http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
17 August
2011
Robert Mugabe has stirred a hornet’s nest over the death of retired
army
general Solomon Mujuru by saying: “I have never seen a person die in
such a
horrific manner, we are all shocked.” Mugabe was addressing mourners,
including Vice President Joice Mujuru, who were gathered at the One Commando
barracks where Mujuru’s charred remains were taken.
The comments
immediately drew criticism from the families of opposition
activists who
were brutally murdered in similar, if not more brutal fashion,
by state
security agents working for the regime. Victims of the Gukurahundi
Massacres
and MDC-T activists like Tonderai Ndira, Abigail Chiroto, Tichaona
Chiminya,
Talent Mabika and others all died truly horrible deaths at the
hands of
Mugabe’s henchmen.
If Mugabe’s memory is to be blamed for the remarks we
would like to remind
him of some incidents, like the death in 2008 of
Abigail Chiroto, the wife
of the MDC-T Deputy Mayor for Harare Emmanuel
Chiroto. On the 16th June 2008
a ZANU PF mob descended on the Chiroto house
in Hatcliffe. On seeing Chiroto
was not there they destroyed the house using
a petrol bomb. The mob then
abducted his 26 year old wife Abigail and their
four-year-old son Ashley.
Fortunately for Ashley the mob decided to dump
him outside a police station
but his mother was not as lucky as they took
her to a nearby farm. Two days
later on the 18th June Abigail was found
brutally murdered. She was
discovered with a gunshot wound to the head and a
deep cut on her stomach. A
post-mortem report showed she had been savagely
assaulted and her limbs
broken. Police have made no arrests, despite one of
the killers still using
a mobile phone stolen from Abigail.
In May
2008 prominent MDC-T activist Tonderai Ndira was abducted from his
home in
Mabvuku by state security agents. According to his brother Barnabas
Ndira,
Tonderai’s body was found by police at a farm in Goromonzi and taken
to the
mortuary at Parirenyatwa. He said because the body was partially
decomposed
his relatives could only identify him by his legs and a wristlet
he always
wore.
He was severely beaten, including deep wounds in his back and
broken
knuckles. According to Cosmas Ndira: “His jaw was shattered, his
knuckles
broken, a bullet hole below his heart, many, many stab wounds and a
large
hole at the back of his head which seemed to have been caused by a
hammer.”
In the run up to parliamentary elections in 2000 Tichaona
Chiminya and
fellow activist Talent Mabika, who worked as campaign aides to
Morgan
Tsvangirai, were brutally murdered when state security agent Joseph
Mwale
and Kainos ‘Kitsiyatota’ Zimunya petrol bombed their election campaign
vehicle during an ambush in Buhera.
Sanderson Makombe who survived
the ambush told SW Radio Africa he escaped
into the bush and watched as
Zimunya and Mwale threw petrol into the car and
set it alight. Vastly
outnumbered and faced with thugs armed with AK-47
rifles he watched
powerlessly as his colleagues Mabika and Chiminya got out
of the car and ran
‘across the fields burning like balls of flames.’
During the Gukurahundi
Massacres in the Matabeleland and Midlands provinces
over 20,000 people were
slaughtered by the notorious Fifth Brigade army
unit. During the period,
which Mugabe admitted was a ‘moment of madness’,
pregnant women were
bayoneted in the stomach with AK47 rifles. Most victims
were forced to dig
their own graves before being shot in public executions.
It’s thought the
largest number killed in one incident was on the banks of
the Cewale River
in Lupane when, in March 1983 62 young men and women were
shot at, resulting
in 55 deaths and serious injury to 7. Another often used
tactic by the Fifth
Brigade was to burn large groups of people after locking
them in their
huts.
Mugabe talking about how ‘horrific’ the manner of Mujuru’s death
is, when
his own troops have done worse to thousands of opposition
supporters has
left a sour taste in the mouths of many.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
17 August
2011
The death of retired army General Solomon Mujuru in a farm house
fire on
Tuesday has raised more questions than answers. SW Radio Africa
correspondent Simon Muchemwa visited the farm in Beatrice and after several
interviews with farm workers and other witnesses said a lot of questions
were begging for answers.
The role of the fire brigade in responding
to the fire has been questioned.
Farm workers say the fire broke out around
1am in the morning but the fire
brigade only arrived around 6am. As the
state media itself pointed out, the
fire brigade did not even have water and
had to fetch it from surrounding
areas several kilometers
away.
Muchemwa told SW Radio Africa the farm was also guarded by two
policemen
whose post was only about 50 metres away from where Mujuru died,
and it’s
being questioned how and why they failed to react to the fire. The
fire
would have also burned noisily and would have easily been
heard.
Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena on Tuesday said: "So far,
initial
investigations reveal that the fire could have been caused by a
candle lit
by a domestic servant when lights went out. That position is not
conclusive
as we are still carrying out more investigations.”
But a
farmer worker who spoke to SW Radio Africa on Tuesday said when Mujuru
came
back to the farm the electricity had come back on, suggesting there
would
have been no need for the use of candles at that time. It’s also not
clear
why candles would be needed, given the farm had a generator according,
to
the farm worker.
Our correspondent spoke to an army colonel at the site
who expressed concern
that Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa’s son was one
of the earliest
people to be spreading the news about Mujuru’s demise.
Mujuru and Mnangagwa
head rival ZANU PF factions battling to succeed Mugabe,
so the conclusions
to be drawn are also fuelling intense
speculation.
Many people interviewed by SW Radio Africa are struggling to
understand why
a retired general with military training could fail to escape
from a house
on fire which had windows just a metre above the ground. The
spot where
Mujuru’s body was found was also very near the door and there is
no
suggestion this door was locked. Additionally even the large windows do
not
have burglar bars.
Another journalist who spoke to SW Radio
Africa said: “He can’t be burnt to
that level without attempting to run
away. Are they saying no-one heard his
cries. He was alone in an 18-roomed
house? This is fishy, why are people
saying they found him dead, how can a
fire break out for that long in a
compound only to find a person dead, he
could have been calling for help if
he was at all trapped?”
Meanwhile
our correspondent Simon Muchemwa also told us the radio
communications at
the farm were not working. “When we got there they were
actually fixing the
radio on the day.” The borehole at the farm was also not
working and this
made putting out the fire an even harder task as there was
no water
nearby.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Taurai Mangudhla
Wednesday, 17 August 2011
11:28
HARARE - Mystery shrouds circumstances that led to the death of
retired army
general and national hero Solomon Mujuru (62), husband to Vice
President,
Joice in an inferno at his Beatrice farm
yesterday.
Mujuru, one of the most respected war veterans in the
country, helped
President Robert Mugabe’s rise to power in the 70s after
some liberation
fighters questioned the 87-year-old leaders’
credentials.
He stood by Mugabe despite fierce resistance.
This is
when Mujuru earned the nickname, “Kingmaker” and it is the reason
why Mugabe
still feels indebted to the late former army general.
Mujuru died
yesterday at his Beatrice farm when the house he was sleeping in
went ablaze
but it was not clear what caused the fire with conflicting
statements coming
from farm workers, politicians and the police.
Added to the mystery is
the fact that Mujuru’s bedroom is 50 metres away
from where police guarding
the premises were stationed.
Some workers interviewed by the Daily News
at the farm said the fire was
started by a candle, others said it was an
electrical fault while others
claimed it was deliberately started by
Mujuru’s enemies although they did
not provide evidence.
Given the
bitter succession battle which is escalating in Zanu PF, most
Zimbabweans
yesterday questioned how the former army commander could have
perished in a
fire.
A visit to the Mujuru farm by the Daily News yesterday points to
the fact
that Mujuru could have been trapped in the house when it caught
fire.
The remains of the late Zanu PF politburo member were found near
the door of
the family’s home, a sign that he
was trying to escape from
the inferno. This was confirmed by farm workers at
the scene.
“When
we got to the scene, most of the fire was around the bedroom area
where he
was sleeping,” said a worker who requested not to be named.
There were
rumours that gunshots were heard before the inferno but this was
quickly
shot down by the workers saying it could have been windows and the
roof
exploding.
Normally, when asbestos is exposed to extensive heat, it
produces sounds,
which in this particular case, could have been mistaken for
the gunshots.
Mujuru’s farm clerk, Steven Arineyo told the Daily News
that workers noticed
the fire — which eventually wrecked most of the roof —
around 1am yesterday.
The workers finally managed to gain entry into the
house two hours later.
“I noticed that the house had caught fire and we
started fetching water to
put it out from a stream about two-and-a-half
kilometres away.
“It was difficult to stop the huge fire without fire
fighting equipment,”
said the farm worker.
"We managed to get to him
at about 3am but it was too late as he had already
died. He was burnt beyond
recognition and was glued to the floor that
workers had to use shovels to
remove his charred remains."
What further creates more questions is how
Mujuru, known to have taken part
in the vicious liberation war, failed to
help himself out of the house at
the particular moment when it caught
fire.
A man who was with Mujuru a few hours before he died claimed the
former army
general had taken three beers at a local motel before deciding
to go and
rest at around 7pm.
“I was with the general myself and he
only took three or so beers before he
retired to bed. He told me that he was
set to travel for some business in
Polokwane the following morning
(Tuesday),” said one source.
Other stories revealed that Mujuru had to
get spare keys from his housemaid
who resides at the farm’s compound as he
had forgotten his set of keys in
Harare.
Farm workers confirmed that
Mujuru arrived at his farmhouse alone.
In a condolence message, President
Robert Mugabe said Mujuru’s death had
left a void in the country.
“I
learnt with a deep sense of shock and sorrow of the death of General
Solomon
Mujuru Tapfumaneyi in a fire mishap at his Beatrice farm early this
morning
(yesterday).”
“This horrific tragedy, the full details of which are still
coming, has
robbed the nation of a veteran commander of our war of national
liberation.”
