic doldrums," Mwanawasa said. "Put your
self-interest
aside and work in unity. I strongly advise you to maintain
peace and unity
at all costs."
Salomao told a news conference
on Wednesday Sadc would consider
options including a "hard line", "quiet
diplomacy" or a "different" method
on Zimbabwe.
Chinamasa
suggested in an interview with Zambian state television on
Wednesday that
quiet diplomacy would not work. He said government, accused
of repression
and widespread human rights abuses, did not see any reason to
negotiate with
the MDC, repeating Mugabe's accusations at the Sadc
extraordinary summit in
Tanzania in March that the opposition was involved
in violent attacks on
civilians and security forces.
Mugabe's claims have collapsed
spectacularly in the courts after
failure to secure any conviction of MDC
activists who were accused of
terrorist and bomb attacks. This means Mugabe
and his government have misled
Sadc on the issue.
The stern
conditions attached to the rescue proposal leave Mugabe and
Sadc leaders on
a collision course despite stage-managed appearances of
support in Lusaka.
The Sadc package is a take-it-or-leave-it deal for
Mugabe.
Zim Independent
SOUTH African President Thabo Mbeki yesterday presented a progress
report on
talks between the ruling Zanu PF and the opposition Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) to regional leaders in Zambia.
Mbeki presented his
report - which sources said claimed there was a
step forward in the
negotiations - during a closed session of Sadc leaders
at their summit in
Lusaka.
This follows hectic meetings over the past two weeks
between Zanu PF
and the MDC, as well as civil society groups with Mbeki's
negotiating team
chaired by South African Local Government minister Sydney
Mufamadi.
Zanu PF chief negotiators Patrick Chinamasa and Nicholas
Goche met
with the MDC team of Welshman Ncube and Tendai Biti in the past
two weeks
for talks in Pretoria, while civil society leaders also went to
South Africa
to meet Mufamadi's group.
Reports say civil
society leaders were told by Mufamadi that the main
item on the original
agenda for talks, the constitution, is no longer on the
negotiating
table.
The civic groups had said the constitution was the key issue
in the
negotiations.
Sources said the agenda for talks has been
slightly revised after Zanu
PF demanded some changes. There would be no new
constitution-making bid but
a constitutional review process
instead.
The latest agenda now also includes the Bill of Rights,
electoral laws
and other legislation which need to be dealt with. These
entail the need for
Zimbabweans abroad to vote, delimitation and the death
penalty.
The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
which was left
out of the original consolidated agenda is back on the table.
It will be
debated together with the Public Order and Security Act, as well
as
broadcasting laws.
The original consolidated agenda included
the constitution, electoral
laws, security legislation, communication laws,
and the political climate.
Sources said the new agenda largely
deals with the need to come up
with a "hybrid" constitutional document by
merging aspects of the
government-sponsored draft rejected at a national
referendum in 2000, the
National Constitutional Assembly draft and the
2003/2004 document compiled
by Chinamasa and Ncube from the two drafts. The
hybrid document would also
include Zanu PF's proposals in Constitutional
Amendment (No 18).
Zanu PF wants the amendment to be the feeding
point of all proposals
as President Robert Mugabe is openly opposed to a new
constitution. It said
this has been agreed upon by both parties, although
the process seems to be
leading to constitutional reform
anyway.
The parties, sources said, have also agreed on
harmonisation of
elections, although the date of the polls remains
negotiable. Sources said
elections could probably be held in June next year
if the parties agree. The
holding of parliamentary and presidential
elections at the same time helps
Mugabe, who is clearly afraid of facing the
electorate alone because if his
fate and those of Zanu PF MPs are tied
together he would be the main
beneficiary.
Sources said Mbeki
and the other parties involved are trying hard to
keep the details of the
talks under wraps to prevent leakages which have
been continuing despite
frantic efforts to plug them. The scramble to
maintain a veil of secrecy has
resulted in conflicting reports on the
progress in the talks.
Sources said Mbeki reported there was tremendous progress and the
talks
would resume after the Lusaka summit. It is said he indicated the
process
should be complete by mid-October ahead of the critical elections.
But Chinamasa on Wednesday suggested there was no progress in the
talks
which he suggested were irrelevant. Zanu PF says it is only engaged in
negotiations out of respect for Sadc leaders, not because there is really
anything to talk to the MDC about.
Chinamasa said the Zimbabwe
crisis was caused by Western interference
and sanctions, not policy
failures. He said there no need for political
reform in
Zimbabwe.
This was consistent with the political line pushed by
Foreign Affairs
minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi and colleagues, Didymus
Mutasa, Sydney
Sekeramayi and Kembo Mohadi at a Sadc troika on politics,
defence and
security ministerial meeting in Tanzania last week.
Asked about Mbeki's mediation efforts and Chinamasa's rejection of any
dialogue with the opposition, South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma told Reuters: "As far as we are concerned the process continues
until President (Mbeki) finishes what he is doing, the dialogue never died."
Dlamini-Zuma had earlier rejected claims of a leaked report showing that
Mbeki would support Mugabe in his feedback to Sadc.
The MDC
faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai said in Zambia there was no
progress in the
talks, while the MDC group headed by Arthur Mutambara said
people should
support the Sadc process. The MDC's position in the talks is
weakened by its
lack of leverage and internal divisions. Zanu PF seems to be
pushing the
frontiers to secure its interests, while the MDC is divided and
weak.
After Mbeki's report, Sadc leaders failed to deal with
Mugabe as
widely expected.
The United States-based rights group
Human Rights Watch (HRW) had
urged the regional bloc to put pressure on
Harare to "end its broad-scale
attack on human rights".
"Sadc
members must take strong and effective action to deal with one
of the
region's most grave crises - Zimbabwe," HRW director for Africa Peter
Takirambudde said.
"Sadc's credibility as a real force for
change on human rights is on
the line here and its leaders should insist on
tangible improvements in
Zimbabwe."
Zim Independent
Augustine
Mukaro
BREAD shortages are set to worsen as the Grain Marketing
Board (GMB)
has failed to secure US$10 million to pay for wheat currently
docked at
Beira.
Employers' Confederation of Zimbabwe (Emcoz)
senior vice president and
Superbake owner David Govere this week said bakers
were failing to meet
production targets because GMB was not providing the
wheat.
"The GMB has been battling to secure US$10 million for 36
000 tonnes
of wheat which docked in Beira two months ago," Govere said.
"Some officials
believe that the RBZ has been trying to bypass GMB by using
South African
agents to secure the wheat but that has failed since RBZ needs
GMB for the
logistics."
He said bakers were now blaming poor
co-ordination between the
government institutions for the low production of
bread and the shortages.
Forecasts for this year's wheat - due to
be delivered in October -
indicate that production will be the lowest in 20
years.
"This year's yield is less than 25% of the country's annual
requirement," Govere said. "Unless urgent steps are taken to avail foreign
currency to secure more wheat, the country is heading for a huge food
crisis, particularly so given that most supermarket shelves are already
empty of alternative foodstuffs. This food crisis is expected to spill well
into next year until the next harvest."
Farmers recently blamed
Zesa for erratic power supplies, saying that
their wheat crop wilted in the
fields from lack of irrigation. They said
irrigation cycles on farms were
disrupted, and many electric irrigation
pumps were damaged resulting in the
projected poor harvest.
Farmers groups have predicted a harvest
below the 78 000 tonnes
produced last year against the country's needs of
more than 400 000 tonnes
of wheat a year for local consumption.
The
country has been plunged into serious basic commodity shortages
following
the recent government price blitz. Impact assessment surveys have
shown that
retailers have suffered most as those that had purchased goods at
high
prices made huge losses.
Some manufacturing companies have been
forced to scale down
operations, some closed shop, leading to shortages of
basic commodities and
increased unemployment.
Zim Independent
Augustine Mukaro
GOVERNMENT'S controversial price crackdown has
disconnected the
countryside from urban areas worsening the plight of a
vulnerable rural
populace.
Acute fuel shortages have crippled
transport services forcing
operators to withdraw their fleet, leaving
thousands of travellers stranded
at bus stops across the country. The
situation worsened during the just
ended Heroes holiday.
Operators who used to ply the country's major highways cited scarcely
available fuel and unrealistic fares as the major factors that have forced
them to abandon their routes.
Government is planning to deploy
at least one bus to each district by
the end of the year. There are about 53
districts throughout the country,
many of them vast, suggesting that
availing one bus would not make much
difference.
Thousands of
travellers dotted the sides of Harare's main arterial
highways over the
holiday, trying to flag down rides. Crowds formed on
downtown sidewalks
waiting to clamber aboard trucks and private cars.
Many people gave up
and headed for their township home, which became
yet another
nightmare.
"There is just no transport," said Elvis Chakawa who
intended to take
his two sons to Masvingo for the holiday. He had arrived at
the
Harare-Masvingo highway pick-up point before 0500hrs. Around 1500hrs, he
had
given up.
"I hope they will see their grandparents at
Christmas. Hopefully the
situation would have improved."
He
said his elderly mother was ill. This was Chakawa's second attempt
to travel
to his rural home during the just ended holidays. The previous day
he had
tried his luck from Mbare-Msika the main bus terminus in Harare. At
Mbare,
he said buses were just not available, except for the infrequent
Zupco buses
recently deployed to rural areas. "To get into those buses would
be a war,"
he said. "There is no way I could get into such pressure with
these
children."
Across the country, in Masvingo the situation was the
same if not
worse.
Some people have spent the past week going
to the bus stop everyday.
They said some bus operators abandoned their
routes in protest at
government-controlled fares. The few that were still
plying at sporadic
times demanded exorbitant fares. Transport operators said
they were still
buying fuel on the black market at about five times the
subsidised price.
At the black market, fuel is going for anything
between $250 000 to
$400 000/litre.
As if the transport woes
were not enough for the poverty-stricken
Zimbabwean populace, the price
blitz has emptied supermarkets of all basic
commodities leaving people
worse-off. The latest commodities to disappear
from the shelves being salt
and tea-leaves. When they resurface on the black
market, the prices are
normally four to five times the gazetted price.
In times of
hardship people often drawn their sorrows in beer, but for
the first time in
history it is nowhere to be found. The little that
trickles onto the market
has doubled or even trebled the government-gazetted
prices. Bottle stores
asked for anything from $50 000 to $100 000 a pint
instead of the gazetted
$30 000.
Harare was the worst affected as beer was not available at
virtually
all-popular and even posh outlets. Even Harare Sports Club, venue
of a
cricket match between Zimbabwe and South Africa A teams, had no beer.
It had
no bread rolls or ground meat for burgers.
Council bars
and bottle stores in a number of suburbs have literally
closed down as the
beer ran out. In some cases they are just open to sell
only spirits and
brandy.
Restaurant and fast-foods outlets have been forced to
withdraw their
menus as meat, chicken and other basics run out. Even chicken
and pizza
take-aways are running out of food and shutting down early. Under
normal
circumstances food outlets were open 24 hours.
The
government at the weekend backed down on a ban on private
slaughter houses,
which are accused of profiteering, and doubled the price
of beef to restore
meat supplies.
David Hasluck, head of the Livestock and Meat
Advisory Council, over
the weekend said the new beef price was still not
enough when compared to
levels in neighbouring South Africa and other
countries.
Zim Independent
Loughty
Dube
ARCHBISHOP Pius Ncube has spoken out for the first time
since a $20
billion adultery lawsuit was filed against him by a Bulawayo man
two months
ago.
Ncube addressed Bulawayo residents in Magwegwe
at a meeting organised
by the Solidarity Trust.
However,
Ncube's address was cut short by police who ordered that the
time applied
for the meeting had elapsed.
Ncube however in his address did not
tone down on his criticism of
President Mugabe's government which he accused
of dealing with secondary
issues while ignoring those that were
pertinent.
"People in this government are now boasting of their
evil," said
Ncube. "The government is concentrating on secondary
issues and
ignores pertinent issues. The government should stop focusing on
people's
private lives and deal with issues that should help
people."
He also took a swipe at the government price
controls.
"The price controls are extreme and are justified by lies
by the
Zimbabwe government. We should resist them and if the insensitive
government
slashes fees as they are threatening to do, then we will close
Catholic
schools and if they go ahead with the threats then I will make sure
that
happens (closing schools),"Archbishop Ncube said.
One of
the organisers of the meeting with the residents, Qhubekani
Dube of the
Solidarity Trust, said police ordered the meeting to be stopped
a few
minutes after Archbishop Ncube had started addressing city residents
who had
attended the meeting.
The meeting was the first public meeting by
Ncube after a Bulawayo man
Onesimus Sibanda filed a $20 billion adultery
lawsuit against the cleric.
The lawsuit was announced at a press
conference attended by the state
media and the case later played out in the
state media where pornographic
pictures of the alleged affair were
splashed.
A private investigator, Ernest Tekere, allegedly produced
the pictures
after he claimed that he was hired by Sibanda to track down his
wife,
Rosemary Sibanda, who was allegedly having an affair with
Ncube.
Ever since the adultery allegations were levelled against
Ncube he had
shied away from the media and not made any public statements
over the
matter.
Zim Independent
Constantine Chimakure
GOVERNMENT has ordered over 200 buses and
100 engines from China to
refurbish Zupco's old fleet to service rural areas
as it gears for a glitzy
2008 parliamentary and presidential election
campaign.
Impeccable sources in both government and Zupco told The
Zimbabwe
Independent that the Reserve Bank would finance the purchase of the
equipment.
The sources said Zupco would use the engines to
refurbish its grounded
AVM and DAF buses, which will service rural
areas.
Local Government minister Ignatius Chombo, who oversees
Zupco's
operations, confirmed to this newspaper recently that the public
transporter
was buying buses to be used in the rural areas.
He,
however, denied that the deployment of buses in the rural areas
was part of
Zanu PF's election campaign strategy.
"We resolved as a government
that there must be at least one bus in
every district," Chombo said. "In
that vein we have ordered 100 engines from
China to refurbish our old AVM
and DAF buses. So far we have refurbished
five and they are like
new."
Chombo said the decision by Zupco to service rural areas was
arrived
at after realising that private companies were shunning the areas
citing
poor road networks.
"We are saying the Zupco buses
should ferry passengers to and from
remote areas onto main roads where
private companies are comfortable to use
their buses," Chombo
added.
But another cabinet minister who asked for anonymity said
the
deployment of Zupco buses to rural areas was meant to consolidate the
ruling
Zanu PF's support ahead of the parliamentary and presidential
elections.
"Our focus is on the rural voter. Why should we continue
to buy buses
and deploy them in urban areas where we are not getting
votes?
"Our support is in the rural areas and we must guarantee our
voters
good transport," the minister said.
In his Heroes Day
address, President Robert Mugabe said the objective
of the government was to
have Zupco servicing more routes through buying of
new buses and
refurbishment of old ones.
"I am glad to report that Zupco is also
covering more rural routes,
thus providing an affordable alternative for
many rural travellers," Mugabe
said on Monday at the Heroes Acre in the
capital.
Sources at Zupco said a team was dispatched to the rural
areas to
assess the road networks and advise where there was need for
rehabilitation.
Zupco public relations manager Richard Mlambo did
not respond to
questions e-mailed to his office last week despite having
acknowledged
receipt.
The public transporter was incorporated
and registered in 1980 with
the government assuming sole ownership in
2004
In the last financial year, the company posted a profit after
tax of
$1,4 billion. The company's revenue grew by 1 320% to over $8,6
billion.
While 60% of the revenue was generated from long distance
buses,
metropolitan operations accounted for 38%.
Foreign
currency revenue remained constant, at about 2% of total
revenue.
Fleet availability, however, deteriorated from 73% to
69% due to an
aging fleet and shortage of spares.
Zim Independent
Itai
Mushekwe
FRESH details about Zanu PF's plan to launch cyber
warfare against
online publications seen as hostile surfaced this week amid
disclosures that
it intends to train its supporters to be conversant with
the information
super highway to deal with the party's growing number of
detractors, the
Zimbabwe Independent has established.
Sources
say the increasingly fragile ruling party, rocked by fierce
succession
battles to succeed President Robert Mugabe, has hatched a plan to
set up an
array of websites to counter what it perceives to be negative
publicity from
Western-based online publications. The ruling party also
wants to implement
a massive digitalisation programme at its headquarters in
Harare, which
surprisingly has not been fully computerised.
The programme will
also spread to Zanu PF provincial and district
offices across the country.
Zanu PF secretary for science and technology,
Olivia Muchena has already
blacklisted over 40 online publications accusing
them of peddling reports
aimed at demonising the ruling party. The
blacklisted online publications,
sources say, are the prime target of the
cyber warfare plan which will see
Zanu PF setting up a variety of websites
to counter bad publicity. Muchena,
sources said, wants the official party
website to be effectively run and
updated daily "to defend the party and its
cause".
Zanu PF
through government already controls agenda-setting in the
public media were
it has a stranglehold.
Muchena told a politburo meeting recently
that websites, Internet and
cell-phones are now the daily weapons used "to
fight Zanu PF".
"We have to use the same platform to defend Zanu PF
and its government
and legitimise our just cause," said Muchena. "ICTs
change the way we work,
live, play and learn. May I ask? When did you last
write a letter to your
relative? Becauseof ICT, you have changed the way you
communicate with your
relatives and the same applies in the political
game."
The cyber warfare against offending online publications
supported by
the digitalisation and computerisation programme will among
other things see
Zanu PF acquiring state-of-the-art equipment and related
computer software.
Muchena also wants the party to build a
comprehensive database of its
supporters and devise means of communicating
with them and updating them on
current developments, the sources
said.
Zim Independent
Augustine Mukaro
THE government could disenfranchise hundreds
of people by excluding
their addresses from the blockers manual that is used
to compile the voters'
role, a Movement for Democratic Change MP said this
week.
A blockers manual is a list of residential properties'
addresses in an
urban constituency. The manual is used to by the registrar
of elections to
confirm a voter's address during voter
registration.
Chitungwiza MP Fidelis Mhashu said he suspected a
deliberate ploy to
disenfranchise known opposition supporters after
discovering that his house
and 66 others from his neighbourhood have been
excluded from the blockers
manual.
"When my nephew went to
register to vote and gave my address as his
residence, he was informed that
it doesn't exist in the blockers manual
compiled in 2006," Mhashu said in an
interview yesterday. "On receiving such
information, I rushed to cross-check
with the registration centre. "Officers
checked and said the computer could
have skipped the number. I approached
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
officials based at Seke 2 High. At
perusing the manual, I discovered that
house numbers 2310 to 2377 were all
missing, implying that all the tenants
of these houses could be
disenfranchised."
Mhashu said the
omission was very suspicious since he had been voting
in the past elections.
"This is very suspicious," Mhashu said. "My house is
not new or an infill
which needed to be added to the manual. It has been
there since 1982 and
should be automatically included in the manual."
He said his main
worry was that the omissions might be prevalent
throughout the country and
have gone unnoticed.
"How do we know that this is not rampant
throughout the country,"
Mhashu said. "This constitutes one of the
fundamentals of rigging and might
not be corrected during the voters' roll
inspection."
He said although the ZEC officials made an undertaking
to correct the
situation there could be a number of people deliberately
excluded from
registration.
Voter registration is set to close
today to enable the compilation of
the final voters' roll that would be used
in next year's harmonised
elections.
Zim Independent
Constantine Chimakure
VICE-PRESIDENT Joice Mujuru's daughter
Nyasha last weekend wedded
Spanish businessman Pedro Del Campo at a lavish
ceremony at the Victoria
Falls.
Campo is also Zimbabwe's
honorary tourism ambassador charged with
promoting the nation's tourism
destinations in Spain and other
Spanish-speaking countries.
Invited guests to the wedding, which took place on Saturday at the
five-star
Elephant Hills Hotel, were flown from Harare to Victoria Falls in
a
chartered Boeing 737 Air Zimbabwe plane.
The Vice-president's
husband, retired army general Solomon Mujuru,
hired the plane at an
estimated cost of US$10 000 paid in local currency.
"To charter a
Boeing 737 costs about US$5 000 a block hour and it
takes two hours to fly
from Harare to Bulawayo and back to the capital," one
of the people who
attended the wedding told the Zimbabwe Independent
yesterday. "General
Mujuru paid about US$10 000 in local currency for the
plane for the
wedding,"
Close to 100 people attended the occasion, among them
Tourism minister
Francis Nhema, Economic Development minister Sylvester
Nguni, Policy
Implementation minister Webster Shamu, Water Resources
minister Munacho
Mutezo, Industry deputy minister Phineas Chiota and
Zimbabwe Tourism
Authority (ZTA) chief executive officer Karikoga
Kaseke.
"It was a lavish wedding," a senior government official who
attended
the ceremony said. "On Wednesday we had an after wedding party at
the
vice-president's Chisipite home for those who were in Victoria Falls and
others who failed to make it to the venue."
Campo reportedly
brought his relatives from Spain to attend the
wedding.
Efforts
to speak to Campo and Nyasha were in vain as they were
reportedly preparing
to leave Zimbabwe for their home in Spain yesterday.
The wedding comes amid
industry information that Campo was owed more than 77
000 euro by the ZTA in
consultancy fees. Kaseke yesterday dismissed the
assertions that ZTA was
paying huge sums of money in foreign currency to
Campo as its tourism
ambassador.
In an interview, Kaseke said Campo was one of several
honorary tourism
ambassadors appointed by ZTA to market Zimbabwe's tourism
destinations
without receiving any payment.
"The truth is that
we appoint as honorary tourism ambassadors people
who love Zimbabwe and
understand its tourism. Campo is one of them," Kaseke
said. "We don't pay
the ambassadors, but only reimburse them whatever money
they use doing our
job. The reimbursement is done upon production of
invoices and after they
are thoroughly scrutinised."
Campo was appointed an honorary
tourism ambassador on December 7 2006.
His appointment expires on December
31 this year.
Asked about reports that ZTA had paid Campo over 70
000 euro for
consultancy work, Kaseke said: "He is not our consultant. Why
should we pay
him? We know that there are people who want to scandalise him
because he is
married to the vice-president's daughter."
Kaseke
said in February ZTA spent US$70 000 for a travel show in Spain
that was
organised by Campo.
The money, he added, was used to pay for
exhibition space, stand
construction, collateral material, air tickets for
ZTA delegation and
per-diems.