“As we grieve his tragic departure, we recall and celebrate
the exceptional
leadership he showed in the run-up to our independence, most
markedly in
1979 as we drifted into the uncertainties of Ceasefire and
subsequent tense
General Elections of 1980."
Above all, we recall
with the admiration how he successfully steered the
delicate Integration
Exercise which brought together the three warring
armies of the Patriotic
Front on the one hand, and the remnant Rhodesian
Army on the other, moulding
both into one solid and disciplined national
defence force which he
commanded until his
retirement in 1992.
“Today, Zimbabwe boasts a
professional defence force traceable to his
pioneering command,” said
Mugabe.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said Mujuru was an undisputed
national hero
who would be remembered for his sterling role in the
liberation struggle and
his outstanding and distinguished service in the
country’s military.
“It is indeed tragic that we have lost a patriot who
served his country with
honour and distinction. The painful national story
of our liberation cannot
be told without mentioning the name Rex Nhongo, a
true and gallant son of
the soil,” he said.
Meanwhile, investigations
into the cause of the fire and Mujuru’s death are
underway. Police forensic
unit personnel at the scene told journalists that
results of the inquiry
would be made public in due course.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Bridget Mananavire, Staff Writer
Wednesday, 17 August
2011 18:04
HARARE - Retired army General Solomon Mujuru’s death in an
inferno yesterday
morning exposes how service delivery has virtually
collapsed, 31 years into
the independence the late national hero fought
for.
There were reports yesterday that there was no electricity at
the farm and
even more shocking, were revelations that the Fire Brigade, as
has become
the norm around the country, arrived at the scene without
water.
Steven Arineyo, a worker at the farm told the Daily News yesterday
that it
took four hours for the Fire Brigade team to get to Mujuru’s
Beatrice farm
house, which is about 60km from Harare.
“The Fire
Brigade was informed of the fire at around 1am and only got here
around 5am.
We had to get water to put out the fire from a stream more than
two
kilometres away,” Arineyo said.
“We carried the water using bowsers
(tanks) and pulled them with tractors
and only managed to put out the fire
around the area where General Mujuru’s
body was at around 3am. But that time
he had already been burnt beyond
recognition,” he said.
With reports
that cabinet ministers recently splashed close to $20 million
on luxurious
vehicles, while the Fire Brigade is running around without
enough equipment,
it shows how mismanagement of the economy has left the
country run
down.
Two months ago, Harare Mayor Muchadeyi Masunda said the city was at
risk of
major disasters as they were not adequately equipped to attend to
major fire
outbreaks.
“I want to be frank, the City of Harare’s fire
department is facing imminent
collapse. The only working fire tenders are
four, of which these have their
own problems. Honestly, we do not have the
capacity to deal with any serious
fires,” said Masunda.
Mujuru’s
death is one of many that are occurring around Zimbabwe due to a
collapse in
service delivery while ministers spend millions on luxury cars.
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com/
17/08/2011 18:39:00 FAITH ZABA
The Zanu PF
faction, led by the late retired army commander General Solomon
Mujuru, said
yesterday they will regroup immediately after his burial to
restrategise.
In separate interviews at Mujuru’s Chisipite home,
members of his faction
said they had been robbed of a pillar and an
anchor.
Mujuru died in a fire early on Tuesday at his Alamein Farm in
Beatrice,
south of Harare. He was burnt beyond recognition and what remained
of his
body was put in a plastic bag and taken to 1 Commando
barracks.
They said they were planning to meet soon after the burial,
which is set for
Saturday, to pave the way forward.
“We want to bury
General Mujuru first and then meet as a group soon after
his burial to
restrategise and decide how we move forward after this tragic
death,” said
one key member of the faction, who was very close to Mujuru.
“We will
fight our wars after he is buried. There are too many questions
that need to
be answered. We will deal with that after the funeral. At the
moment we just
want to mourn him and lay him to rest,” said a member.
Another member of
the faction pointed out that it was going to be difficult
for their camp to
find someone tough and strong enough to replace Mujuru.
“This is very
difficult for us and we have been dealt a heavy blow. It is
going to be very
difficult for us to replace him. There is no one in our
camp tough enough
and courageous enough to fit into his shoes,” he said.
“We admit that we
will not be able to replace him, but we will regroup and
restrategise the
best way forward and make sure that we remain strong as a
faction.”
Mujuru’s faction was robbed of a pillar, rallying figure
and key strategist
in the succession battle.
Mujuru, who headed the
military for more than a decade after independence,
was behind his wife’s
(Joice) ascendency to the Vice-Presidency.
Vice-President Mujuru had
counted on her husband’s support to help her rise
to the helm of the party
after President Robert Mugabe leaves
office. -NewsDay
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare, August 17, 2011 -
Retired army General, Solomon Mujuru who died in a
mysterious fire at his
Beatrice farm on Monday night has been declared a
national hero by Zanu PF
politburo as police investigates continue to find
out what happened to the
former commander of Zimbabwe's liberation struggle.
"The politburo
met today and unanimously declared that Comrade Solomon
Mujuru a national
hero. He will be buried on Saturday," Zanu PF spokesperson
Rugare Gumbo said
on Wednesday.
Mujuru, who was husband to Vice President Joice Mujuru was
burnt beyond
recognition and police have launched a probe to find out out
what happened
to one of the commanders of Zimbabwe African National
Liberation Army
(ZANLA) during the 1970's war of liberation. He died aged
62.
No statement has been issued on the circumstances that led to his
death.
Mujuru served as commander in the Zimbabwe National Army from 1980
and was
promoted to a full General in 1992, the year he later retired. He
was Member
of Parliament for Chikomba from 1994 to the year 2000.
In
a shocking move President Robert Mugabe appointed Vice President Joice
Mujuru the acting President at a time when she is mourning her husband. The
other Vice President, John Nkomo is reportedly ill.
Mugabe went to
the annual Sadc summit in Luanda, Angola on Tuesday.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE – August 17,
2011 - In a shocking move that confirmed the ill health
of Zimbabwean Vice
President John Landa Nkomo, President Robert Mugabe
announced Joice Mujuru
would be acting president, when he is away in Angola
for the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) summit a few hours
after the death of
her husband Solomon.
Vice President Nkomo was last month reportedly
admitted to a South African
hospital with a “life threatening”
cancer-related illness. The reports
alleged that Nkomo was "weak and unable
to walk unaided" when he was
admitted at the unnamed private
clinic.
Nkomo, 76, has not appeared in public over the past two weeks
following the
reports that he had collapsed at his home in Harare before
being airlifted
to South Africa.
Efforts to get a comment from the
Nkomo family proved fruitless as the
landline to the Nkomo residents in
Harare’s Milton Park was not being
answered.
Vice President Mujuru
appeared on ZBC TV looking very distraught and
traumatised by the death of
her husband in a fire accident at their farm
house in Beatrice, early
Tuesday morning.
The Police’s forensics team was investigating the cause
of the fire which
engulfed the entire house and burnt the former army
general's body beyond
recognition.
The body has since been taken to
one commando barracks for more pathological
tests to ascertain the real
cause of death.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Tonderai Kwenda in
Angola
Wednesday, 17 August 2011 17:13
HARARE - The 31st edition
of the Sadc summit kicks off today with reports of
last-minute attempts by
regional leaders to bring the Zimbabwe political
feud to an end ahead of the
meeting.
Sadc appointed facilitator, Jacob Zuma, was last night
reported to have met
Zambian Vice President, George Konda who is
representing President Rupiah
Banda, the outgoing chairperson of the Sadc
organ troika and Mozambican
President Armando Guebuza, to try and solve the
Zimbabwean crisis before the
summit.
The last meeting of Troika took
place in April, in Livingstone, Zambia.
The Troika leaders met yesterday
evening to discuss the Zimbabwean problem
as well as other regional hotspots
such as Madagascar, Malawi and the
Democratic Republic of Congo.
Sadc
executive secretary, Tomaz Salamao told the Daily News that the summit
was a
review meeting of the political situation in the region.
“This is an
ordinary summit and not a meeting of any specific issue. It will
discuss
Zimbabwe and other issues facing the region,” said Salamao last
night."
Lindiwe Zulu, the spokesperson of the South African
facilitation team told
the Daily News that: “The parties have agreed to
timeliness of the electoral
road map as directed by the last Sadc summit but
there are outstanding
issues and these will be dealt with by the
principals,” said Zulu.
http://www.iol.co.za
August 17 2011 at 06:49pm
By Joshua Howat
Berger
Luanda - Southern African leaders met on Wednesday for a two-day
summit in
Angola, but were largely silent on growing unrest in the region
and ongoing
leadership battles in Zimbabwe and Madagascar.
The
meeting of the 15-nation Southern African Development Community (SADC)
comes
on the heels of recent crackdowns on anti-government protests in
Malawi and
Swaziland, which join the other crises on the list of regional
leaders'
headaches.
The SADC is under pressure to show its commitment to democracy
in the region
at the summit in the Angolan capital, Luanda, but Wednesday's
opening
ceremony made no direct references to the spreading political
turmoil.
Angolan President Jose Eduardo dos Santos said in a written
welcome message
that the summit would allow regional leaders to “harmonise
our positions
regarding key current affairs issues that may affect the peace
and stability
necessary to ensure sustainable development and the
consolidation of
democracy.”
But dos Santos, the SADC's incoming
chair, did not mention what a group of
southern African civil society
leaders described last week as the region's
growing list of “problem
cases”.
Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba, the organisation's
outgoing chair,
said “progress” had been made by SADC mediation teams trying
to resolve the
protracted stand-offs in Zimbabwe and Madagascar, but did not
elaborate
except to say that “all these issues were dealt with” at an SADC
meeting in
June.
The SADC has been criticised for dragging its feet
in the Zimbabwe and
Madagascar crises, which its mediators have so far
failed to definitively
resolve.
In Zimbabwe, long-time President
Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai are deadlocked over when
to hold new elections.