"We salute Campo for the work he
has done for Zimbabwe. Tourist
arrivals from Spain have gone up by over 100%
since he was appointed our
ambassador," Kaseke said. "Zimbabweans must
understand that for us to
reverse the impact of negative publicity the
country has been receiving
there is a cost to it."
Zim Independent
Pindai
Dube
ZIMBABWE's gold production tumbled by more than 70% during
the first
half of the year as the sector continues to collapse due to
foreign currency
shortages.
In a mineral production report
released this week, the Chamber of
Mines said gold production output for the
first six months fell by more than
two thirds compared to the same period
last year.
According to the report, gold producers only managed to
produce a
total volume of 3 612 kgs of gold in the first half of the year
against the
projected output of 8 715 kg. The figures reveal that monthly
gold
production output has been on a free fall since January where it stood
at
819 kg and currently stands at 517 kg.
There are fears that
Zimbabwe risks losing its licence with the London
Bullion Market Association
(LBMA) if it fails to produce 10 tonnes this year
to maintain the
accreditation.
The LBMA accreditation approves gold refiners that
are allowed to sell
their gold directly on the international
market.
Chamber of Mines chief executive officer Douglas Verden
attributed the
decline in gold output to power outages, lack of chemicals
and spare parts.
The central bank has also contributed to the decline
because of its failure
to pay gold miners on time. "Gold production is going
down drastically due
to several factors which include lack of electricity
which is mostly used by
miners for blasting," said Verden yesterday in an
interview.
Other sectors like agriculture, manufacturing and
tourism have also
slumped because of foreign currency and power
shortages.
Verden said: "Lack of chemicals, spare parts and the
delays in payment
of gold delivered to the central bank has brought the
mining sector to its
knees."
"We are supposed to have reached
half of the required 10 tonnes which
is five tonnes but only managed three
tonnes, meaning that it will be a
miracle if we reach even eight
tonnes."
Gold is a key foreign currency earner for Zimbabwe's
struggling
economy where inflation is said to be standing at over 10 000%.
Gold
earnings accounts for about 52% of total mineral production and a third
of
export earnings.
Zim Independent
By
Walter Hurley
PERSISTENT and ongoing in the Zimbabwean media
are wails about the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and
the Public Order and
Security Act that are in actuality
ill-founded.
The alleged legal gags on local reporting on sensitive
Zimbabwean
matters are already subserviently or voluntarily in place - not
less than by
the now alleged bootlicking or the durably cowed local free
press.
The provable reality is that the intellectually and morally
reduced
local Zimbabwe media has often failed to find, research, disclose or
factually report on submitted or authenticated material, facts or stories,
particularly about alleged unlawful or unusual conduct by certain allegiant
Zanu PF comrades.
At times when they do publish a cursory
report, the essence of their
reports is often distorted, devoid of detail,
in denial, or in retention of
the real known facts.
The easily
demonstrable evidence is that despite often being given
stimulating fabric
for research and reporting opportunities, most local
"free-media editors"
have in effect elected to "filter" or abstain from
reporting on the
"politically alienating or embarrassing" matters exposed to
their respective
offices by victims of Zanu PF.
It is apparent that most local
Zimbabwean media reporters do not
understand some fundamental
values.
If ever they had a prospect of gaining a moral compass,
they have
never found it, or they have already lost it.
As it
now stands, many may conclude that the present crop of
Zimbabwean
journalists are collectively a bunch of Zanu PF bootlicking
comrades
hell-bent on survival and personal gain at any cost.
*Walter Hurley
writes from Pretoria.
Zim Independent
Kuda Chikwanda
HAVING scoffed at industry as it pleaded with
government to relax the
price blitz, the state has become the latest
casualty of its own making with
the taxman now feeling the pinch of the
disastrous exercise.
Government argued that companies and certain
individuals had been
profiteering at the expense of the poor majority as
justification for the
blitz. It spiced up things when it declared that the
same companies had been
pursuing a regime change agenda.
However, the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) has come to the
painful
realisation that the contentious operation will cost an arm and a
leg in
lost revenue. A recent government study says Zimra will lose $13,1
trillion
in potential tax revenue this year.
This spells disaster for a
government which has resorted to the
printing press to finance recurrent
expenditure. The gravity of the
situation can only be understood in the
context of a broke government which
exhausted the 2007 national budget in
the first three months of the year.
The biggest losers have been
businesses who according to Zimra
projections lost so much that Zimra had to
revise their tax forecasts
downwards and declare a $13,1 trillion tax loss
riding on the much larger
losses from industry.
Information to
hand shows that taxable income in the country is set to
decline by over 45%
from $85,5 trillion to $47 trillion. This means business
countrywide will
lose a staggering $38,5 trillion as a direct cause of price
freezes imposed
by government.
"The total revised estimated government revenue for
2007 was $30,2
trillion, with a respective nominal Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) of $85,5
trillion," the study said.
"The recent price
control initiative is likely to result in revised
total revenue of $17,1
trillion, implying a loss in revenue of $13,1
trillion."
Nominal GDP is the total output in an economy. The reduction in
revenue
levels for Zimra - consequent to the contraction of the nominal
GDP - will
force government to sink deeper than it has already.
In its
submissions to President Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwe National
Chamber of
Commerce (ZNCC) last month said it was imperative that government
avails
enough foreign currency and fuel to avert a situation where the
economy
would grind to a halt.
The chamber suggested a number of funding
options, which included
seeking balance of payments support, privatisation,
removal of pricing
distortions on the foreign exchange market and
restoration of direct fuel
imports.
The study document noted
that the 45% decline in nominal GDP would
translate to a higher budget
deficit which would require financing from
domestic monetary
sources.
"This type of finance increases inflationary pressures.
The above
expected revenue developments, for a given level of expenditure
would widen
the budget deficit to exceed 50% of GDP," the document
stated.
With the domestic debt currently at $8 trillion as of July
6,
government is struggling to cope with huge interest payments of $6,08
trillion.
Inflation is officially at 4 530% according to the
central bank but
recent Consumer Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ) estimates placed
food inflation at
over 13 000%. And faced with government's funding dilemma,
it looks set to
get worse. Two options exist for a government with no
recourse to
international financing - either run the printing press into
overtime or
increase borrowing from the domestic market.
But
economists contend that both options will have negative effects
for the
troubled economy.
The Zimbabwe Independent found that the
inflationary effects
highlighted in the study could not be
overstressed.
According to David Mupamhadzi, an economist with a
local finance
institution, there was no lesser devil between the two options
in trying to
offset the massive budgetary deficit.
Mupamhadzi
said government had no recourse to funding except from the
domestic
market.
"The funding of that budget deficit would have very adverse
effects on
the economy. Either route is no option really. Government has
been crowding
out the private sector," Mupamhadzi said.
Another
economist, Tony Hawkins, said apart from the price blitz not
making sense,
the funding of the budget deficit would - to a large extent -
depend on
prevailing inflation figures.
Hawkins said the revenue figures in
the Zimra document expressed their
predicament because of the lost revenue.
It was therefore vital that an
assessment be made of the inflation figure
they had used in making their
calculations.
"Their revenue
forecasts depend on the inflation model they used. If
one assumes that
inflation will slow down in the second half of the year as
government
forecast, then obviously they would be living in funny-land.
Common sense
will tell you right now that inflation will not slow down,"
Hawkins
said.
Hawkins added that the budget deficit was likely to be in
excess of
the said 50% because of the exclusion of quasi-fiscal finances in
the
budget.
"It is nearer to 80%," he said.
Zim Independent
By Rashweat
Mukundu
IN his weekly diatribe against real and perceived
opponents of
President Robert Mugabe in the Saturday Herald of August 11,
Nathaniel
Manheru, known to be an individual very close to the centre of
power, was in
a melancholic mood.
Manheru sang songs of sorrow
on the attitude of many of his colleagues
who are betraying the revolution.
In his words the children are devouring
the revolution by refusing to take
their cattle, pigs, chicken, goats, sheep
and rabbits to the CSC thus
failing to supply the GMB with their produce.
Manheru is his usual
self, blames everyone except President Robert
Mugabe for this development.
It is probably the first time that Manheru
reveals a troubled heart about
how the system he defends day in and day out
is betraying itself and has
caught itself in irretrievable difficulties from
which escape is almost
impossible. The problem however is the failure by
Manheru to identify the
source of the problem.
In Manheru's thinking it's all because of
the British and Americans.
There is no doubt that the British and the
Americans are not the best of
friends with President Mugabe. They have made
it clear in their statements
that their aversion is to the system and not
the skin colour of those in
power.
Unlike others who pronounce
their displeasure with the system openly,
the children in Zanu PF have
decided to simply boycott the system, pretend
to be with it but act
otherwise where it matters or rather where it concerns
their pockets and
lifestyles.
True, as Manheru says they now own the land, they own
the cattle,
chickens, pigs and even rabbits some of which they slaughtered
needlessly
since 2000. They have the grain in their bedrooms in the northern
suburbs
and farmhouses. By not releasing the grain they are equally making
strong
statements to President Mugabe and to Manheru that populist policies
don't
work.
What Manheru fails to grasp in his songs of sorrow
is that President
Mugabe has indeed reached his wits' end where it concerns
solving the
problems of this country. It is in this regard that Manheru
tries very hard
to paint a picture of unity and rhythm in Zanu PF. In the
process he
identifies enemies who are trying hard to cause divisions within
Zanu PF and
the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper is accused of being the
conveyor belt of
those behind dividing Zanu PF.
Manheru does
not allow those who are reported to be opposed to the
price slashing blitz
to speak for themselves and all we hear is his voice
covering up for what
any rational person would see, that is the divisions in
Zanu PF and indeed
the open opposition to the current policies by the likes
of Reserve Bank
Governor Gideon Gono.
Manheru is concerned that the divisions in
Zanu PF and the proffering
of alternative and probably progressive policy
directions will expose the
weakness in the executive. The weaknesses in the
executive which Manheru
acknowledges are that President Mugabe no longer
commands the respect of his
colleagues in terms of leading them forward. He
has reached the end of his
vision in terms of pulling this country out of
this morass. Any leader who
lacks a vision will consequently lack the
respect of those who are supposed
or expected to follow.
What
we are seeing in Zanu PF which Manheru tries hard to dismiss as
false is
clear evidence of a system that even those inside no longer believe
in.
Those in Zanu PF, Manheru might care to know are also
questioning the
leadership of President Mugabe, they are always thinking of
an exit strategy
not only for President Mugabe but for the party they have
known since the
1960's and indeed faced bullets in defence of its policies
and ideology.
Any party or anyone who is led by a leader of
President Mugabe's age
would surely and rationally so, ask where are we
going to be in 10 years
time if not in five- six years time. Under the
present circumstances these
are real questions that no one can run away
from. So the regime change
activists are within Zanu PF and they have a
genuine right to question
President Mugabe's vision or lack of
it.
Indeed regime change activism is not a crime; it is called
politics,
and happens throughout the world.
If for argument's
sack President Mugabe's vision is to defeat Britain
and America which he
blames for all that has gone wrong in this country, his
lieutenants have to
ask whether it is Zimbabwe's priority to defeat the two
nations, at what
cost and for what purpose. Zimbabweans have to ask, if the
British do not
want to pay for our land, so what? Is it their land, is it
their
agriculture, is it their hunger and is it their problem?
Zimbabweans also know that millions of pounds were paid and remain
unaccounted for in terms of their use. Zimbabweans genuinely ask why a
"visionary" leader would embark on a war against "imperialists" without the
necessary tools to win and consequently lead to the ruin of the
nation.
Why would a visionary leader run away from looking west to
looking
east, why not follow Kwame Nkrumah and simply look forward?
Zimbabweans ask,
as Manheru pointed out, why a 27- year old nation would
still have an
economy which is externally owned and which President Mugabe
now tries to
control by ginya.
The mere fact that Mugabe has
taken it upon himself to defeat Britain
and America, at the same time cry
day in and day out that Zimbabwe is under
sanctions smacks of a leadership
caught in self-deception. For instance, the
Herald in August was harping
about how trade between Zimbabwe and Britain
remains steady despite
political differences; a few months ago we heard how
trade between America
and Zimbabwe is growing from the same state media that
operates under
Manheru's nose.
While Zimbabweans remain diametrically divided on
political issues,
Manheru can be assured that everyone is concerned about
the future, be it
those in Zanu PF, MDC or civil society, CIO, military and
religious groups.
Visions and leadership reach their end. It is for
this reason that
despite all his good intentions for the children of Israel
and his ability
to talk face to face with God, the same God would not allow
Moses to cross
the River Jordan to the Promised Land.
There was
a purpose for that, maybe Moses could have turned into a
dictator, claiming
how he fought Pharaoh and how he should remain in power
till "madhongi amera
nyanga", claiming the Egyptians might as well come back
and it was him and
only him who can defend the Promised Land.
The children of
Zimbabwe, more so those in Zanu PF who cannot speak
freely and openly, ask
what vision President Mugabe still has for the nation
amid all this
chaos.
* Mukundu is Misa Zimbabwe director.
Zim Independent
By
Mutumwa Mawere
THE word paradox is often used wrongly and
interchangeably with
contradiction but whereas a contradiction asserts its
own opposite, many
paradoxes do allow for a resolution of some
kind.
The recognition of ambiguities, equivocations and unstated
assumptions
underlying known Zimbabwean leadership paradoxes has led to
significant and
material confusion among the contenders for power to the
extent that the
real focus on the change agenda has become
obfuscated.
Twenty-seven is a significant number in southern
Africa. One of Africa's
most illustrious sons, former South African
president Nelson Mandela, spent
27 years in prison in as much as President
Robert Mugabe and former
president Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia have spent the
same amount of time in
power.
When Mandela was released from
prison, it was obvious to the
custodians of apartheid as it was to its
victims that change had to come and
the new order could not accommodate the
old order. There was no discussion
of any third way but a new direction
informed by new values and political
morality.
When Zambians,
speaking eloquently through the ballot forced President
Kaunda out of
office, it was obvious the country needed a new beginning
without him.
However, Kaunda like many African leaders has not accepted that
he was
responsible for lowering the standards of political leadership in his
country and for giving birth to Fredrick Chiluba.
When Chiluba
took over, the country was a basket case and at the time
people used to
refer euphemistically to KK (being the president's initials)
as Kwacha
Killer. Indeed, the Kwacha was battered by KK's policies and after
27 years
of misguided humanistic policies, Zambians were poorer than at
Independence.
Zambia's brain trust was largely externalised and
those that remained
were too afraid to be the change they wanted and left
the job to the trade
union movement to promote the change
agenda.
Today, it is not surprising that Kaunda is one of the
public admirers
of President Mugabe. He feels strongly that Zambians made a
mistake by
electing Chiluba as president and in a sense he also feels that
Zimbabweans
will make the same mistake if they were to elect anyone from the
trade union
movement.
Unfortunately, Kaunda had no choice in
deciding his successor and
never woke up to the fact that through his
policies and programmes he had
denied his fellow countrymen the right to
decide their political destiny.
The risks associated with
challenging the hegemony of ruling parties
in Africa are well known and are
no different from the ones that prevailed
under colonial states. As a
result, the successors to tyrannical regimes
need not fit into an
intellectually defined strait jacket.
Mandela became a leader
because he symbolised the suffering of the
majority. If he had not spent 27
years in prison, he may never have acquired
the iconic status he has today
or become the founding father of South
Africa. Equally if Chiluba had not
been a victim of Kaunda's policies,
Zambians may never have voted him into
office. In the case of Zimbabwe, can
it be the case that people who have not
endured suffering the effects of bad
policies by Mugabe will be the
beneficiaries?
Arguments have been advanced that the problem in
Zimbabwe is that the
opposition has no credible leadership and, therefore,
the prospect of
unseating President Mugabe is remote. What is undisputed
however is the fact
that Morgan Tsvangirai has given more headaches to
Mugabe than anyone has in
the last 27 years.
Zimbabwe has known
of no other leader than President Mugabe. As Mugabe
approaches 28 years in
office and an election whose outcome may already be
pre-determined - not
because of the will of the people but due to the power
of incumbency - it is
important that Zimbabweans ask themselves some basic
questions whose answers
will inform what kind of Zimbabwe they should have.
Having watched
Arthur Mutambara's Hard Talk interview on BBC and his
paradoxical message,
it occurred to me that it is important that the
question of succession and
leadership be interrogated critically now more
than ever.
While
it is undeniable that Mugabe is an eloquent and educated leader,
it is also
undeniable that his tenure in office has not produced the kind of
results
that should be associated with such an intellectual giant. It is
also common
cause that with the exception of a few, including the late Vice
President
Simon Muzenda, Mugabe's cabinet since Independence has been
dominated by
intellectuals.
What is clear is that such leadership has failed to
give hope to
Zimbabweans and has dismally failed to fight poverty and
entrench the rule
of law.
While Mugabe would like the world to
believe that he is the champion
of the poor, the last 27 years has
demonstrated that he has no faith in the
poor's minds and if anything he
would rather have Jonathan Moyo, Joseph
Made, Patrick Chinamasa and others
than have a Tsvangirai or Wellington
Chibhebhe in his cabinet,
notwithstanding the fact that the latter may be
more popular and in touch
with the poor.
The difference between what Mutambara may want to
see in Zimbabwe and
what Mugabe believes in may be the same. What is evident
is that Mugabe's
elite approach to development has failed in as much as
Kaunda's same
approach failed as well and produced a Chiluba with the
unavoidable
consequences.
At the heart of the Mutambara and
Tsvangirai feud is the failure by
many people to recognise that the real
agenda for change has to focus on
Mugabe and not on the victims. Mugabe has
been in charge of for 27 years. He
is after all the president of MDC, Zanu
PF, and all other Zimbabweans. When
he took the oath of office he did not do
so as the president of a club
called Zanu PF but as a president of Zimbabwe.
The sovereignty of Zimbabwe
is not owned by Mugabe or Zanu PF but by the
people. A leader should
therefore emerge from the people irrespective of
whether he is an
intellectual giant or not as long as the people are given a
fair chance to
express their will.
The question is whether
President Mugabe's reign has produced an
environment in which the citizens
of Zimbabwe are free to express their
will. In addition, President Mugabe as
is the case for any sitting president
has the natural advantage of
incumbency.
He has access to state resources without which it is
plausible that
Zanu PF would have disintegrated into worse factions than are
evident in the
opposition. Has the president used his powers to promote
oneness among
Zimbabweans? Or has he used the presidency to divide people?
How much of the
state resources are being used to promote partisan
interests? Is the state
machinery neutral in the contestation for power or
is it an instrument for
entrenching the status quo?
To what
extent is the opposition able to access state resources to
function?
Mugabe has won all the elections since Independence.
Is it the case
that if he did not have state power, he would still have won
all these
elections? One has to explain why it is the case that Zimbabwe is
well
endowed with great minds and yet on the radar screen of the opposition
such
great intellectual minds are missing in action. If they are missing in
action, why should people like Tsvangirai be excluded? Does a president have
to be an intellectual for the country to have the change it deserves? Who
should the change speak to? Today even Mugabe accepts that Tsvangirai has
the confidence of the educated and working people while Zanu PF has the
support of the rural masses.
If superior education matters,
then Tsvangirai should be more
qualified to lead the rural masses on the
back of the allegation that he is
not an intellectual and Mugabe should be
the leader of the educated urban
minority. Has Mugabe's policies really
helped the poor? How can Mugabe be
compared with Tsvangirai when the latter
belongs to a different order and
has not been given a chance to
rule?
Ultimately the citizens should own the change agenda and yet
in the
case of Zimbabwe many intellectuals think that they should own this
agenda
irrespective of their contribution to such change. While many would
like
change to take place in Zimbabwe, it is evident that they would rather
invest as little as possible in such an agenda.
However, if
there is no investment in any process, the outcome may not
be what people
want. Mugabe has invested in making Zimbabwe a country in
which liberation
credentials and not service is the key to power. Under this
construction, if
you were never part of the struggle then you are less
Zimbabwean and yet no
one bothered to change the constitution to reflect
such
thinking.
If it is accepted that to be a president of Zimbabwe you
must have
participated in the struggle then surely how can people like
Tsvangirai who
have struggled for a better and new Zimbabwe be excluded from
leading the
post Mugabe era. Should the focus be on Tsvangirai or the people
of
Zimbabwe?
We now know that the MDC was divided - for
whatever reasons in October
2005 - and two formations emerged. Barely two
years later, the formation
that broke away from the Vatican and chose its
own Pope, now wants to be
under the same Pope it vilifies. If the new Pope
who accepted to lead the
formation strongly feels that he does not have what
it takes to deliver
change, then surely, he must resign or join the
winners.
In as much as the Mutambara faction would not support
Mugabe because
of values it should also be the case that they should not
support Tsvangirai
for the same reasons. However, if they have come to the
inescapable
conclusion that Tsvangirai like Mandela represents the majority,
then it is
not too late to rally behind him and produce the baby that
Zimbabweans want.
Yes it is easy to talk of the third way but
without a leader such kind
of language does not help the country move
forward. Equally the talk of one
candidate like the Kenyans discovered does
not help advance the cause of
democracy.
It should not be up to
Tsvangirai to decide who should govern and he
rightly refused to endorse a
scheme in which leaders will be packaged in
elite circles without the
participation of the citizens. If the Mutambara
faction is confident that it
has the people then what Tsvangirai is
proposing makes sense. Why would
Mutambara want Tsvangirai to enter into
contracts on behalf of sovereign
people?
The accusation that President Mugabe has ceased to be the
president of
Zimbabwe and is now behaving as if the country belongs to Zanu
PF needs to
be dealt with squarely as Zimbabweans approach the 2008
elections. The abuse
of power has to be part of the conversation. The
absence of the voice of all
social partners (including business whose
interests are threatened by bad
policies) in the discourse on change has to
be a worrying phenomenon even
for President Mugabe.
I am not
sure that the kind of Zimbabwe people want to see is a
country in which
increasing the price of goods becomes a treasonable
offence. In such an
environment can one expect people to freely express
themselves?
Politics is an expensive game and to the extent that the opposition
cannot
access resources freely from any Zimbabwean while Zanu PF has
unfettered
access to private and public resources, it is important that the
financing
of political parties be openly discussed.