The two leaders share power in a tense “unity
government” formed to halt the
country's economic and political tailspin
after a bloody and contested
presidential election in 2008.
Mugabe
insists new polls go ahead this year, with or without the new
constitution
agreed to in the power-sharing deal. Tsvangirai wants reforms
to be
implemented first.
Regional mediators also have yet to find a solution to
the impasse in
Madagascar, which was suspended from the SADC in March 2009
after elected
president Marc Ravalomanana was ousted by Andry Rajoelina,
then mayor of the
capital Antananarivo.
There was no chair for the
Indian Ocean island nation at the summit's
opening ceremony.
Malawian
President Bingu wa Mutharika was also notably absent from the
summit.
His country was shaken last month when 19 people were killed
as security
forces used live ammunition to put down demonstrations against
Mutharika,
whom protesters accused of becoming increasingly autocratic amid
an economic
downward spiral.
After the deadly unrest, the SADC sent
an observer mission to the country
that is expected to report back to the
summit.
Malawian police tightened security in main cities Wednesday in
case of more
protests, even though organisers had a day earlier postponed
nationwide
vigils.
Swaziland's King Mswati III, Africa's last
absolute monarch, also faces
growing anti-government sentiment. The tiny
kingdom erupted in protest in
April over proposals to slash government
workers' salaries amid a financial
crisis that has seen Mbabane beg South
Africa for money. - Sapa-AFP
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
17 August, 2011
South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma has
remained the chief mediator on the
Zimbabwe crisis after assuming his new
role of chairing the Organ on
Security (the Troika), at the SADC summit in
Luanda on Tuesday.
The news was announced by SADC’s Executive Secretary,
Dr. Tomaz Salomao, who
briefed reporters after a meeting of the Troika on
Tuesday evening. He said
the Troika also noted progress in Zimbabwe’s
negotiations and continuing
disagreements over the elections roadmap and the
GPA.
The facilitator reports to the Troika on Zimbabwe’s progress and
ZANU PF had
used the state run Herald newspaper last week to campaign for
Zuma’s removal
due to a “conflict of interest”. But Dr. Salomao said no
formal objections
had been raised by any party during the Troika
meeting.
Salomao also told reporters that the Troika had noted “progress”
by Zimbabwe’s
political parties, saying they were close to agreement on
dates for a
referendum on the Constitution and dates for
elections.
But Zim civic groups, lobbying for democracy, said they feared
that
elections may be held before critical reforms are made.
A
statement from the Crisis Coalition said: “We fear that SADC could support
a
premature discussion of election dates in the absence of critical reforms
that guarantee prevention of violence, independent electoral management
institutions and the holding of free and fair elections with the result that
Zimbabwe will go into another sham election whose outcome SADC may
endorse.”
Meanwhile Robert Mugabe is reported to have arrived in Luanda
late Tuesday.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Defence Minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa and
other senior ZANU-PF officials are part of the
delegation.
Prime Minister Tsvangirai reportedly met with Angolan President
Dos Santos
over dinner to brief him on the ongoing negotiations for an
elections
roadmap. It has emerged that Tsvangirai was officially invited to
the summit
through the Executive Secretary’s office. Earlier Zimbabwe state
media
reports had suggested the Prime Minister was not formally
invited.
The Congress of South African Trade Unions issued a strongly
worded
statement criticizing President Dos Santos for allowing the detention
and
deportation of civic society officials who had come to Luanda last week.
A
group of 17 activists were deported upon arrival at the airport without
explanation. Two Mozambican journalists were also deported.
Then this
week a delegation of Zimbabwean activists were detained for hours
and
hundreds of copies of lobbying material on the Zimbabwean crisis were
seized
by Angolan authorities.
“This is unacceptable, particularly coming from
someone assigned with the
responsibility of providing leadership to the
whole region at a time when
the challenge of democracy, human rights and
economic justice are daunting
throughout the region,” Cosatu said in a
statement Wednesday.
The union said the incidents also bring into
question “Angola’s own record
of freedom of political activity, free flow of
information and right to
expression”.
http://www.voanews.com
16 August
2011
The MDC formation of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai says a
democratic
transition cannot be achieved through free and fair elections if
the
military, the police and other security services continue to meddle in
the
process
Violet Gonda | Washington
In recent months
the issue of security sector reform has moved to the center
of talks within
Zimbabwe's chronically troubled power sharing government.
The Movement
for Democratic Change formation of Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai says a
democratic transition cannot be achieved through free and
fair elections if
the military, the police and other security services
continue to meddle in
the process.
The phrase security sector reform has become highly
politically charged,
however, with ZANU-PF officials bristling over the
perceived slight to the
liberation heritage and, where regional mediation is
concerned, the
perceived violation of national
sovereignty.
Zimbabwe’s constitution says the army, police and Central
Intelligence
Organization, must be non-partisan with allegiance to no single
party but to
the nation as a whole.
Since Zimbabwe's national unity
government was formed in February 2009, both
formations of the MDC have
hoped for more accountability on the part of the
military, but to little
avail. So the two former opposition parties are
pressing now for
reforms.
Civil society also says such reform is essential before the next
elections
are held.
Various service chiefs and senior officers have
made what some see as
unconstitutional - even treasonous - statements
regarding Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and the outcome of eventual
national elections. Yet
President Robert Mugabe and Defense Minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa say Zimbabwe’s
military is above reproach.
Thus
security sector reform is a key point of dispute in drawing up the
election
road map that South African President Jacob Zuma as mediator in
Harare is
expected to present to SADC this week. But it is not entirely
clear what
proponents of reform really want.
Jameson Timba, a minister of state in
the prime minister’s office, says
reform has more to do with the attitudes
of senior military branch
commanders than with the law.
MDC formation
leader Welshman Ncube says the security sector is an armed
wing of ZANU-PF,
and this cannot continue. He says Zimbabwe’s laws on the
military are like
those of other nations, but politicians have abused the
defense
forces.
Retired Major Cairo Mhandu, ZANU-PF lawmaker for Mazowe North and
a member
of the parliamentary committee on defense, dismissed demands for
reform,
saying it is unnecessary as the Defense Act and Police Act offer
sufficient
safeguards. He says the MDC is pushing reform as a means to
remove certain
service chiefs.
Proponents of reform say the 2008
Global Political Agreement for power
sharing states that security forces
took a partisan role in the last
elections.
Martin Rupiya, executive
director of the Africa Public Policy and Research
Institute, says the pact
stipulated the need for reform and recommended the
passage of an
Intelligence Act. But he adds that its signatories have
reinterpreted parts
of the agreement.
The GPA signatories also agreed to set up the National
Security Council to
oversee the national security establishment. But Ncube
says that
“regrettably” the National Security Council wields little
authority, while
the Joint Operations Command of senior military, police and
intelligence
officials continues to function clandestinely.
The two
MDC formations and other observers say the main obstacle or threat
to the
unity government and to an eventual democratic transition is the
security
sector elite whose terms have been unilaterally extended by
President
Mugabe.
Rupiya notes that many African countries following liberation
placed their
military under civilian control. Even in the Southern African
region where
liberation was a relatively recent process, countries like
South Africa are
now more focused on development issues and maintain small
military
establishments. But Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle has been
personalized and
senior military officials answer only to President
Mugabe.
Executive Director Gabriel Shumba of the South African-based
Zimbabwe Exiles
Forum said ZANU-PF's refusal to discuss reform can only
further delay
elections, and therefore SADC, guarantor of power sharing with
the African
Union, should intervene.
But ZANU-PF says SADC should not
meddle in the military affairs of a member
nation.
Mhandu said the
contentious issue should be referred to the parliamentary
committee on home
affairs and defense. But Ncube said the president as the
commander in chief
must demand that senior military officers heed the laws
regarding their
conduct.
Otherwise, Ncube maintained, SADC has the right and the means to
pressure
Harare on this issue. Critics say little of substance has been
achieved
through SADC mediation in Zimbabwe. But Rupiya believes the
regional
grouping remains fully engaged.
This week’s summit may
reveal the extent to which SADC leaders are willing
to push Mr. Mugabe and
ZANU-PF to reform the military to allow free and fair
elections.
http://www.radiovop.com
Gweru, August 18,2011 - Zimbabweans have
called on President Robert Mugabe
and disputed leader of the smaller faction
of the Movement of Democratic
Change (MDC) Arthur Mutambara to quit politics
according to recent results
of the Mass Public Opinion Institute (MPOI)
poll.
Presenting the MPOI findings of the research held in July in
five provinces,
Principal Researcher, Stephen Ndoma, said when they asked
respondents on
what they would tell political figures if given a chance to
advise them,
most of the respondents said they would advise Mugabe to retire
while he
still commanded respect while the common message to Mutambara was
to quit
politics.
A Mashonaland Central male said:“I would tell him
(Mugabe) that we
appreciate all he did for the country since 1980 but that
it is unacceptable
for him to continue holding onto power. I would also ask
him to follow
Mandela’s (Nelson) footsteps and retire.”
A Masvingo
male said: “I would tell Mutambara to quit politics because he is
not
representing anything or anyone. I would tell him that he is a parasite
and
should leave politics and ask him to become a politician first before he
gets into politics.”
According to the findings, Matabeleland South
described Mutambara as driven
by greed and urged him to give the legitimate
MDC president elected at a
congress early this year, Welshman Ncube a chance
to be deputy Prime
Minister. Mutambara was also urged by the respondents to
pursue his robotics
career.
Mutambara has refused to step down as
leader of the MDC party after he was
ousted by Ncube at the party’s congress
earlier this year, citing
irregularities.
However some respondents
said they were not aware of what Ncube stood for
either while others said
they did not know him. Others said he should join
the larger faction of the
MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
The research, whose purpose
was to monitor the performance of the inclusive
Government, also revealed
that the common messages to Tsvangirai were that
of encouragement and to
develop the country.