President Mugabe has made
the allegation that he is victim of
imperialist conspiracy and the
opposition is nothing but a surrogate of such
forces. A construction has
been made that the opposition is a beneficiary of
unlimited funds from the
West. How true is this? If this was true, I have no
doubt that the
opposition MPs would have resigned from parliament where many
of them still
remain members fully knowing that they have no impact but are
acutely aware
that they would lose all the benefits that come with the
territory.
Does Tsvangirai exhibit signs that he has access to
the funds that
Mugabe alleges? Could it be the case that the opposition is
challenged
financially and in the final analysis would not be in a position
to marshal
the kind of resources required to bring the change required? If
this is the
case, how are Zimbabweans in the diaspora discussing the
financial
implications of change and what kind of investment they need to
put in place
for the change to occur?
Succession is the act or
process of following in order or sequence.
The investment by Mugabe through
deliberate policies has made political
succession a tricky subject. How can
change be expected when citizens are
not free to openly discuss the track
record of a long serving incumbent who
wants more time in
office?
Even in 1978, it was obvious to Ian Smith that the future
of Rhodesia
was doomed and he had no power to decide who should lead the
post-colonial
state. I am convinced that Ian Smith would have liked someone
other than
Mugabe to take the lead. He may have had his doubts about
Mugabe's maturity
to provide the kind of leadership to move Rhodesia to new
heights but
ultimately he had no input into the succession issue. In the
case of South
Africa, the case may not be any different from the Zambia or
Malawian.
If Ian Smith or Kaunda had no role to play in the
succession issue,
why is it the case that people assume that Mugabe will
have a role in
deciding who should lead Zimbabwea after him?
The future of Zimbabwe is as uncertain today as anything but what is
instructive is that the people who are the torchbearers of change
irrespective of their intellectual aptitude will become the inheritors of
the mess created over the last 27 years and before.
The law of
succession has no aptitude test and anyone can be president
of Zimbabwe as
long as there is any individual who has the ability to
influence, motivate
and enable others to contribute towards the cause.
Leadership is the ability
of an individual to set an example for others and
lead from the front. It is
an attitude that influences the environment
around us.
Having
accepted that the future of Zimbabwe may be led by someone less
intellectual
than Mugabe it is important that citizens invest in ensuring
that there are
checks and balances that will allow for the development of
society where
pluralism can thrive.
Such investment should start now and it
should not be the
responsibility of the leader to invest in such an
institutional framework of
tolerance and justice but it should be incumbent
upon all to start changing
the conversations of hate into conversations of
interest driven change.
Ideological discussions need to start now with a
view to locating the
post-Mugabe era in an ideological matrix that is
informed by global trends
and developments.
Zim Independent
By
Michael Gela
THIS is an open letter to MDC faction leader
Arthur Mutambara:
I shall waste no time in letting my utter
disbelief in what came out
of your supposedly learned mouth on BBC's
Hardtalk on August 8. It is in
your best interest that I write highlighting
how pathetic your conduct was
on the programme that might have sealed your
political fate.
You pronounced your own demise by waxing lyrical on
matters people
have long before tried to warn you not to indulge in. You
tried to put up a
brave face but deep down you knew you had lost the
plot!
You made a fool of yourself on a world-renowned international
channel
and programme for that matter!
Has it ever dawned on
you that your days as a student activist have
since gone by, eons ago? Your
theatrics as a student leader do not apply on
the big stage you have
embarked on!
I watched aghast as you waxed lyrical about a few
points that you
seemed to have hurriedly snatched away from Morgan
Tsvangirai.
All that you managed to do was re-echo what Tsvangirai
has been saying
since the conception of the now matured MDC (anti-senate).
You talked about
the need for a new constitution, the much-needed level
playing field in the
political arena, fighting as a united front
etc!
You echoed Tsvangirai's stance on freedom: he has always been
saying
that the price of freedom is death. He showed that prior to his
arrest last
year when he organised a protest march against police
brutality.
You were also reminded on the night of your demise how
Tsvangirai
faced treason charges - which carries a death penalty in
Zimbabwe. What more
do you want?
So what really is the problem
when those are some of the points the
MDC is fighting for?
I
was expecting to hear something different coming from you the
learned
professor. You put up a pathetic show and I am sure your backers
must be
withdrawing their financial support in haste.
In case you did not
know, I failed to see the difference between you
and the infamous Joseph
Chinotimba, except for the English! You repeated
yourself continually and
the interviewer was getting frustrated.
You claim bravery alone as
shown by Tsvangirai is not enough and you
went on about his lack of
intellectual tact and analysis. Please do not make
me laugh, for I
have
seen in you what you are accusing him of.
Go back
wherever you came from and I am pretty sure it is not from
outer space
though you sound alien to our cause. You seem oblivious of
President
Mugabe's love for power hence his grave moral fault seen through
the use of
force, repression, intimidation, vote rigging etc.
Please wake up
and smell the coffee! Look around and take stock. I am
sure you will realise
what Zimbabweans are clamouring for. It is never too
late to jump
ship.
* Michael Gela writes from Leicester, England.
Zim Independent
Editor's Memo
By Vincent Kahiya
FINALLY received
this week Justice Susan Mavangira's full ruling on
the acquittal of former
Finance minister Chris Kuruneri on charges of
violating exchange control
regulations. What has come out clearly from judge
Mavangira's ruling is that
President Mugabe's anti-corruption drive will
always be weakened as long as
state institutions mandated to execute the
task remain ill-equipped and
amateurish in their conduct.
That there is reason to rid this
country of corruption in both the
private and public sectors is a given.
This cause has however been greatly
compromised by the state's inability to
prove corruption in court.
What gives impetus to any
anti-corruption drive is not the number of
people merely arrested but very
importantly the ability of state
institutions to secure conviction of
offenders, especially in high-profile
cases like the one involving
Kuruneri.
But the charges have to make sense first and in the
Kuruneri case they
did not.
On the six counts against Kuruneri,
Justice Mavangira ruled that the
state had failed to establish a prima facie
case against the accused.
"In this court's consideration of the
evidence led by the state on
this account (of externalising funds), it
appears to the court that the
state speaks with a forked tongue; for whilst
the charge alleges that the
accused unlawfully caused the Commercial Bank of
Zimbabwe (CBZ) to transfer
funds in question, evidence of Dr (Gideon) Gono
was that the transfer was
above board as they were free funds which had been
lent for the state's
benefit at the request of the state.".
She
added: "It would appear however that that particular allegation in
the
charge is not an essential element of the offence in terms of the
section
under which the accused is charged."
There were more damning
comments from the bench: "As we have also
commented., the state appears to
be seeking to have its cake and eat it. It
cannot blow both hot and cold to
the prejudice of the accused."
The comments from the judge portray
the state case as a messy affair
which only betrayed the true nature of
President Mugabe's anti-corruption
drive. So convoluted was the state case
that Gono as the star state witness
literally fought from Kuruneri's corner.
In the end prosecutor Joseph
Jagada, according to the judge, "entangled
himself" in trying to prove that
Kuruneri had indeed externalised funds
simply because he was in possession
of foreign currency whilst in South
Africa.
The handling of the case by state counsel and the police
since the
arrest of Kuruneri two years ago exposes the ruse in President
Mugabe's
commitment last year to eradicate corruption.
When he
appointed what he termed an anti-corruption cabinet in
February he said he
was abandoning the war cabinet because "the war is
getting less and less
political, vis-a-vis Britain and America".
He added: "Those we have
defeated. It is now the internal war to fight
corruption and tendencies to
access wealth through illegal means."
The president has since
appointed an anti-corruption commission which
is yet to flex its muscle and
get on with the business of ridding this
country of corruption.
In February Mugabe in his birthday interview confirmed that there were
corrupt people in his government but his commission is yet to move in on
these corrupt leaders.
I am still not convinced that Mugabe
meant what he said when he told
the nation at Heroes Acre in 2004 that no
corrupt person would be spared.
"Even if it's Mugabe's relatives,
he will be arrested if he is a
crook," he said. I can only assume that all
his relatives are angels. But,
what about his corrupt
ministers?
There are lessons to be drawn from the Kuruneri debacle.
When a state's
flagship corruption case collapses, the anti-graft initiative
loses its
thrust.
This is the case with the Zimbabwean drive.
It requires serious
habilitation and this is only possible if the
Anti-Corruption Commission can
demonstrate aptitude in this area by ensuring
there is successful and
expeditious prosecution of suspects.
Prosecutors and police officers need retraining to handle high profile
cases
and these should at all times operate freely from political
interference.
Also, it must be said, we need robust judges and
magistrates who are
not afraid to accord to applicants their liberty when it
is obvious the
state does not have a case.
It remains a mystery
that after appearing in court more than 20 times,
Kuruneri was only
acquitted in the end. During his long period of
incarceration before being
granted bail, in the eyes of the public, he
became a victim and not a
felon.
He now joins a host of opposition members who have also been
locked up
to satisfy a political agenda. That's not justice by any
definition while
the anti-corruption crusade has been tarnished before it is
even up and
running.
Zim Independent
VISITING Angolan Armed Forces
Chief of Staff General Francisco Pereira
Furtado has blasted international
media organisations for peddling hostile
propaganda against Angola and
Zimbabwe, the Herald reported this week.
"The international media
such as the BBC and CNN are at the forefront
of channelling negative
information about some developing countries," he
said. Western media had
demonised both Angola and himself, he claimed.
Zimbabwe's Defence
minister Sydney Sekeramayi joined in the attack
claiming Western media
organisations had been "peddling lies" about Zimbabwe
since it embarked on
land reform.
He didn't say anything about electoral fraud or
political violence.
Zimbabwe's state media gave a fine performance
of what the two chefs
would call patriotic reporting by failing to tell
viewers and readers that
most of those charged with terrorist training or
petrol bomb attacks have
been released from detention because the
allegations against them would not
stand up in court.
Indeed,
they proved to be fictitious, according to Justice Lawrence
Kamocha who
ordered their release on bail.
This is an emblematic case. The
charges of terrorist training and
petrol bombings were plastered all over
the Herald for several weeks and
given massive airplay on ZTV. They were
used to "prove" that the MDC was
involved in political violence. The charges
were used by President Mugabe as
the centrepiece of his presentation to Sadc
leaders in Dar es Salaam in
March where he claimed his regime was the victim
of opposition violence.
His case has now collapsed like a house of
cards. Very simply, the
farms where MDC militants were alleged to have
undergone training didn't
exist. Nor did chief prosecution
witnesses.
But there was not a squeak from the Herald or ZBC. They
refused to
disclose unpalatable information that was not in line with the
directions of
their political masters.
This exposes the
so-called public media at its worst, keeping from the
public court
proceedings that contradict the regime's claims, indeed expose
them as a
tissue of lies.
Where are all those columnists who pontificate
weekly on MDC violence?
Where are those lawyers who cannot practise law
because they were found with
their hands in their clients' cookie jar but
nevertheless give us the
benefit of their partisan opinions?
Strange how they have all become silent on the plot to unseat Mugabe's
regime which now turns out to be a fabrication.
There are
obvious echoes of the Cain Nkala case here where the
president denounced MDC
violence and key party leaders were incarcerated for
lengthy periods. What
happened to those charges? Indeed, where are the real
killers of Nkala? And
what about the Ari Ben-Menashe case where the chief
prosecution witness
turned out to be a hired gun?
This record of false claims against
the opposition needs to be
documented and brought to the attention of those
governments that were
bombarded with accusations of MDC violence earlier
this year. It's time the
tables were turned. No more "peddling lies" in the
state media which is
happy to be used and refuses to ask a single
challenging question.
Also happy to be used are Canadian and
Caribbean columnists who are so
preoccupied with their defence of Mugabe in
his battle with the West that
they are prepared to ignore human rights
abuses in Zimbabwe and false
charges against the opposition. It's all OK
with them and with columnists
like Peter Mavunga who has yet to explain why
he prefers Britain to Zimbabwe
as his place of domicile.
Muckraker is rather surprised by recent silly remarks from otherwise
sensible people.
First we had Zimbabwe Tourism Authority chair
Shingi Munyeza saying
the country was poised for a major tourism
comeback.
"The world is starting to dismiss the whole notion about
Zimbabwe's
safety," he told the Business Herald. Negative growth was passing
and there
was still order in Zimbabwe, he claimed.
Indeed there
is, largely enforced with batons. Just after Munyeza made
his naïve remarks
President Mugabe could be heard in a BBC documentary
promising the
opposition "they will be arrested and be bashed by the
police".
The programme went out several times a day on Monday.
Munyeza
should understand that tourists do not like repressive regimes
where the
state uses violence against its opponents. It poisons the
atmosphere. And
there is no prospect of recovery in tourism or any other
sector so long as
damaging economic policies continue to be pursued.
Munyeza should
take off his rose-tinted spectacles and look at what
potential investors
see: a society with enormous potential being "bashed" by
its rulers. Not the
sort of place for all those 2010 spin-offs Munyeza
thinks are
coming.
Another Pollyanna perspective was evident two weeks ago
from Malaysia's
ambassador Cheah Choong Kit who urged his countrymen to
invest in Zimbabwe.
He told a Malaysian delegation comprising
mostly soldiers visiting
Bulawayo on a trans-Africa tour not to be misled by
Western reports.
"I want to tell you there is no risk at all in
investing in Zimbabwe,"
he said amid applause from Bulawayo resident
minister Cain Mathema, army
commander Philip Sibanda and army, police and
prison officers who escorted
the delegation.
Ambassador Cheah
confessed to "promoting Zimbabwe". It is not
surprising he got an
enthusiastic reception from his Zimbabwean hosts. It
sounded as if they had
written his speech.
But before he makes any further promises to
Malaysian investors they
should enquire into the fate of their Indonesian
counterparts. What happened
to their investment in
Matabeleland?
And will Cheah undertake to use his own resources to
compensate
Malaysian companies that are victims of Bilateral Investment
Promotion and
Protection Agreements being arbitrarily torn up by Zimbabwean
authorities?
It is entirely appropriate, given Cheah's
determination to ignore
current investment realities, that Indonesia's
problematic project should
have involved ostriches. They have a new recruit,
it would appear.
At the same Bulawayo function, Lt-Gen Sibanda said
the delegation
should be aware that the image of the country that they got
through
organisations such as CNN was false as the Western media had "hidden
agendas
against the country".
He said he hoped the few hours
the delegation had spent in Zimbabwe
would give them a "true picture" of the
country.
A visit to a supermarket would have done that. And we are
sure the
escort from the police and prison service helped to give the right
impression. As mostly military men themselves, they would have been
surprised to hear a Zimbabwean general mouthing political platitudes.
Professional officers elsewhere try to avoid that sort of
thing.
The Sunday Mail Metro has been waxing indignant over
what it called a
"commercial island" in the middle of a Highlands
residential area. There is
a restaurant, boutique, beauty parlour, curio
shop and plant nursery, we are
told, among other enterprises in the complex.
In all there are a total of
eight different businesses operating
there.
This is a clear violation of the municipal zoning laws. But
arbitrary
change-of-use is now standard practice and is it fair for the city
authorities to turn a blind eye for so long and then suddenly crack down on
offenders?
Milton Park is now more commercial than residential
and the council
has done nothing to prevent it.
There should be
room for sensible compromise here. Firstly the views
of residents and
neighbours should be obtained and taken seriously.
The council has
a habit of ignoring these views. For instance it
permitted the conversion by
Cimas of a residential home in Rowland Sq where,
contrary to assurances that
it would be an unobtrusive consultation centre,
it has been transformed into
a busy commercial clinic with dozens of
employees and customers parking
outside.
Further, Cimas is a poor corporate neighbour that allows
litter from
its visitors to pile up along the square's perimeter fence.
Fedex,
authorised by embassies to process visa applications, is also a
nuisance
neighbour as visitors park on residents' lawns.
"In
Greendale, there are a number of furniture shops, a wedding
exhibition hall,
sculpture garden and offices operating in the area without
the city's
permission," the Sunday Mail tells us.
"In Willowvale there is a
service station operating from residential
premises."
And the
paper could have mentioned transport companies, crèches and
churches
muscling in on residential neighbourhoods. Quite obviously the city's
by-law
enforcement system has broken down. And part of the problem has been
opportunist politicians demanding a relaxation of "colonial" planning laws.
Now we see the consequences.
"Instead of waking up to the sound
of chirping birds," one Highlands
resident said, "sounds of delivery
vehicles as early as five in the morning
are waking us up."
The
price of "progress"!
The latest edition of New African contains
another lengthy puff piece
on Zimbabwe (See story Page 3). "Once again the
search for truth has taken
me back to Zimbabwe," says editor Baffour
Ankomah. What he probably meant
was large payments from the government had
lured him back to learn "the
truth" about the Zimbabwean
economy.
To assist him in this task a number of the regime's
publicists were
roped in to explain that things were not as bad as they
seem.
Clear recovery signs are on the horizon in agriculture,
claimed George
Charamba, improbably. And "massive investments" are
underway.
"The air of suppressed euphoria is almost palpable and it
is a safe
bet that the majority of Zimbabweans are happy," opined Mabasa
Sasa with
regard to the price cuts.
And just in case you
thought CZI president Callisto Jokonya might say
something sensible, he
offered us this: "Sometimes the international
community doesn't realise that
our president is our liberator, he is our
hero."
Gideon Gono
confirmed his reputation for blurring population
statistics by claiming
South Africa contained 56 million people, 10 million
more than the census
figures. He also seemed to think Roosevelt's New Deal
was called the "Great
Deal" and suggested the Federation of Rhodesia and
Nyasaland was disbanded
in 1960, three years ahead of its actual demise!
Ankomah did throw
out some useful challenges. When Gono claimed
Zimbabwe was merely going
through a "rough patch", Ankomah reminded him that
it had been going through
one for seven years.
Gono appeared to misunderstand Ankomah's
question about drought.
Ankomah pointed out to the governor, in response to
his claims that drought
was at the root of our problems, that other
countries in the region were
suffering from the same
phenomenon.
"Precisely, precisely," Gono replied without getting
the point that
those countries weren't experiencing the same
difficulties.
But as always the most revealing quote in the whole
78-page supplement
came from President Mugabe. Speaking at the funeral of
Brig-Gen Paul Gunda
in June, he said the British didn't understand that
Zimbabwe was
independent.
"It is no longer Blair's Zimbabwe. It
is now the Zimbabwe of the
Mugabes, the Msikas, and the
Mujurus."
So that's what Independence was about?
Zim Independent
By Eric Bloch
FOR many
years I believed that the zenith of unmitigated cheek was
when a young man
murdered his parents, and then appealed to the Court for
mercy because he
was an orphan.
However, that was overtaken in the 1980s, when the
then minister of
Commerce and Industry, Herbert Ushewokunze, appealed to
apartheid-ruled
South Africa to supply Zimbabwe with fuel, in order that
Zimbabwe could wage
trade and other sanctions against South
Africa.
But, last week, a state-controlled newspaper succeeded in
demonstrating even greater gall and pronounced impertinence, bordering on
the realms of absurdity, when it published an editorial headed "Africa must
demand compensation for brain drain". It is undeniable that, over the years,
Africa in general, and in particular countries such as Kenya, Uganda,
Tanzania, Ghana, Senegal and Zimbabwe, amongst many others, have has lost
great resources to other countries. Most of the brain drain has been to
Europe and the countries of North America, save in the case of Zimbabwe,
where a very great number moved to regional neighbours.
Although the brain drain was, and continues to be, most pronounced,
culpability does not lie with the countries to which the "brains" departed,
but with their home countries. Admittedly, in some instances, the
destination countries did advertise, and otherwise make known, their needs
for various skills, and facilitated the entry into their countries of many.
But, on the one hand, they did not force any to change domicile from their
countries of birth and, on the other hand, an extremely great proportion of
those who relocated entered the countries that they had chosen wholly
unlawfully. Those countries had also not compelled the home countries to
develop skills of those of their populations who thereafter chose to use
those skills elsewhere. The forced transferal of Africans to other countries
ended more than two centuries ago, when the abominable practice of slave
trading came to an end.
Undoubtedly the editor who authored
last week's demand for
compensation for the brain drain was provoked into
doing so by the magnitude
of Zimbabwe's brain drain, and by the very
negative consequences,
notwithstanding his suggestion that such compensation
was due not only to
Zimbabwe, but to much of Africa. In the last few years
the loss of skilled
and other Zimbabweans to other countries has been
immense. Although
reliable, wholly authoritative data is not available,
because of the very
great extent that Zimbabweans have departed the country
through non-normal
channels, and have entered their countries of choice
unlawfully, it is
estimated by some that there are now about three million
Zimbabweans in
South Africa, almost a million in other neighbouring
countries, and a like
number further afield, in the United Kingdom, USA,
Australia, and elsewhere.
Thus, over the last six years or so, an estimated
five million have departed
Zimbabwe for greener pastures, reducing the
population by approximately a
third. That is a greater population loss than
imposed on Zimbabwe by the
scourge of HIV and Aids.
And, with
very rare exception, the loss of all those Zimbabweans is
entirely as a
result of the disastrous, destructive, actions of government.
Small
proportions of those who have left, but nevertheless, a meaningful
number,
are self-imposed political exiles.
They left because they could
perceive no future in living in a country
dominated by a government which
speciously claims to adhere to the
principles of democracy, but a government
which in actuality manoeuvres and
manipulates the constitution to assure its
continued, unhindered, rulership,
which uses its media solely to
propagandise the populace, and severely
restricts the existence and
operations of independent media, and which
unhesitatingly and continuously
allows its so-called guardians of law to
abuse the law and disregard the
fundamentals of human rights, resorting to
never-ending, unjustified, brutal
arrests, torture and oppression.
For some, to live in such an
environment is untenable, and a very
pronounced personal risk, so with very
great reluctance, and with great
hopes of being able to return at a future
date, to a free, democratic
politically-just Zimbabwe, they flee to other
countries.
The greater number of the estimated five million
Zimbabweans abroad
left because of economic needs. Government had taken an
economy which had
prospects of spectacular growth, and enhanced living
standards for almost
all, and reduced it to near total
destruction.
Its agriculture had fed the nation, and most of the
region, and had
been the generator of the greater proportion of Zimbabwe's
foreign exchange
needs. Today, Zimbabwe has to import two-thirds of the
agricultural
commodities needed to provide its people with even a minimum of
basic,
essential sustenance. And the foreign currency generation has
declined
horrendously, leaving Zimbabwe devoid of many essential
inputs.