One of the research respondents said about
Tsvangirai: “If I happen to meet
him, I would tell him to be strong and keep
on fighting for people’s rights.
He should not be afraid even if they
continue intimidating him.”
On the Economic direction of the country,
most respondents concurred that
while things had stabilised after the
formation of the Unity government, the
economy was now again on a downturn
agreeing that the USD the common used
currency was hard to get.
One
respondent noted: “Money is very difficult to get, you can go for two
weeks
without getting a mere rand (R1).”
Mass Public Opinion Institute is an
Independent Research Institute in
Zimbabwe. The research was carried out in
Mashonaland East, Mashonaland
Central, Masvingo, Matebeleland South and
North.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
17 August
2011
An Anglican priest and his family have been forced to flee their
Mabvuku
home after they were driven out by supporters of Nolbert
Kunonga.
Reverend Dzikamai Mudenda and his family were threatened by the
Kunonoga
mob, which carried copies of a shock court ruling giving the
renegade
Anglican Bishop control over church assets. The Supreme Court has
ruled that
Kunonga, together with six other trustees, is the custodian of
the Anglican
Church’s assets in Zimbabwe until the matter has been finalised
in the
courts.
According to the registrar for the Anglican Diocese of
Harare, Kunonga
supporters have been traveling to vestries and parishes
around the country,
with copies of the Supreme Court judgement. They have
also been demanding
that the church officers leave. The registrar is quoted
as saying that other
priests have also been ordered to leave.
Bishop
Chad Gandiya, head of the diocese, has meanwhile expressed fears that
the
evictions would disrupt the work of the church and said arrangements
were
being made to provide shelter for those affected.
“I now know that all
our priests who were still in parish rectories have
received the stamped
latest court judgment delivered by Kunongas people and
in one incident they
were in the company of the police,” Gandiya is quoted
as saying in an email
message to the Ecumenical News International news
service.
“They told
our priests to move out. Our parishes are busy finding
alternative
accommodation for them. We don’t know who he is going to put in
these
houses. This is not going to be easy at all. It will disrupt their
family
life and ministry,” Gandiya wrote.
The global head of the Anglican Church
meanwhile is reportedly due to visit
Zimbabwe in October to deal with the
situation. The Anglican Archbishop of
Canterbury, Rowan Williams, is said to
be pressing to meet Mugabe over the
matter. SW Radio Africa was unable to
get confirmation from Williams’ office
on Wednesday.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
17 August 2011
An
MDC-T councillor in Bulawayo has been arrested and beaten by police over
the
alleged murder of an unidentified person.
Ward 29 Councillor Monica
Lubimbi was arrested early Tuesday morning by
homicide officers and taken to
Donnington police station. SW Radio Africa’s
correspondent Lionel Saungweme
said that Lubimbi has been seriously beaten
and needs medical
attention.
Lubimbi was taken to Bulawayo Central police station on
Wednesday and
charged with collaborating with the murder of the unknown
individual.
Saungweme reported that at least five other people have also
been arrested
in connection with the death, and they are also being
detained.
“Sources told me that Lubimbi was seriously assaulted with the
butt of a
rifle and with a drink bottle. She had swelling on her knees and
elbows and
was seen today with blood on her clothing,” Saungweme
said.
Saungweme added that police have tried to cover up the fact that
Lubimbi was
beaten, by forcing her to wash the blood off when they heard a
lawyer had
been called. But Saungweme explained that Lubimbi could barely
walk.
“A person who is thought to be responsible for bringing the
councillor into
this, is a person who is alleged to have asked for financial
assistance from
her council, which was denied,” Saungweme
explained.
He added: “At this point it may be sour grapes that she has
been caught up
in this situation.”
Lubimbi is expected to appear for
a remand hearing at the Bulawayo
magistrate’s court on Friday. Her lawyer
meanwhile is set to make an urgent
application at the High Court for her
bail. Until then, she will be held at
Donnington police station.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tererai Karimakwenda
17
August, 2011
The critical issue of security sector reform took centre
stage at the
opening of an NGO Expo in Harare on Wednesday, as civic groups
united in
calling for a roadmap to “sustainable peace” in
Zimbabwe.
Organized by the National Association of Non-Governmental
Organizations
(NANGO), the expo provides an annual opportunity for NGOs to
showcase their
work and a platform to discuss themes that affect NANGO
members.
This year the theme was “Civil Society-Uniting to Create the
Road Map to
Peace”. NANGO’s deputy director, Machinda Marongwe, told SW
Radio Africa
that the theme was appropriate in an environment where
political and human
rights activists continue to be harassed and
prosecuted.
The aim of the morning conference was to discuss issues that
are hindering
peace in the country. “Security sector reform came out as the
most critical
issue keeping the country from being peaceful and NANGO
resolved to petition
the inclusive government to make sure that our national
institutions are not
partisan,” Marongwe said.
He explained that the
unity government must be guided by the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) in
approaching institutional reform, as the
political parties all signed the
document agreeing to specific measures.
“Socio-economic and political
development cannot happen in an environment
where the public institutions
are partisan. And it is not acceptable in a
democratic society,” Marongwe
said.
The conference also resolved that Zimbabwe’s military must respect and
salute anyone that is voted for by the people in a credible election. This
was in response to public statements that have been made by Zimbabwe’s
military chiefs, declaring their loyalty to ZANU PF only and their refusal
to salute Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
NANGO resolved to
approach regional leaders on these issues as they were the
facilitators of
the GPA. In a statement, the groups said the Principals
“agreed to establish
a new National Security Council which would safeguard
transparency in
security policy decision making. However, this agreement
still waits for
implementation.”
Over 200 NGOs are participating at the expo this year,
including about 60
NANGO member organizations. Guest speakers at the morning
conference
included political science Professors John Makumbe and Jane
Mudzamiri from
the University of Zimbabwe and Sylvia Chirawu, National
Coordinator at Women
and Law in Southern Africa.
The expo continues
with a “Knowledge Fair” on Thursday and more activities
planned for Friday.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Diana Chisvo, Business Writer
Wednesday, 17
August 2011 10:38
HARARE - The Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries
(CZI) says the recent
prices increases by local producers are unjustifiable
as they do not face
extra costs or tariffs like importers.
The
industry representative body, which supported the re-introduction of
duty on
imported basic commodities, said the country was now self-sufficient
in
production of certain goods such as milk, cooking oil and specific
electricals.
“We recommended the re-imposition of duty on the premise
that the pricing in
those sectors was viable for them and that they
sufficiently surpass
capacity utilisation to the extent that they would not
seek to make super
profits by selling their products at higher prices than
is the norm,” said
Joseph Kanyekanye, CZI president.
Kanyekanye said
it was only appropriate to reintroduce duty on certain goods
that were
available in Zimbabwe to protect local industry.
However, Kanyekanye
said, “There have been implementation problems in most
resolutions in
Zimbabwe and in cases like these there would be need for the
appointment of
a super minister whom the President would appoint.”
He said it was normal
to have price increases on imported goods but local
goods had to be priced
lower than imports.
“It makes sense for importers to increase their
prices because they need to
recover their costs, but local producers do not
have import costs or
tariffs. Local goods must be cheaper than imported
goods and consumers would
not have to suffer due to high prices at retail
level,” he said.
The CZI boss said while wholesalers had not increased
prices, retailers
where only taking advantage of the fact that imported
goods prices had gone
up.
Kanyekanye said the era when businesses had
low productivity, but high
profits was gone.
He added that sectors of
the industry that were not affected by the
re-imposition of duty should not
increase their prices.
“I am in the timber business and the
re-introduction of duty on basic
commodities does not have a direct impact
on my business and my prices” he
said.
This comes after the Consumer
Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ) raised concern over
the re-introduction of import
duty.
The consumer representative body said government’s decision to
restore
import duty on basic commodities was ill-timed arguing that local
industry
is operating way below capacity.
CCZ executive director,
Evelyn Siyachitema, said the Finance ministry should
have first evaluated
local industry capacity before imposing duty.
Siyachitema said local
industry still faced many challenges among them
financing and shortages of
raw materials, which affected production levels.
She said the imposition
of the duty will put more pressure on consumers who
are currently struggling
to make ends meet.
According to the Industry and Trade ministry, local
industry is currently
operating at 47 percent capacity utilisation and
requires over $2 billion to
fully capitalise.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
More than 10 constituencies are currently
without parliamentary
representation following the deaths of their MPs since
the beginning of the
Government of National Unity in 2009, leaving the
communities further
marginalized.
16.08.1102:14pm
by Andrew
Harare
A clause in the Global Political Agreement (GPA) which sets up
the
Government of National Unity (GNU), reads: “The parties hereby agree
that
for a period of 12 months from the date of the signing of this
agreement,
should any vacancy arise in respect of a local authority or
parliamentary
seat for whatever reason, only the party holding the seat
prior to the
vacancy occurring shall be entitled to nominate and field a
candidate to
fill the seat subject to that party complying with the rules
governing its
internal democracy”.
However, the 12 months have lapsed
and MPs have either died or, like
Jonathan Moyo, joined another political
party and the parties in the
inclusive government have done nothing about
the vacancies.
Recently the Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai led MDC-T
lost Eliphas
Mukonoweshuro MP for Gutu South, bringing the number of the
party’s deceased
House of Assembly representatives to four. At the burial of
Mukonoweshuro
people from his constituency said that they had been orphaned
as they have
been left with no representation.
Respected election
watchdog Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) said in
a statement
constitution that have lost MPs face continued marginalization.
“ZESN
notes with concern that the moratorium on by-elections for deceased
members
of Parliament has adverse consequences for representation of the
electorate.
The moratorium on by-elections has resulted in some
constituencies without
representation thereby creating their
marginalization.
It is
important to begin thinking of mechanisms to ensure these
constituencies are
represented in Parliament and that their interests are
taken into account,”
said the election watchdog.
Innocent Gonese, the MDC-T chief whip, said
that the death of Mukonoweshuro
was a great loss to the party as the numbers
in Parliament have been
deflated.
Zanu (PF) spokesperson Rugare Gumbo
said that the issue of MPs deaths in his
party was not for him to discuss,
but the principals. “Whether there
elections or not that is determined by
the principals,” said Gumbo.
In 2010 June the MDC lost Mabvuku MP,
Shepherd Madamombe. Cornelius Dube MP
for Entumbane passed away in August
2009 and in November 2009 the party lost
Makoni Central MP John Nyamande in
a car accident.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Graduates from Zanu (PF)’s notorious Border
Gezi national youth service here
feel the party doesn’t love them
anymore.
16.08.1101:55pm
by Tony Saxon
The disgruntled
members from the National Youth Service, who graduated at
Eagles National
Youth Service Training Centre situated about 17km east of
Mutare, are still
to get jobs.
Those interviewed by The Zimbabwean last week said they were
angry at their
exclusion from developmental projects by the party in the
province.
The youths also said they were promised employment at Mbada
Diamonds and
Anjin Investments, the companies mining diamonds in
Chiadzwa.
“We have played pivotal roles in Zanu (PF) programmes in the
province over
the years. We have been campaigning and voting for the party
and we used to
intimidate villagers to support Zanu (PF) thinking that in
return we would
benefit,” said one irritated graduate who cannot be named
for security
reasons.
“We worked hard for Zanu (PF) on the
understanding that we would get jobs
that they promised us at Mbada Diamonds
and Anjin investments in Chiadzwa,
but up to now nothing has materialised,”
said another graduate.
They accused Manicaland’s illegal governor, Chris
Mushowe, for facilitating
employment at Mbada and Anjin Investments for Zanu
(PF) youths in Mutare
West and his relatives.
Some senior Zanu (PF)
officials in Manicaland are also accused of using
their influential
positions to facilitate employment for their girlfriends
at the mining
companies.
“Sometime last year the governor (Mushowe) through the
Ministry of Youth
wrote our names so that we would get employment at the
mining companies in
Chiadzwa, but up to now we are still unemployed despite
being used by Zanu
(PF). The party’s provincial executive also promised us
to facilitate
employment - but now they are avoiding us.
“You can
only see some beautiful ladies there who have not undergone youth
service
training who are girlfriends of the senior party officials,”
complained the
Green Bombers.
“During the last congress here in December we were
excluded from the
programme but we were told that we would get powerful
positions in the
National youth League. We now realise we have been used.
But, we want to
warn them that there is always be tomorrow where the sun
shall rise again.
There is a time when they will need us, but it would be
too late,” they
said.
Zanu (PF) through the late Border Gezi
introduced the National Youth Service
that was popularly known as the Border
Gezi Trading, claiming the programme
would instil patriotism, discipline and
appreciation of Zimbabwe culture.
The graduates were given preferential
access to higher education
institutions and civil service jobs even without
meeting basic educational
requirements such as Ordinary and Advanced
levels.
Entrepreneurial skills were supposed to be part of the syllabus,
but
military training, denouncement of the opposition and chanting Zanu (PF)
slogans took up most of the training time.
They were nicknamed the
Green Bombers because of the green military attire.
It is group that
became a Zanu (PF) machinery of terrorising civilians in a
crackdown against
MDC supporters.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Mobs loyal to President Robert Mugabe have
launched a new offensive to beat
and intimidate the remaining white farmers,
dashing hopes that the
government would keep its promise to restore the rule
of law.
16.08.1104:28pm
by Chief Reporter
The latest officially
orchestrated attacks come after a pledge by Mugabe to
end the seizure of
white land. Accounts from rural areas indicate that Zanu
(PF) thugs have
stepped up violence.
Mike Bishop, 44, who farms near Karoi, north-west of
Harare, said his farm
was grabbed and when his workers and their wives tried
to resist, they were
beaten. About 50squatters have occupied his land and
closed the farm's
school.
"I am no longer sure I want to stay in
Zimbabwe," said Bishop.
Squatters have prevented Bishop from working his
fields and his farm is idle
at a time when 1.5 million Zimbabweans need
emergency food supplies to avert
starvation.
Reports from the
provinces of Mashonaland West and Central indicate that
Zanu (PF) mobs have
forced thousands of workers to attend all night
‘re-education’
camps.
Roy Crawford, 58, was abducted from his farm near Banket,
north-west of
Harare, on Friday and tied up with barbed wire. His offence
was failing to
chant election slogans supporting Mugabe. Crawford was
eventually released
after the police arrived, but his farm has been sealed
off by the gang.
Mugabe has promised that violence on farms would be
curbed and no more
illegal land occupations would take place.
"In my
district alone, the agreement over land has been violated hundreds of
times," said a Commercial Farmers' Union representative in Chinhoyi.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Joshua Sacco, the Zanu (PF)
Secretary For External Affairs in the youth
league has ordered NGOs
operating in the area to stop distributing food aid
in the absence of Zanu
(PF).
16.08.1102:43pm
by Staff Reporter
Sacco, who is eyeing
the Chimanimani Central constituency in the forthcoming
elections, has told
MDC-T councillors in Chimanimani Rural
District council not to engage the
services of NGOs without first consulting
Zanu (PF) leadership in the
area.
The Chimanimani Central constituency was previously held by MDC-T’s
Roy
Bennett.
According to MDC-T councillors, Sacco, accompanied by
Zanu (PF) war veterans
and youth militia, is reportedly addressing council
meetings where he is
giving the directive.
A Project Manager with a
local NGO operating in the area confirmed Sacco’s
interference and said they
were now not able to carry out their operations.
“We are facing problems
in executing our core business. We have been
victimised for working with
MDC-T councillors as Zanu (PF) was claiming that
we were sidelining the
party in our operations. But, we deal with
Chimanimani Rural District
council in our entire
developmental project and it is not our fault that
the council is dominated
by MDC-T councillors. If Zanu (PF) had more
councillors in the council then
we were still going to engage them,” he
said.
Another source from an NGO operating in the same area said: “It is
unfortunate that the deserving community is being forced to suffer because
of some few individuals. I think all the parties have to have some talks and
iron
out such issues. But, I don’t think there is need to stop food
aid
distribution just because a certain party is not involved.”
NGOs
operating in the area include Tsuro DzeChimanimani, Save the Children,
Kellogg Foundation, Christian Care and Medicins Sans Frontier (MSF). Some
said they might be forced to pull out if problems continued.
http://articles.latimes.com/
The babies are placed in state
institutions for care the government says
they can't get from their homeless
mothers. It's not easy for the women to
get their children back — or to live
without them.
August 16, 2011|By Robyn Dixon, Los Angeles Times
The
young mother crossed the surging Limpopo River, the water up to her
neck,
like cruel hands trying to drag her under. Other women traveling with
her
were terrified, screaming, "We're going to die!"
Ruvarashe Chibura
concentrated all her strength on the little bundle she
held high in the air:
her 15-month-old baby, Cynthia.
"I never cried. I had my baby over my
head," she says now of that desperate
crossing from her native Zimbabwe to
South Africa. "I was afraid that
Cynthia would be swept away."
But it
wasn't until two years later that her little girl was swept away,
this time
by police and social workers in a country she had hoped would
prove a refuge
from the ordeals of her homeland.
Chibura and dozens of other unemployed
illegal immigrants from crisis-ridden
Zimbabwe have seen their children
placed in state institutions. Their crime:
begging at traffic lights with
their babies at their sides.
For a Zimbabwean immigrant with no visa or
papers, living illegally in a
shabby city-owned building, South Africa's
child welfare bureaucracy has
proved as implacable as the river that nearly
took her life three years ago.
Chibura's daughter was taken into state care
late last year, and now she
says, despairingly, "she doesn't even remember
that I'm her mother."
The government says its main concern is the best
interests of the children.
And even the mothers acknowledge that sitting by
the road in traffic fumes
in Johannesburg's desolate winter chill is a
dismal environment for a baby.
"It's not good," says Memory Konjiwa,
another young Zimbabwean mother whose
child was taken into care.
But
for the women, it's a difficult and lengthy process to get their babies
back, because social workers and judges require proof that they are living
in suitable, permanent housing, the very thing that most jobless Zimbabwean
immigrants lack. They are told they will get their children back once they
find a job, a nearly impossible task in a country where unemployment is
estimated at 40%.
Simon Zwane, a spokesman for the Department of
Health and Social
Development, confirms that women must have jobs and
housing before they can
recover their babies, to prove they are capable of
caring for them.
"We have taken babies into places of safety until
parents can prove they can
look after their babies, they have fixed places
of abode and they have
partners or they have found employment and they will
not be on the streets
with babies," he says.
Konjiwa, 26, spends her
days remembering. Her 2-year-old son, Joe, is
growing up fast without her in
an institution far from the squalid building
where she lives. She too
carried her child across the Limpopo River.
"I can't survive without my
baby," she croaks miserably. "I miss him more
than anything."
Zwane
says some women use their babies to beg. But Konjiwa and Chibura say
they
cannot feed their children without begging, let along afford child care
while they seek money.
As many as 2 million Zimbabweans have flooded
into South Africa in recent
years looking for work after fleeing their
country's economic collapse and
political violence. They find they are not
especially welcome, particularly
in townships where xenophobic violence in
2008 saw machete-wielding mobs
storm through, beating up Zimbabweans and
other migrants, burning some to
death.
Konjiwa, who left her older
son, 4, in Zimbabwe with her mother, says
passing drivers shout abuse,
telling them to get out of South Africa or to
get a job. Many shout
"Kwere-kwere," an abusive term in South Africa for
foreigners.
It
would be unbearably bleak but for the coins dropped like pearls by some
drivers, or the food and clothes that others donate.
"Everyone shouts
at you, 'Find a job, find a job!' You feel shame that
people are shouting at
you. I just want money for my children. The fact that
I don't have an ID or
passport makes it hard to get a job because no one
will trust you," Konjiwa
says.
In October, police arrested her and another Zimbabwean beggar woman
with
their babies at traffic lights in the upscale suburb of
Bryanston.
"At first I thought it was a joke," she says. "When I realized
it was
serious, I was so agitated. They just grabbed the babies by force and
the
babies were crying."
Konjiwa went to court to try to get her
child back, but the judge told her
she wouldn't get him until she had decent
housing.
She lives in dire conditions, squatting in a freezing city
building, with
hundreds of other Zimbabwean refugees.
"We don't
regard that as an appropriate environment to bring up children,"
says Zwane,
the government spokesman. Authorities have accused some of the
women of
"renting out" their children to other beggars.
Kaajal Ramjathan-Keogh of
Lawyers for Human Rights said that although
roadside begging was against a
child's interests, the situation was complex
because unemployed Zimbabwean
women often lack the means to earn money for
food, and can't afford child
care.
But she said the requirement that women find housing and jobs
before
recovering their children was unfair. "It seems like people are being
penalized for being poor and for not having a home at whatever standards the
social workers are holding them up to."
Chibura has been ordered to
attend classes on how to look after her
daughter. But she says she can't
afford them.
"It's so painful," Chibura says. "I think about her every
day."
robyn.dixon@latimes.com
http://www.timeslive.co.za
Sapa | 17 August, 2011 07:36
China will
continue supporting developing countries such as Zimbabwe by
pursuing
non-interference policies and open strategy for mutual
benefit.
Chinese Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Xin Shunkang, last week
reaffirmed China's
desire to see Zimbabwe develop, Zimbabwe's Herald Online
reported on
Wednesday.
"We will continue pursuing an open strategy of
mutual benefit; promote the
building of a harmonious world with lasting
peace and common prosperity.
"China is committed to the non-interference
policy and will always support
the just call of developing countries
including Zimbabwe," he said.
China has used its veto power in the United
Nations Security Council
together with other progressive countries to quash
Britain and its allies to
invoke Chapter 7 against Zimbabwe.
China,
he said, cherished its traditional friendship with Zimbabwe and was
ready to
pursue joint ventures to push bilateral relations to a "new
high".
Bilateral trade volumes between the two countries have grown by 60
percent
to about US445 million in May this year compared to the same period
last
year.
"The mutually beneficial economic co-operation is bearing
more and more
fruits," he said.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Police are refusing to conduct a
post-mortem on the body of MDC Midlands
North provincial director of
elections Maxwell Ncube, gruesomely murdered by
unknown assailants last
week.
17.08.1107:47am
by Chief Reporter
Ncube was a director in
the MDC led by Professor Welshman Ncube, the
Industry and Commerce minister
in the GNU.
Maxwell Ncube was abducted on August 6 after an altercation
with Zanu (PF)
thugs at a nearby shopping centre in Malamulela village in
Zhombe. His body
was found on August 9 half buried in a shallow grave, his
head covered with
a sack.
His wife said she raised the alarm
immediately after his abduction, but a
follow-up by villagers with the
assistance of the police did not yield
anything until the discovery of his
body.
MDC spokesman Kurauone Chihwayi told The Zimbabwean that his body
was yet to
go for post mortem in Bulawayo, a week after his body was
discovered.
"The body has been in the custody of the police in Zhombe,"
Chihwayi said.
"Following numerous follow ups by the MDC officials and the
family, the
police have been giving numerous excuses ranging from lack of
fuel and
breakdowns of their transport fleet for their failure.
This
is despite uncountable offers by the party to assist with the
transport."
Chihwayi said the MDC found it difficult to believe that the
transport
excuses were genuine after the decline of party assistance.
"It is
curious that the police could not treat the matter with urgency that
it
deserves," Chihwayi said. "We find their deceitful actions not only
subjecting the body of our deceased member to torture after death as Zanu
(PF) supporters did during his life but also an insult to our sacred
cultural value of respecting the dead.
"The MDC is concerned that our
member, who suffered at the hands of Zanu
(PF) on multiple occasions in his
life, has been murdered and his body left
to lie in anguish the same
despicable way as other victims during the height
of the Gukurahundi
massacres."
Police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka said the force was aware of
the murder of
a villager in Zhombe, but professed total ignorance about the
pussy footing
with regards to his post mortem. "All I know is that
investigations into
that matter are underway," he said.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
A coalition of South African anti-torture
organisations this week expressed
concern at the continuing and apparently
intensifying climate of political
intolerance and lack of respect for the
rule of law in Zimbabwe.
16.08.1102:16pm
by Mxolisi
Ncube
Member organisations of the South African No Torture Consortium
(SANToC)
organization, which also sent a letter to the Zimbabwean government
expressing its disappointment with Mugabe’s continuing intransigence, also
called on leaders of the regional Southern African Development Community
(SADC) bloc to stop the atmosphere of impunity that is currently prevailing
in Zimbabwe.
“SANToC member organisations express deep concern at the
continuing and
apparently intensifying climate of political intolerance and
a lack of
respect for the rule of law in Zimbabwe,” read a statement from
the
organization.
“We decry the apparent continuing hounding of
Zimbabwean activists who have
been forced to flee political persecution,
intimidation, harassment and
torture in their own country. Reports of
physical attacks, killings and
disappearances are increasing. SANToC
deplores the failure of the Zimbabwean
state to guarantee the safety of all
Zimbabweans regardless of their
political affiliation.”
The
organisation bemoaned the fact that three years after the devastating
post-election violence of 2008 in Zimbabwe, there were still genuine fears
that the country was heading towards a repeat of the atrocities that
characterised that period.
“Any election conducted in a climate of
political fear and violence cannot
bring a legitimate and accountable
government into power,” added SANToC. “A
government elected through violence
is one that will not serve the best
interests of its citizens on the basis
of equality and non-discrimination.
SANToC thus, calls on the Heads of
States of all the countries of the region
to demand that the Zimbabwean
government respect the fundamental rights of
all its citizens in recognition
that Zimbabwe belongs to all its people,
irrespective of their political
affiliation.
“We call on these governments to reject the continuing
oppression of
Zimbabweans by their own state. We call on the South African
state to
protect Zimbabwean asylum-seekers in South Africa.”
SANToC
said that there could be no peace in the region without an end to the
injustices being perpetrated with almost total impunity by Zimbabwean
officials against Zimbabwean civilians, adding that it was time for of
Southern Africa to demand an end to the atrocities in Zimbabwe.
http://www.ft.com
August 17, 2011
5:25 pm
By Andrew England in
Harare
Political uncertainty, disputes within the ruling coalition and a
liquidity
squeeze together threaten to bring Zimbabwe’s fragile economic
recovery to a
halt after two years of rapid expansion.
Since the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) joined a coalition
with
President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party after disputed and violent 2008
elections, relative stability has helped the country become one of Africa’s
fastest-growing nations.
More
On this story
General’s death
opens Mugabe succession race
All eyes on military ahead of Zimbabwe
poll
Opinion It is time for Britain to talk to Mugabe
Interview
Zimbabwe’s tough line on nationalisation
Mugabe warns against interfering
in Zimbabwe
A move to dollarisation in February 2009 also spurred the
recovery, ending a
disastrous period of hyperinflation during which
banknotes in denominations
as high as Z$100,000bn lost their value almost as
soon as they left the
printing presses.
The government maintains an
optimistic growth forecast of 9.3 per cent this
year, similar to 2010. But
against a backdrop of volatile politics and a
concerted effort by Zanu-PF to
hold on to the economic levers of patronage,
the International Monetary Fund
has warned that growth could decelerate to
5.5 per cent.
Uncertainty
has been exacerbated by calls by Mr Mugabe for early elections
this year,
concerns about the health of the 87-year-old president, and a
looming
succession struggle rendered yet more unpredictable by the death in
a fire
this week of General Solomon Mujuru, the leading kingmaker in
Zanu-PF.
Officials from both the MDC and Zanu-PF say trying to work
together has been
like mixing oil and water. One of the most public recent
disputes has been
over Zanu-PF’s demands for public sector pay rises – a
campaign tailored
seemingly with elections in mind but which economists warn
will drain state
funds away from productive investments.
Tendai Biti,
the feisty finance minister and senior MDC official resisted,
arguing that
the government could not afford the rise. But he was forced to
cave in after
bearing the brunt of vitriolic attacks in parliament. As the
arguments
raged, Mr Biti’s offices were targeted by protesting war veterans
and his
home compound was struck by a mysterious night-time bomb attack.
“We are
in a ‘trilemma’”, he told the Financial Times. “That of huge
demands, huge
expectations, yet the absence of fiscal space.”
The pay increases will
raise the public sector wage bill from $120m to $160m
a month, he said,
while the government collects only $200m in monthly
revenue. The country is
saddled with a fiscal deficit of about $500m and has
outstanding external
debts of about $9bn, about 110 per cent of gross
domestic
product.
Another bone of contention is revenue from diamonds mined in the
Marange
region, where some fields are allegedly controlled by the
military.
The finance ministry received $174m from the diamonds in 2010.
But Mr Biti,
whose powers – with those of his MDC party – are limited, has
battled
unsuccessfully for increased transparency in the management of the
revenues,
which became a prime source of Zanu-PF patronage as other sectors
of the
economy collapsed in the aftermath of a violent land reform programme
and
steadily worsening mismanagement of state finances before the formation
of
the coalition.
“We have provided leadership in the economy – but
that doesn’t mean we win
all the battles.There’s so much politics in
Zimbabwe and the management of
public finances has also been largely
politicised,” Mr Biti says. “It
explains much of the onslaught against
me.”
A controversial indigenisation programme has also deterred fresh
investment
in the country, with Zanu-PF pushing for majority local ownership
in mining
and other sectors. Critics of the programme say it is an attempt
by Zanu-PF
to enrich politically connected individuals.
Outside
government, a liquidity crunch in the banking sector has exposed the
fragility of the recovery. Bankers and businessmen warn that there is not
enough cash in the system to support the next stage of
expansion.
Like businesses, banks began the era of dollarisation from
zero with little
more than physical assets. It is estimated that the total
deposits in a
country of 10m people amounted to about $300m, as dollars that
had traded on
the black market were pulled from beneath
mattresses.
Deposits have since grown to about $2.8bn and banks have
rapidly rebuilt
their loan books, predominantly by means of loans of 30 to
90 days with
interest rates in the high teens or above. The result was
loan-to-deposit
ratios soaring to about 70 per cent to 80 per cent in local
banks.
The lending has helped companies raise production levels from
about 5 per
cent of capacity to 40 per cent, bankers say, but most banks
have now
reached a ceiling. The challenge for them now is that there are
negligible
sources of credit, no inter-bank market and no lender of last
resort. The
central bank, which was accounting for about a third of gross
domestic
product and was seen as the cash machine of the Zanu-PF regime, is
in effect
bankrupt, with about $1.2bn of debt.
Without a clearer
picture of where Zimbabwe is headed politically, the
problems will continue
to fester, bankers warn.
“Our headquarters say they want to be supportive
– but they need some clear
economic fundamentals and a clear political
framework,” said an executive at
a foreign bank in Harare.
PARTNERSHIP AFRICA
CANADA REPORT:
DIAMONDS AND CLUBS
The Militarised Control of Diamonds
and Power in Zimbabwe
June 2010
The Political Economy of Mugabe’s
kleptocracy
What is playing out in the diamond concessions of Marange and
River Ranch is
an all too familiar Zimbabwean story.
Each time
President Mugabe and his inner circle have faced a crisis of
political
legitimacy they have resorted to carefully crafted campaigns of
economic
theft with which to engage in crass patrimonalism to placate key
constituencies and buy more time in office. As such, the involvement of ZANU
elites in the country’s diamond resources is the latest chapter in a long
continuum by which the violent expropriation and manipulation of economic
resources have been used for their political and economic gain.
It is
a continuum manifested previously by three key events: Zimbabwe’s
plunder of
the Democratic Republic of Congo, the orchestrated invasion and
seizure of
white-owned farms, and the manipulation of foreign exchange rates
during
recent years of hyper-inflation. An examination of these events shows
not
only a similarity of tactics, but also the same personalities
orchestrating
and benefiting from such schemes.
These individuals, who have perfected
their illicit behaviour to a niche
specialty, are the same principals now
battling for control of Zimbabwe’s
diamonds, ZANU, and the country as a
whole.
The public faces of this power struggle are ostensibly the
Minister of
Defence Emmerson Mnangagwa and his long time political foe,
General Solomon
Mujuru, the retired head of the armed forces and one of
Zimbabwe’s richest
men. Mujuru is also the husband to First Vice President
Joice Mujuru, who at
times is considered an equal partner in his
presidential aspiration, but
remains in the shadows so as not to cause
offence to President Mugabe14.
While both men have long considered
themselves the dauphin to President
Mugabe, the true power brokers of
Zimbabwean politics are members of the
Joint Operations Command
(JOC).
The members of the JOC are the high priests of Zimbabwean
politics, the
final arbiters of tough decisions15, and the architects of
every single
government-sponsored act of repression from the 1985
Gukurahundi massacres
in Matabeleland, to the farm invasions, to successive
episodes of
election-related violence.
The JOC is the ultimate
Praetorian Guard, its tentacles control every facet
of state security. It is
an organization driven by two simple concerns:
safeguard Mugabe’s place as
president, and neutralize any potential legal or
political threats to their
power. The JOC will likely decide who succeeds
Mugabe.
At first
glance it would appear Mnangagwa has the inside track to win their
support,
as he doubles as chair of the eight-person group16. He is also
considered
more of a hardliner and closer to most “securocrats” including
Defence Force
Commander General Constantine Chiwenga, perhaps the most
influential of all
JOC members.17 In 2007 Mnangagwa won the president’s
personal favour after
Mujuru’s aspirations got the better of him by openly
campaigning within ZANU
to replace Mugabe, whom many thought would not
contest the 2008
election.
Despite this misstep, Mujuru is well known within the JOC and
wider military
circles from his past role as head of the military and,
through his wife,
controls some formidable levers of power in his own right.
Among them is
ZANU’s Politburo, the most powerful party organ and widely
considered a more
influential decision-making body than the cabinet. The
Mujuru’s strategy is
to consolidate their control of internal ZANU
structures, build
behind-the-scenes alliances with the MDC, and present
themselves as the
compromise candidate(s) once Mugabe dies.18 There are
rumours that some
western governments
have given their tacit approval to
such a scenario.
While the succession issue is far from settled between
these two camps, both
Mujuru and Mnangagwa are intimately involved with
efforts by the JOC to
monopolize the country’s diamond resources —just as
they have been with all
previous economic self-enrichment schemes on which
the JOC has embarked.
River Ranch: Solomon’s Mine
River Ranch is
known colloquially as “Mujuru’s mine.” There is even
paperwork to prove it.1
Which in the tussle for control of Zimbabwean
diamonds is a rarity. The
corporate ownership and shareholder structure of
Mbada and Canadile, by
comparison, remain largely cloaked in mystery —
despite the public scrutiny
and best efforts of Zimbabwe’s Parliamentary
Committee on Mines and
Energy.
But while Mujuru’s ownership may be common knowledge, many other
things
about River Ranch remain in the shadows. The reason: the mine goes to
the
very heart of Mujuru’s struggle for control of ZANU, and allegations it
is
being used to launder some of the plunder he and his allies secured in
DRC.
In April 2004 Mujuru controversially grabbed the mine with the help
of Adel
Abdul Rahman al Aujan, a billionaire Saudi real estate developer who
also
owns luxury beach resorts and safari camps in Eastern and Southern
Africa
that operate under the name Rani Resorts.
At the time River
Ranch Mine was owned and managed by Bubye Minerals which
took possession of
the once insolvent mine in September 1998. The
proprietors of Bubye Minerals
are Adele and Michael Farquhar, who managed to
turn things around so the
mine was producing an average of 30,000 carats per
month.
The
Farquhars’ misfortune began after they gave Aujan a 30 percent stake in
the
company in 2002 after they ran into some financial difficulties caused
by a
cyclone.
By 2004 the two parties had a falling out, and Aujan abruptly
called in his
loans. Shortly afterwards he convened a meeting at the
exclusive Meikles
Hotel in Harare, unilaterally reconstituted the company as
River Ranch
Limited and appointed Mujuru and Trivanhu Mudariki, another
senior ZANU
politician, as directors.
Days later the Farquhars were
escorted off the property by police at
gunpoint. The case has been before
the courts ever since, with several legal
judgments upholding the Farquhar’s
legal rights. Despite this, River Ranch
Limited continues to occupy and mine
despite a lack of clear title.
River Ranch is as illustrative of Mujuru’s
disdain for the rule of law, as
his abilities to flex his political muscle
to get his way. On several
occasions he has secured interventions very few
other Zimbabweans could.
The first came in November 2005 when then
Minister of Mines Amos Midzi
issued a letter “correcting an administrative
error” in a bid to overturn a
court decision that had upheld legal title to
the Farquhars.
This effort ultimately failed, but it showed the ease with
which Mujuru
could give marching orders to a minister’s office.
Other
interventions were more successful. In Zimbabwe it is the Minerals
Marketing
Corporation of Zimbabwe, a parastatal within the Ministry of
Mines, which
issues Kimberly Process certificates needed for the legal
export of rough
diamonds.
Despite controlling the mine, Mujuru was initially prevented
from legally
selling any diamonds, thanks to an injunction won by the
Farquhar’s legal
team. Undeterred Mujuru repeatedly pressured Priscilla
Mupfunira, the
chairwoman of the MMCZ, to issue the certificates anyway. She
refused.
Mujuru turned to the Central Committee, the second most powerful
ZANU organ
whose main duties include dispensing patronage. The Committee is
firmly
controlled by Mujuru’s wife, Joice, and includes Mudariki among its
members.
In late 2008 Mupfunira and most of the MMCZ board were abruptly
replaced.
(Retired Lt-Col) Nelly Abu Basutu assumed the top job. She came
with
impeccable connections: her husband is Air Vice-Marshal Titus Abu
Basutu,
the deputy to Air Force Chief Perence Shiri.
Mujuru has also
controversially obtained technical assistance — after the
takeover — from
the African Management Service Company, a joint entity
managed by the United
Nations Development Programme and the World Bank’s
International Finance
Corporation.
There are also persistent questions surrounding the
company’s “official”
production numbers. Although there is no definitive
proof Mujuru is
laundering Congolese diamonds, RRL’s numbers don’t
tally.
Consider the following: River Ranch Limited did not publicly
declare its
production from 2004 to 2008. The first public declaration was
made by
Finance Minister Tendai Biti, who stated that the Annual Return for
RRL for
2009 was 75,000 carats — exactly 25% of the potential annual
yield.
RRL sold its first diamonds in June 2007, amounting to almost
50,000 carats,
despite statements unveiled by Biti that showed that they had
been mining
continuously from November 2005 to May 2007, some 16
months.
RRL should also have declared and marketed another 600,000 carats
between
May 2007 and December 2009.
No rational explanation has ever
been forthcoming as to why it did not. One
reason could be because River
Ranch, as with Marange, has a direct
connection to internecine squabbles
that broke out within ZANU in 2007.
At the time it appeared Mugabe would
not contest the 2008 election and the
Mujuru and Mnangagwa factions set
about securing support for their
respective presidential bids.
Among
some key western countries the Mujurus were perceived to be the
acceptable
face of ZANU, and a more realistic bet than the MDC, who was
facing its own
internal divisions at the time.
The thinking was to create an entity from
within ZANU that was financially
able to assume power smoothly and restore
relations with the west.
Mnangagwa and the securocrats sponsored a
counter revolt to destabilize the
party — which Mujuru largely controlled —
with funds from Marange.
Much of ACR’s problems stem from the fact that
Solomon Mujuru is a
shareholder. ACR contends that his share is no bigger
than 3%, worth a
monetary value of 240,000 pounds sterling.3 No one believes
that.
“There is nothing about Solomon Mujuru that is small time,” says
one
industry insider. “He is not the kind of guy who buys shares and sits
back
waiting for the investor newsletter.”
Mujuru was to provide
Cranswick political coverage, as the latter comes from
a family with the
wrong political pedigree. (His family was known to be big
supporters of Ian
Smith’s Rhodesian Front). Instead, Cranswick is now paying
the price for
backing the wrong horse in the ZANU succession race.
As is explained
elsewhere in this report, it is often erroneously assumed
that the only
fight for power in Zimbabwe is between the two parties, ZANU
and the MDC. In
reality, the more explosive turf war is within ZANU.
While Mnangagwa’s
support base within the JOC places him closer to Marange’s
riches, River
Ranch affords Mujuru unfettered access to his own diamond
resource — one
that he has protected with no less ruthlessness.
Those who have borne the
brunt of Mujuru’s persecution are the Farquhar’s
and their immediate
supporters.
The couple has repeatedly been singled out for special
harassment, including
frequent imprisonments, house break-ins and death
threats, in an attempt to
force them to give up the mine.
The
intimidation campaign took a very personal and tragic turn in February
2010,
when Adele’s brother Richard Amyot and his wife Tecla were
murdered.
Police ruled it a murder-suicide but forensics done by the
family disputed
that finding. Tecla was shot four times, including once from
close range at
the back of her head while she was lying on the floor.
Richard was found
slumped in a door frame as though running from the room.
He, too, was shot
in the head, but from medium range. No gunpowder residue
was found either on
his hands or at the bullet’s entry point.
Despite
all this, the Kimberly Process has never seen fit to interview the
Farquhars.
River Ranch is not the only kimberlite mine operating
under the radar of the
KP. There is “Gono’s” mine, near Gweru in Midlands,
named after Reserve Bank
Governor, Gideon Gono. It is comprised of two
sites, the revenues from which
are untraced. Lesser known mines have also
come on line near Shangani, again
in Midlands; and another RRL-owned mine in
Mwenezi, in Masvingo Province.
Extract from:
Diamonds and
Clubs
The Militarised Control of Diamonds and Power in Zimbabwe
By
Partnership Africa Canada
http://www.pacweb.org/Documents/diamonds_KP/Zimbabwe-Diamonds_and_clubs-eng-June2010.pdf
August 17th, 2011
General Solomon Mujuru, born 1st May 1949, has been described as “the country’s most decorated post-independence army general”. He died in the early hours of this morning at his home in Beatrice, Harare South.
He began what would become his career at the forefront of Zimbabwe’s political landscape at the inception of its liberation struggle, during the 1960s, as a member of the Zimbabwe African People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA). He transferred to the Zimbabwe National Liberation Army (ZANLA) in 1971, to become its Acting- Commander-in-Chief by 1975. In 1976, he became Joint Leader of the combined ZIPRA-ZANLA force, the Zimbabwe People’s Army (ZIPA), only to ascend to the position of Deputy Secretary of Defence for the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) a year later. In 1981, he became the Commander of Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) and was promoted to General eleven years later. He presided as Commander of the ZNA over the period of Gukurahundi.
General Mujuru was reported to have played a critical role in persuading the Mozambique-based guerillas during the liberation war to accept President Mugabe as the ZANLA leader on his release from prison in 1974.
Whilst fulfilling a more overtly political role for the ZANU-PF government in seeking, and winning, election as a Member of Parliament for Chikomba for the period of 1994-2000, Solomon Mujuru has retained the status of military securocrat for the duration of his career at the top of Zimbabwe’s ruling hierarchy. Known as ‘Kingmaker’ in the fierce succession battles which are predicted to result on President Mugabe’s eventual death, General Mujuru had become embroiled in numerous intra-party disputes and power struggles over the last decade.
He was reported to have been the subject of house arrest in 2008, stated to be on the basis of accusations of extensive fraud throughout his business empire. However, this was claimed instead to be a result of what many felt to be his implicit support for independent presidential candidate Simba Makoni. The newspaper reporting the story was subsequently sued by General Mujuru and forced to issue an apology. He was nonetheless stated to have been “under 24-hour surveillance by Mugabe’s police, intelligence services and the army” at the time.
Questions remain as to the circumstances surrounding his death, and its motivations. Some are reported to have claimed that the target, of what has been described as arson, was in fact his wife, Joice Mujuru. General Mujuru had been touted as the driving political force behind what many suggest will be his wife’s succession bid on President Mugabe’s eventual death.
His main political adversary had become the equally-feared Minister for Defence Emmerson Mnangagwa. Their rivalry, furthermore, was not simply political. Mnangagwa is said to have “blocked Mr Mujuru’s bid to take over the huge Zimasco chrome smelting operation”. General Mujuru was also stated to control “a vast business empire across all key sectors of the economy”.
In 2001, he forcibly evicted farmer Guy Watson-Smith from his farm, seizing assets reputedly worth up to £2 million. The 3500-acre farm was the home of General Mujuru until “an electrical fire” engulfed the property overnight. There is speculation that he owns anywhere between 6 and 16 farms. General Mujuru was also a director of River Ranch mine, which he “controversially grabbed” in 2004 and had become dogged with reports that it has been trading in illegal ‘blood diamonds’ from the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The response from people in Zimbabwe to the news of Mujuru’s death has ranged from elation, particularly those who suffered during Gukurahundi, to suspicion over who was responsible, to despair at the loss of a liberation hero. Mujuru’s death marks a new chapter in Zimbabwe’s history and it will be fascinating to watch how the investigations unfold.
By Clifford Chitupa Mashiri,
17/08/11
There are growing calls for a probe into the suspicious death of
General
Solomon Mujuru amid fears that the Chimurenga revolution may now be
devouring its own sons and daughters.
The key issue here is which
authority inspires enough confidence and has
credibility to carry out that
task in Zimbabwe and probably even in the SADC
region itself?
Sadly,
there is no tradition of transparency in Zanu-pf and that seems to
have
rubbed on to current Zimbabwe Government. For instance, in addition to
massacres and torture camps, all suspicious deaths and even known
assassinations have gone un-investigated or unreported by the Mugabe
regime.
Notable suspicious deaths of key politicians and guerrilla
leaders include
those of Herbert Chitepo, General Josiah Tongogara,
Lieutenant General
Lookout Masuku, Mrs Susan Tsvangirai wife of MDC
President Morgan
Tsvangirai, Cde Edgar Tekere who said in his book he was
poisoned so as to
die slowly (Kafiramberi) and so on.
According to
media sources, Morgan Tsvangirai believed that the accident
that killed his
wife Susan and injured him was an assassination attempt and
told Botswana
President Ian Khama (Zimbabwe Metro.com, 04/05/09). No probe
was
launched.
Mystery surrounding General Mujuru’s sudden suspicious death is
compounded
by a reference in Fay Chung’s book to a fire which started in
Mujuru’s hotel
room on the 4th floor in Geneva where he was attending a
Conference on
Zimbabwe as commander of the ZANLA guerrillas (New Zimbabwe,
16/08/11).
General Mujuru survived that fire although Zanu-pf has not yet
disclosed any
findings assuming it was investigated.
It was also
disappointing to note that General Solomon Mujuru had to seize a
farm/s when
the Government should have properly rewarded all generals of the
liberation
movement with lawfully purchased farms soon after independence as
funds were
still available. Strangely, Mugabe’s family now allegedly
controls 39 farms
(Daily Mail, 03/08/11).
There are so many questions that need to be
answered to dispel rumours that
General Mujuru may have been murdered before
his house was set on fire. It
goes without saying that Gen Mujuru had
enemies especially within Zanu-pf
who may be shedding crocodile tears right
now. From the little information
trickling out of Zimbabwe, the retired
General’s security appears not to
have been adequate.
Ironically, ZRP
Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri reportedly had more
than 20 armed
police officers in riot gear during his tour of Bulawayo in
July last year
when his ‘kilometre long motorcade’ allegedly brought
business to a
standstill in the city (RadioVop, 22/07/10. One wonders what
criteria is
used to provide security cover for VIPs in Zimbabwe.
In view of Zanu-pf’s
factionalism, which is threatening the party with
implosion, the Zimbabwe
Republic Police, Zimbabwe Military Police, the
Zimbabwe National Army and
the Central Intelligence Organisation lack
credibility and don’t inspire
confidence to professionally probe the tragic
death of General Mujuru on
Monday 15 August 2011.
What further undermines trust in the Zimbabwe
Government is the fact that at
a time when people were expecting the Mugabe
regime to order forensic
investigations into the Chibondo skeletons some of
which had fluids
suggesting the victims did not die 30 years ago, Zanu-pf is
defying world
opinion by re-burying them thereby tempering with potentially
incriminating
evidence.
The Mugabe regime cannot be trusted. Neither,
is SADC credible enough to
handle the sensitive role because its
participant, the South African
Government is holding on to an explosive
report of the political violence
that engulfed Zimbabwe’s elections despite
two court orders for its release
to the Mail and Guardian
newspaper.
The only credible police authority that can command enough
international
respect and confidence is Interpol. People are very bitter at
the sudden
death of one of Zimbabwe’s finest sons and distinguished
guerrilla leader of
the liberation struggle, the charismatic Comrade Rex
Nhongo.
It remains to be seen how the coalition government in Harare is
going to
respond to public demands for a thorough investigation without
haste.
Was General Solomon Tapfumaneyi Mujuru assassinated? May his soul
rest in
peace.
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com