In like manner, industrial production had declined
continuously since
the turn of the century, tourist inflows have dwindled to
almost a trickle
of those of less than ten years ago, most mining production
has fallen
catastrophically, and almost all other areas of the economy are
equally
emaciated
Employment levels have reduced continuously,
to less than 30% of 10
years ago, and inflation has soared upwards to the
world's highest levels,
with annual inflation now exceeding 15
000%.
And as government dogmatically and obdurately continues to
disregard
the inputs of the private sector as to the actual causes of the
cataclonic
economic collapse, and how to reverse it, and spuriously denies
any
responsibility for the economic chaos, instead unhesitatingly and
falsely
blaming others, the ongoing economic collapse is perceived by all to
be
inevitable.
Therefore, in order to sustain themselves, and
all their myriad of
dependants (including aged parents and other relations,
Aids orphans galore,
and numerous with permanent ailments worsened by
non-availability or
non-affordability of requisite health care), the
millions have gone to other
countries with more virile economies and
economic opportunities.
Most of those who have gone, and as are
presently going (at an
estimated rate of at least 10 000 per day), do so
with every intent to
return to Zimbabwe. However, for a majority of them
that will not happen,
except if unavoidable because of deportation by the
countries in which so
many have settled unlawfully. Even those who are
legitimately in those
countries, and who genuinely intended an eventual
return to Zimbabwe, are
unlikely to do so.
In part that is
because the Zimbabwean economic collapse is unending,
and there will soon be
no economy to return to, but to a major extent it is
due to their
establishing new roots. They meet others, get married, have
children,
acquire homes, enjoy career advancement, and so forth, overtaking
the
original intents of ultimate return to Zimbabwe.
So Zimbabwe has
effectively denuded itself of the skills. Zimbabwe has
fuelled the brain
drain. Zimbabwe has been the catalyst of the contraction
of its populace,
and of the socio-economic negatives of the overwhelming
loss of
skills.
Therefore, it has no basis to demand compensation for the
brain
drain - in fact, Zimbabwe should compensate the other countries for
accommodating so many without skills that have become burdens upon the
economies of those countries. A demand by Africa and, especially, a demand
by Zimbabwe, for brain drain compensation is a consummate
impertinence.
Zim Independent
Comment
HOW dissonant can our government be? In Lusaka
this week, Justice
minister Patrick Chinamasa was quoted in the press
dismissing prospects of
talks with the opposition MDC whom he accused of
carrying out violent acts
to seize power.
Chinamasa told
Zambian state television that "there can be no
justification to make us
(engage in) dialogue.
"There is no justification whatsoever for
committing violence against
innocent people." Chinamasa accused the
opposition of carrying out bombings
and arson. "They are only interested in
getting into power through
unconstitutional means," he said.
He
also said there was no need for political reform in Zimbabwe.
"Political reform is not necessary in my country because we are a
democracy
like any other democracy in the world," Reuters reported.
The
minister spoke on the eve of chief mediator South African
President Thabo
Mbeki's progress report on the dialogue which he has
painstakingly tried to
broker between the two parties.
Chinamasa's comments can be
regarded as political grandstanding ahead
of the heads of state meeting.
Chinamasa is Zanu PF's emissary in the
Pretoria discussions. The
deliberations have been progressing at the speed
of a glacier but the
engagement is there.
Chinamasa is confirming what we have long
observed, that his party is
not interested in the dialogue with the MDC. In
fact Zanu PF has only agreed
to engage the MDC out of respect for Sadc
heads. Zanu PF has insisted that
the MDC is a puppet outfit. The ruling
party wants to talk to the puppeteer
and not the puppets. This leaves the
MDC marooned at the conference table in
Pretoria with Mbeki's team. It is
now the opposition and civic organisations
who need these talks more than
Zanu PF which gives Mugabe greater leverage.
Here is President Mugabe
playing truant right in front of his Sadc peers. He
does not like their
efforts to restore normalcy in Zimbabwe and we do not
expect strong words of
condemnation from them. Indeed, misplaced solidarity
is the more likely
outcome.
Mbeki's reported claim that there was progress in the
discussions is a
case of the wish being father to the thought, perhaps based
on the number of
meetings held and not necessarily what has been agreed to
date. But what
progress Mr President? By saying that there is progress in
the dialogue,
Mbeki is literally taking sides with Mugabe here. He is happy
with what he
has achieved to date, so is Zanu PF which has tabled a
constitutional
amendment which runs contrary to the whole spirit of the
dialogue.
If anything, the gulf between the two parties has widened
since March.
There is more repression and even greater attempts to portray
the MDC as a
terrorist organisation, hence the pretence that drastic
measures are
justified against them.
What makes the cheap
propaganda from Chinamasa even more egregious is
that here is a minister
responsible for a justice system that has failed to
prove that the
opposition MDC carried out acts of violence aimed at removing
Mugabe from
power. Police who arrested scores of MDC activists in March and
April on
allegations of carrying out bombings and arson attacks in urban
centres have
dismally failed to prove their case in the courts.
The arson
attacks were President Mugabe's trump card in Dar es Salaam
when he tabled a
dossier chronicling the supposed acts of violence. He
courted sympathy from
his counterparts on the basis of a fictitious document
which was plastered
on the Internet for maximum effect. This was followed by
the state buying
editorial space in the New African magazine to peddle the
same
lies.
Even when this evidence has been discredited, the government
is
sticking with the game-plan of vending conspiracy theories about the MDC
and
the machinations by the West led by Britain and the United States. This
is a
strategy that has its roots in Zanu PF's age-old approach to politics
that
the opposition must be crushed. This has given rise to the adoption of
violent measures in dealing with any form of dissent. Only last month dozens
of National Constitutional Assembly demonstrators were hospitalised after
being beaten up by police in Harare. Chinamasa and his comrades in Zanu PF
consider this state violence against a peaceful protest normal and claim we
are a democracy like any other. He is wrong. Zimbabwe is a dictatorship that
is degenerating daily. As a result of government's campaign of repression,
"normalcy" is more elusive than ever. So is recovery.
Zim Independent
Candid Comment
By Dumisani Muleya
THINGS are rapidly and
irretrievably going from bad to worse. There is
barely any food or basic
commodities for survival in the supermarkets after
a government-engineered
policy tsunami swept across a swathe of the land,
leaving a trail of
destruction and mayhem in its ugly wake.
The current food crisis
triggered by the misguided price blitz is
compounded by the social and
economic collapse almost everywhere around us.
We do not have adequate water
supply or electricity, among other things, and
there is clearly no let up in
sight.
As the crisis deepens, the philosophy of Mugabe's bankrupt
regime is
increasingly becoming more frozen. Their thinking is polarised and
paranoid,
with dangerous emotional overtones and anxiety. Frankly speaking,
Mugabe's
tunnel vision won't take us anywhere.
Desperate
Zimbabweans are now flocking into neighbouring countries to
buy food -
including the staple mealie-meal, beef and salt - in a bid to
fend off
hunger. Clear conditions of a man-made famine - are now developing
in
Zimbabwe.
Famines are usually the product of drought, crop failure
and
pestilence, and man-made causes such as war or misguided economic
policies.
In Zimbabwe the problem is clearly man-made. Leadership
and policy
failures have caused the food shortages and suffering. A
disastrous cocktail
of repression, human rights abuses and economic collapse
have forced
Zimbabweans to flee to other countries. Our political and civil
liberties
have been eroded or taken away except the right to
starve!
While Zimbabwe is not facing famine, conditions for mass
starvation
are there. The country has no food in the shops, let alone grain
reserves.
The World Food Programme says a quarter of the population needs
food aid. We
are now relying on food handouts from poor countries such as
Malawi and
Zambia and buying goods from prospering neighbours such as South
Africa.
This is what is largely keeping us going.
Imagine if
Zimbabwe was surrounded by countries like Somalia, Sudan,
Djibouti, and
Niger, poor and chaotic nations, people would be staring
hunger in the face
without anywhere to scrounge for food. Neighbours, South
Africa, Botswana,
Mozambique and Zambia, are sustaining us.
During the Heroes' Day
holidays I travelled to Francistown, Botswana,
with friends from Bulawayo to
buy groceries. Supermarkets and shops in the
City of Kings are really empty.
On Wednesday at least one person died and
several others were injured in
Bulawayo when people standing in a queue for
sugar stampeded.
What we saw during the trip was both unbelievable and shocking:
Zimbabweans
scrambling across the border in droves to purchase everything
from salt to
mealie-meal. Banks and shops in Francistown are often
overcrowded by
Zimbabweans trying to change money and buy food.
Trucks and private
cars carrying containers for fuel are now a common
sight between Bulawayo
and Francistown. The influx of Zimbabweans into
Botswana - which used to be
one of the world's poorest countries in 1966
before post-colonial leaders
built the current economy - dramatises the
crisis here.
Everywhere we went, in malls, shops and food courts, one way or
another we
saw Zimbabwean-registered cars and people hunting for food.
Zimbabweans now
even jostle for beer in Botswana bars.
The stampede was
frightening, but drove home the point that Zimbabwe
has all but collapsed.
If a country can't feed itself when it used to be the
bread basket of the
region, what do you call that? Collapse, I suggest.
Botswana only
had eight kilometres of tarred road at Independence in
1966 and did not even
have its own currency. The South African rand was the
means of exchange. It
relied on little customs revenue, foreign loans and
grants for survival, but
through well-planned programmes of action and
vision, anchored in good
leadership and governance, it merged from poverty
to relative
prosperity.
While Botswana is a shining example of an African
country which has
tremendously developed after its Independence, Zimbabwe is
the exact
opposite. At Independence in 1980 Zimbabwe was the most
industrialised and
strongest economy in sub-Saharan Africa - outside South
Africa, but now it
has been reduced to a collapsing economy by a thoroughly
corrupt and
incompetent regime. The country is now a monument to
failure.
I spoke to a lot of friends - including respectable
members of our
society who fought the liberation struggle - who had also
gone to
neighbouring border towns such as Musina in South Africa, Chimoio in
Mozambique and Livingstone in Zambia to buy food. Apologists of the regime -
Mugabe's thought police and mind-guards - claim Zimbabweans are displaying
their purchasing power by flooding neighbouring countries. No one wants to
buy salt from a neighbouring country, but we don't have a choice. It's
desperation. No amount of spin, propaganada and lies can conceal the
spectacular failures of this regime. Efforts to cover up or to rationalise
its disastrous policies have so far failed miserably. Zimbabwe is now a
manual of how not to run a country, or how to run it down!
Mugabe's political heroics and rhetoric are irrelevant. People just
want
food, water and electricity, not revolutionary antics. If his
government
can't provide this, he must give us a break and go.
VOA
By Patience Rusere
Washington
16 August
2007
A faction of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for
Democratic Change on
Thursday asked the member nations of the Southern
African Development
Community, now in summit in Zambia, to expand the scope
of South African
mediated crisis talks.
A delegation led by Thokozani
Khupe, vice president of the opposition
faction headed by Morgan Tsvangirai,
distributed the letters to the
embassies of the SADC member nations in
Lusaka early Thursday shortly before
the summit's opening
session.
The MDC faction called for the crisis talks being mediated by
South African
President Thabo Mbeki to be concluded by October. It urged the
repeal of
Zimbabwe's Public Order and Security Act and the Access to
Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, and demanded an end to what it
described as
state-organized political violence.
Khupe told reporter
Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the
faction respects Mr.
Mbeki's mediation process but believes it must be
accelerated.
Please send any job opportunities for publication in this newsletter to: JAG Job
Opportunities; jag@mango.zw or justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Secretary/PA
required (preferably a displaced farmer’s wife
An opportunity has arisen
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Interested applicants should contact the JAG Office on
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Position for manager of Meat Factory in
RSA
I hope and pray that you are well in these difficult times
and
circumstances.
I have an opportunity for an honest hard working
couple who is destitute
though unforeseen uncontrollable
circumstances.
They would need to re-locate to De Aar where the wife can
run a Guest
House/Bed & Breakfast and husband can run a Meat Processing
facility/Biltong factory. I have everything re the business except the time to
run it. I only need able; hard working honest people. Profit sharing is a
possibility.
The success/failure will depend solely on the manager/s of
these
businesses.
The position is available immediately and is rather
URGENT.
Please reply to:
nigel.paul@mweb.co.za
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(Ad
inserted 19 July 2007)
SA ORGANIC FARMING
OPPORTUNITY
Organic/Bio-dynamic farmer or organic-oriented farmer with
mechanical skills required to operate 26 hectare certified organic small-holding
one hour east of Pretoria and Johannesburg. 8 hectares currently in production
with another 8 hectares to be developed growing vegetables. Poultry for eggs in
another opportunity. Would suit younger, energetic, hands-on, organized and
business-oriented couple. Must have mind-set to take direction and regularly
report to owner. House available. Profit sharing. References required.
Non-organic farmers will be considered as organic conversion training available.
Send details to e-mail: ged@africanorganics.org or fax: ++ 27 696 0750. Head
responses: "SA ORGANIC FARMING
OPPORTUNITY"
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(Ad
inserted 19 July 2007)
Unique Own Business Opportunity
To the
right person a rewarding opportunity exists to ‘operate your own business’ in
partnership with Zimbabwe and UK based businesses and a Non-Profit
Organisation. No financial investment is required of you, HOWEVER, this
opportunity has specific requirements which would be your contribution to the
‘partnership’.
Kindly Note:
This is not a ‘job’ - this is an
opportunity to ‘operate your own business’
Self righteous religious zealots
will not be considered
Timewasters will not be responded to
About
Us:
We are a low-profile service orientated business (inc 1994) and
organisation, providing commercial services to the business community, and
strictly confidential services to private clients, and non-profit
activities.
The Partners
The partners adopt a philosophical approach
to Life, believing in the significance of an individual’s need to find their
very own unique and special purpose, and to then live out their personal
dream.
About You
Business skills:
Excellence & proficiency
in: secretarial & office practises, written & spoken communication,
computer skills (especially MSOutlook & File Management)
Working
knowledge of Company formation procedures
Basic knowledge of computer
hardware (you know what’s in the tower)
Basic accounting experience -
accounts are contracted out
Willing to learn
LINUX
Responsibilities:
As the successful ‘partner’ person you will
be self-motivated, and competently & with dedication, carry out the daily
activities, expand the market of our services in Zimbabwe and further develop,
maintain & operate various Address Book data bases (Network
Marketing).
Personal attributes:
You will possess and be able to
practically demonstrate: personal responsibility, a high degree of personal
integrity and trustworthiness, that you are a ‘people person’ with compassion
and empathy, emotional maturity and stability. Good health and bodily
disposition. Be committed to staying....for the next year at least. An added
‘feather in your cap’ will be that you subscribe to the philosophy as expounded
in the movie and book - ‘The Secret”
Rewards
It goes without saying
that you will be generously rewarded
Quo Vadis
Write an Email letter
(attaching your Résumé) telling us sufficient about yourself that we would be
wanting to meet with you for consideration as a ‘partner’ in Zimbabwe.
Thomas Vallance ACIArb, Executive Director, PARADiGM
Trust(Pvt)Ltd
Trust Executives & Administrator, Para-Legal Advisory
Services
POBox HG750, Highlands, Email:
[paradigm@zol.co.zw]
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(Ad
inserted 19 July 2007)
Accountant / Bookkeeper - at least 3 years
experience required in the accounting field.
To work for a busy lodge,
friendly environment, Monday to Friday 8am to 5pm. Good package offered
including fuel. Please forward your CV's and References to wgl@hms.co.zw or post
to T J Cornish, Box BW198, Borrowdale,
Harare.
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(Ad
inserted 26 July 2007)
Vacancies
We are seeking to fill two
vacancies in our tourism related business in Kariba, these can be filled by
individuals or by a couple.
Senior bookkeeper / Accounts department
supervisor
This position requires an experienced Pastel bookkeeper to manage
our accounts department that consists of 3 additional staff. The successful
applicant will be required to supervise the entire accounting functions of the
company including cash controls and preparation of monthly trial balances and
management trading account reports. This is predominantly a female environment,
but the position may suit a retired male accountant seeking a quieter
lifestyle.
Workshops Manager
This position will require a more
mature person with considerable mechanical and maintenance experience as our
workshop, with a staff compliment of 10 employees, not only maintains a fleet of
speedboats and outboard motors, but also our property and buildings as well as
all types of maintenance on houseboats. Experience of outboard motors, while not
absolutely necessary, will be a distinct advantage.
Apply with CV to General
Manager at dernat@zol.co.zw
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(Ad
inserted 2 August 2007)
Cotton Production Specialist
A local
cotton company is seeking the full time services of an experienced cotton
consultant to work locally and in the region with contract growers. Applicants
to submit full C.V via email details of which are available through
0912233415.
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(Ad
inserted 2 August 2007)
QUALIFIED MECHANIC
Required to run a
workshop on a busy farm in Matabeleland North.
Applicants must have a
sound knowledge and long-term, hands-on experience in the servicing, maintaining
and repairing of a wide diversity of vehicles and equipment.
The
incumbent will be responsible for the supervising and development of workshop
staff and tractor drivers.
Administrative work would include the timely
procurement of inputs and spares, ensuring on-farm stocks and minimal downtime
of vehicles and equipment.
The ability to operate a lathe would be an
advantage.
The successful applicant will take up his post on 2nd January
2008.
Very competitive remuneration and fringe benefits are commensurate
with the job.
If you feel that you meet the requirements, send your CV
and traceable references to:
The Advertiser, Box 1288, Bulawayo or
email: pevans@mweb.co.zw or Phone:
085-309.
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(Ad
inserted 2 August 2007)
IT Technician
Wanted - IT Technician
with standard hardware and network experience.
Papers not necessary but need
somebody with reasonable common sense and motivation. Contact Donald on 091 2
258159 or
771101/771097-9.
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(Ad
inserted 2 August 2007)
BOOKKEEPER
Qualifications : Must have
excellent qualifications in Pastel Vs 7, 8, 9 and be proficient in Excel &
Word
Duties : Perform all
basic tasks of data capturing into Pastel and interpreting into Excel & Word
Spread Sheets
Balancing inter Company Accounts (no wages or salaries)
Produce monthly balances of Expense Accounts in
Pastel
Responsibilities : Ensuring daily sales are
accurate
Reporting to
Financial Manager & carrying out duties
allocated
Supervising Accounts
Clerk
Qualities :Well organised &
Punctual
Efficient &
Dynamic
Must work well under pressure & in
busy environment
Suit mature
female/male
Be prepared to work 6 day
week
Forward updated C.V. with contactable references to :
Glynis
Wiley, ABC Auctions, Hatfield House, Seke road, Harare
Telephone: 751343
/ 751498 or Email:
auctions@yoafrica.com
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(Ad
inserted 2 August 2007)
ACCOUNTS CLERK
Qualifications : Must be
very proficient in Excel, Word, Pastel and have good working knowledge of
VAT
Duties : Data capture from departments and interpretation
onto Spreadsheets
RTGs applications
Balancing spreadsheet to Pastel
Produce cheques & write
out orders
Responsibilities : Ensuring accurate daily data
capture
Reporting to Financial Manager &
carrying out duties allocated
Qualities : Well organised &
Punctual
Efficient &
Dynamic
Must work well under pressure & in busy
environment
Be prepared to work 6 day
week
Suite mature
female/male
Forward updated C.V. with contactable references to
:
Glynis Wiley, ABC Auctions, Hatfield House, Seke road,
Harare
Telephone: 751343 / 751498 or Email:
auctions@yoafrica.com
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(Ad
inserted 2 August 2007)
Accountant / Bookkeeper
At least 3
years experience required in the accounting field.
To work for a busy
lodge, friendly environment, Monday to Friday 8am to 5pm. Good package offered
including fuel. Please forward your CV's and References to wgl@hms.co.zw or post
to T J Cornish, Box BW198, Borrowdale,
Harare.
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(Ad
inserted 16 August 2007)
WORKSHOP MANAGER required
This position
will require a more mature person over the age of 35, with considerable
mechanical and maintenance experience of ERF and Renault trucks. Would prefer a
candidate with at least 5 years experience in this same position, who would be
able to manage the running of a fleet of cross-border trucks. Please send CV's
to Mahomed Abdulla at mahomed@ops.larkcon.co.zw
.
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(Ad
inserted 16 August 2007)
Cook and Gardener
I am looking for a
cook and gardener (preferably husband and wife team) to start immediately.
Accommodation is offered.
Please contact: Glenn 011888214 or email:
glenn@nt.co.zw
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EMPLOYMENT
SOUGHT
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(Ad
inserted 19 July 2007)
Employment Sought
I am an ex-Zimbabwean
farm manager with 6 years experience in Horticulture and just recently
established a 12.5 Ha project in Ethiopia working together with Richel and
Netafim. I also have 3 years experience in Dairy and Beef farming. I am looking
for a vacancy in any of these fields. My contact email is
brianschee@yahoo.com
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(Ad
inserted 2 August 2007)
Employment Sought
Position sought -
Finance, Salaries and Administration.
Work experience
Currently
serving as a Finance and Administration Officer for a regional
organisation.
17 years solid work experience, 8 in the NGO sector.
NGOs,
Embassies, Regional or International organisations preferred.
Current salary
in foreign currency.
Clean class 4 driver s
licence.
Qualifications
Diploma in Personnel Management.
Higher
National Diploma in Accounting.
Bachelor of Commerce Degree majoring in
Finance.
Contact details
Juliah Murima – 04-2920769 home, 0912699258
cell, 091405281 husband
Email murimao@yahoo.com or
oliver@uz-ucsf.co.zw
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(Ad
inserted 16 August 2007)
Administrator
I am mature lady with 14
years working experience in Administration and Human Resources. I am currently
working at the University of Zimbabwe in the Human Resources Department. I hold
A Bsc in Sociology from The University of Zimbabwe and Certificates in Human
Resources Management. I am looking for employment either as an Administrator in
Human Resources. My contact is Mrs Hove 011218590 or 333524 or 492348. My e-mail
address
hoveh@admin.uz.co.zw.
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For
the latest listings of accommodation available for farmers, contact
justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw