http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 13:49
BY CAIPHAS
CHIMHETE AND PATIENCE NYANGOVE
There was near-disaster at the
National Heroes Acre during the burial of
former army commander Solomon
Mujuru yesterday after two of the three jet
fighters appeared to partially
collide mid-air during a flypast.
Mourners who thronged the
national shrine looked in shock as two pieces
peeled off one of the planes
forcing it to temporarily lose balance mid-air.
It quickly changed direction
soon after the collision going north while the
other two continued
east.
The two later changed direction to follow the plane that looked very
unstable and appeared to be tumbling in mid-air, with mourners fearing that
it would not make a safe landing.
“This was going to be a disaster,”
said one Air Force of Zimbabwe official
who also witnessed the near mishap.
“How can they embarrass the President
like this? They will definitely be in
trouble.”
One of the officials said it was going to be a disaster had the
plane
plunged into the estimated 50 000 people that thronged the national
shrine
or had the two pieces fallen into the crowd.
Most mourners
including officials from the Air Force of Zimbabwe suspected
that the plane
would make an emergency landing at Charles Prince Airport
just outside
Harare or at the Harare International Airport.
But some Air Force of
Zimbabwe officials later told The Standard that the
plane made a safe
landing at Thornhill Airbase in Gweru.
The officials said this was not
the first time that the pilots and the
controllers have bungled the
fly-past.
Air Force of Zimbabwe public relations officer Tobias Madenhe
denied that it
was an accident saying it was a “break formation.”
The
burial was attended by people from all walks of life, some who walked
from
the nearby suburbs of Warren Park, Kambuzuma, Kuwadzana and
Mabelreign.
Most of the senior officials from the three political parties
that form the
inclusive government attended the burial.
Among them
were Vice President John Nkomo, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and his two
deputies Thokozani Khupe and Arthur Mutambara as well as
renowned singer
Oliver Mtukudzi.
Mujuru, the first black commander of the Zimbabwe
National Army after
independence died on Tuesday when fire gutted his farm
house in Beatrice.
The suspicious death has fuelled tension with some
speculating that he was
assassinated as part of Zanu PF’s factional
wars.
Police say they are still investigating the cause of the fire with
initial
reports indicating that a maid had left a candle burning in the
house.
Those doubting that the fire was an accident argue that Mujuru
must have
been able to escape from the fire since windows at the house do
not have
burglar proof bars.
Mujuru was said to be leading a faction
in Zimbabwe that was locked in a
bitter war with another one led by Defence
Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa to
succeed President Robert Mugabe.
His
wife Vice-President Joice Mujuru appealed for calm and discouraged
people
from speculating about the cause of his death.
Zanu PF banned its
officials from commenting about the death save for party
spokesman Rugare
Gumbo after speculation intensified that the former general
was murdered.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 13:55
BY PATIENCE
NYANGOVE AND CAIPHAS CHIMHETE
President Robert Mugabe yesterday
appealed for peace and tolerance after
thousands of people from across the
political divide thronged the National
Heroes Acre for the burial of former
army commander Solomon Mujuru.
Mujuru died on Tuesday after
his farm house in Beatrice was gutted by fire,
sparking speculation that he
was murdered.
Mugabe deviated from his speech to give counsel to his
supporters who
constantly booed Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and deputy
prime ministers
Arthur Mutambara and Thokozani Khupe.
He said there
was no need to fight as Zimbabweans were one.
“Lets create peace. We are
very happy that over the past few months there
have been remarkable peace,”
he said.
Mugabe said people must be free to choose leaders of their
choice during
elections.
Mugabe said Mujuru was a unifier as he was
instrumental in forging a united
defence force soon after
independence.
“He sought to bring about a difference, a change of fortune
and fate in the
lives of black Zimbabweans for too long occupied, for too
long oppressed,
suppressed and sidelined in the affairs of their country,”
he said.
He said Mujuru was a symbol of the struggle, a figure of rich
memories and
inspiration.
The veteran ruler described Mujuru as a
legend who had managed to capture
the respect and collective grief of the
whole nation
Mugabe also refrained from reading his prepared speech that
appeared more
combative with the Zanu PF sanctions mantra
dominating.
Part of the prepared speech read: “Above all, Rex shunned
sanctions as a
form of assault on the people of Zimababwe.
“He was
with us when we organised the anti-sanctions campaign. He signed the
petition.
“He denounced those sanctions and those behind them. How do
you shed genuine
tears for Rex when you stand opposed to the very ideals for
which he fought
and struggled?
“How do you claim him and his legacy
when you stand against his cause and
the cause of the very people whose
grievances motivated him?
“How do you claim him today when you traffic
with those he traded bullets
with only yesterday?”
Meanwhile, an
estimated record crowd of 50 000 was at the national shrine.
For the
first time in many years Zanu PF did not have to bus people to
attend the
burial as was the norm when they bury other heroes at the
shrine.
Zimbabweans from all walks of life and political affiliation came
in their
thousands to bid farewell to the late general.
Some people
were perched in trees to enable them to follow proceedings while
cars had to
be parked at the National Sports Stadium and along Bulawayo
road.
People had to walk almost 2 km to the national
shrine.
Among those that attended were opposition leaders Dumiso
Dabengwa,
Tsvangirai, Khupe, Speaker of Parliament Lovemore Moyo, Welshman
Ncube and
Arthur Mutambara.
Cabinet ministers from the three
governing parties also attended.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:03
BY
TATENDA CHITAGU
MASVINGO — Cash-strapped Air Zimbabwe donated US$1
700, a trophy and hampers
at the army schools sports competition held at 4.1
Infantry Battalion on
Friday.
Air Zim officials, who refused to talk
about the donation, handed over some
hampers to Zimbabwe National Army
commander, Lieutenant General Philip
Valerio Sibanda. The airline has not
been serving its routes for close to a
month after pilots went on strike
demanding outstanding salaries.
Air Zim is facing collapse owing to
the perennial strikes and the debts that
have accumulated to millions of
dollars.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011
14:00
BY PATIENCE NYANGOVE
EMBATTLED church leader Emmanuel
Makandiwa failed to attend the much
publicised “Catch the fire conference,”
that began last week, where he was
billed to be the drawcard.
Makandiwa
left the country three weeks ago for the United Kingdom after
reports
surfaced that police were investigating him on unspecified charges.
But
officials from his United Family International (UFI) church insisted
that he
was on holiday.
There were also reports that he had gone to the UK to
meet his spiritual
father, Prophet Victor Kusi Boateng, who heads a church
called Power Chapel
World Wide.
Hundreds of people thronged the
National Sports Stadium, where the crusade
was held, but indications are
that attendances plummeted as the week
progressed, as Makandiwa failed to
turn up.
Makandiwa was recently dragged to the High Court over his
“spiritual link”
airtime recharge card invention.
The system
allows Makandiwa’s followers to receive devotional messages from
the popular
evangelist.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:06
BY NUNURAYI
JENA
CHINHOYI — Suspected Zanu PF supporters and soldiers allegedly
set on fire
houses belonging to an MDC-T official in Magunje, Hurungwe last
week in
politically motivated attacks.
Two houses belonging to MDC-T
Hurungwe district organising secretary Edmore
Chinanzvavana were destroyed
in the fire.
A visibly shocked Chinanzvavana blamed Zanu PF youths
and soldiers, who had
allegedly threatened him with unspecified action hours
before the arson
attack.
They allegedly accused him of organising
a rally that was addressed by the
chairperson of the MDC-T’s women’s
assembly Theresa Makone and executive
member Jessie Majome.
The
rally was reportedly attended by more than 500 people.
“When we
arrived at my homestead at Magunje Growth Point from the rally at
Mudzimu
Township we were threatened by soldiers and some Zanu PF activists,”
Chinanzvavana said. “The houses were already on fire.”
He said
nothing was salvaged from the houses after the fire.
“Everything was
burnt in the house including a welding machine, grinding
machine, fishing
rods, two tonnes of maize, six bags of fertliser, door
frames and a table,”
he said.
A senior army officer also reportedly threatened MDC-T
Hurungwe district
secretary Tonderai Kusemamuriwo with unspecified action
for organising the
rally.
“The senior army officer (name given)
threatened me saying I should not lead
MDC-T activities within a 2km radius
of the 2.3 Infantry barracks,” he said.
Chinanzvavana and Kusemamuriwo
reported their cases at Magunje Police
Station.
Police could not
immediately comment on the cases.
MDC-T provincial organising
secretary Wilson Makanyaire accused Zanu PF of
using soldiers in the
district because the party did not have structures.
MDC-T claims more
than 200 of its followers were murdered in various
incidents of
polititically motivated violence during the run-up to the 2008
harmonised
elections won by its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011
14:07
BY RUTENDO MAWERE
GWERU — Local Government, Rural and
Urban Development minister Ignatius
Chombo has instructed the Gweru council
to reinstate its chamber secretary
who was fired for alleged corruption in
March.
But councillors have vowed to ignore the directive accusing the
minister of
overstepping his mandate.
Chombo ordered Richard
Masinire’s reinstatement and also announced the
appointment of a special
committee to investigate alleged corruption in the
local
authority.
Masinire was fired in March after an investigation team
that comprised a
provincial magistrate, a lawyer, three councillors and an
official from the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions found him guilty of
corruption.
He was accused of hiring his friends as administrative
officers, providing
information to job seekers ahead of interviews and
misrepresenting
qualifications of friends he recommended for job
promotions.
However, in a letter dated August 10, Chombo said he was
rescinding “the
decision to discharge Masinire, at least until the
implementation of the
findings of the investigation team, and direct that he
be reinstated to the
office of the chamber secretary with immediate
effect.”
Gweru Mayor Tedious Chimombe said Chombo’s directive was not
in the interest
of Gweru residents and would be ignored.
“The law
says the minister can only reverse, suspend or rescind a decision
or action
of council if it is not in the interests of the inhabitants of the
council
area or is not in the national or public interest,” he said.
“As
council, we do not think it is of interest to the Gweru residents to
reinstate someone who was found guilty of corruption.”
Chombo has
been accused of persistently interfering in the running of MDC-T
controlled
councils and has suspended a number of councillors for alleged
corruption.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:15
BY
SILAS NKALA
BULAWAYO — A Lupane magistrate has issued a warrant of
arrest against a
34-year-old man from Gutu in Masvingo after he failed to
appear in court,
where he is being charged with insulting President Robert
Mugabe.
Michael Mapwika initially appeared before Lupane magistrate Takudzwa
Gwazemba in March, accused of calling Mugabe a baboon.
He was
remanded out of custody to April 1 for the continuation of trial
after
pleading not guilty to the charges.
But he failed to appear in court,
leading to prosecutors applying for the
warrant of arrest on
Thursday.
Mapwika was travelling along the Bulawayo-Victoria Falls
road on November 26
last year when he allegedly uttered the offending
words.
The state alleged that Mapwika said in Shona “Mugabe haana
nebasa rese
handineyi naye ini. Mugabe ndiPresident wokuti chii? Mugabe
igudo.” (“Mugabe
is useless, I don’t have anything to do with him. What
president. He is a
baboon.”)
He was arrested by police officers
who overheard him and was charged with
undermining the authority of the
president.
Meanwhile, the case of a white businessman Brian Davison
(59) who allegedly
accused police of fundraising for a “broke government of
Mugabe” resumed on
Tuesday after the Attorney General’s office recommended
his prosecution.
The case had been in limbo since last year because
the AG had not given
prosecutors the go ahead.
Foster, of Heyman
Road Suburbs in Bulawayo, represented by Matshobana Ncube
and Kucaca Phulu
of Phulu and Ncube legal practitioners, appeared before
Lupane resident
magistrate Takudzwa Gwazemba on Tuesday. But the case was
postponed to
August 31 before plea after the key state witnesses, who are
police
officers, failed to turn up for unclear reasons.
The state’s case is
that Foster, who is the director of Foster Irrigation
Scheme in Bulawayo, on
May 19 last year was allegedly driving a Toyota
Fortuner along Victoria
Falls road when he was stopped by police at a
roadblock in
Lupane.
He was charged for speeding and when he was asked to produce
his driver’s
licence and pay a fine, Forster allegedly told the police
officers that they
were trying to “raise money for the poor and broke Mugabe
government”.
Forster allegedly drove off the scene, but was arrested when he
reached
Victoria Falls.
Ncube said his client never insulted
Mugabe, but said he would pay the fine
as the government needed the
money.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:17
BY JENNIFER
DUBE
THE Zimbabwe National Road Authority (Zinara) has centralised
the issuing of
vehicle licences, in a move that has deprived local
authorities of a major
source of funds for maintenance of roads.
Councils
used to issue the licences on behalf of Zinara and retained the
bulk of the
funds for the maintenance of roads.
But the licences are now being
handled by Zimpost, which collects the funds
on behalf of
Zinara.
Before disbursing the money, Zimpost takes a 10%
administrative charge,
which was originally meant for the local
authorities.
This percentage in terms of a city like Harare, which
started collecting
licensing fees in 1961, represented a casual workforce of
50 workers working
on roads.
Council officials are concerned that
they are getting less money than they
used to collect before the sudden
shift in policy.
Officials from the Harare City Council also
complained that the money the
city was getting from Zinara was far much
lower than what it made through
licence fees, being one of the cities
registering most cars in the country.
However, Zinara CEO Frank
Chitukutuku said the centralisation of the issuing
of licences, which began
in October last year, had brought “sanity”.
“When the councils were
collecting licence fees, it was not a right for them
to do so, but a
privilege extended to them by Zinara in terms of the Road
Act,” Chitukutuku
said.
“Zinara has the mandate to collect all road user charges
including fuel
levy, transit, toll, overload and licence
fees.”
He said the authority had noticed that some councils were
abusing the fees
to pay salaries and other running costs instead of
maintaining roads.
Chitukutuku said the move had also benefitted motorists
who now pay a
uniform fee of US$20.
He said councils could not
demand to be paid more because cars could travel
all over the country, even
if they were registered at a certain council.
“Councils need to understand
that it can happen that Bindura gets money for
periodic maintenance and
Bulawayo gets for routine maintenance and that
means Bindura will get more
because the process is more expensive,” he said.
Zinara estimates
that registered cars on the country’s various roads are
between 600 000 and
700 000.
Chitukutuku said while Zinara has done a lot regarding
routine maintenance
since the introduction of toll fees and centralisation
of license fees,
funds were still inadequate to overhaul the country’s road
network.
He said the authority gets US$1,2 million from toll fees per
month yet
rehabilitating a road like Harare-Masvingo required between US$300
000 and
US$500 000 per kilometre.
Council officials said what
Chitukutuku was forgetting was that legal suits
against council would
increase as a result of non-maintenance of roads due
to this new arrangement
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:18
BY WALTER
MARWIZI
WILFRED Mhanda, a former guerrilla commander, has released
his war-time
memoirs exposing how President Robert Mugabe ruthlessly
suppressed him and
other commanders in the late 70s on his way to becoming
the Prime Minister
of Zimbabwe.
Mhanda, mostly known by his liberation
struggle nom de guerre Dzinashe
Machingura or simply Dzino, is portrayed in
the dominant state version of
the liberation struggle as an enemy of the
revolution that swept Ian Smith
out of power.
But in Dzino,
Memories of a Freedom Fighter, Mhanda answers his critics with
a riveting
account that offers an alternative interpretation of events of
the late 70s
when Zanla commanders were arrested for questioning Mugabe’s
suitability as
leader of the then liberation movement.
Their harrowing prison ordeal
included staying in a crowded tiny cell that
was flushed once in 10 days,
eating rice laced with sand grains, bathing
once in three months and staying
in a disused toilet where the urinary
served as their
pillow.
Despite these trials and tribulations, Mhanda asserts the
prominent role he
played in the liberation struggle, describing in detail
his involvement in
key events and processes that shaped the campaign to oust
the colonial
regime.
Mhanda, who was a Zanla commander, was part
of the guerrilla leaders who
authored the famous Mgagao declaration that
resulted in Reverend Ndabaningi
Sithole being deposed as the leader of Zanu
PF.
That time Zanu PF leaders were in detention following the
assassination of
Herbert Chitepo.
Their arrest left a void that
could have been catastrophic to the war effort
but up stepped Mhanda and the
other commanders; the late Rex Nhongo (Solomon
Mujuru) Elias Hondo and James
Nyikadzinashe to revive the war effort.
The group joined forces with
Zipra commanders to form the Zimbabwe People’s
Army (Zipa) and then launched
a devastating three-pronged military incursion
into Rhodesia that eventually
forced Smith to the negotiating table.
Mhanda says at the time Mugabe
and the late Edgar Tekere had been banished
to the coastal town of Quelimane
by Mozambican President Samora Machel, who
“did not trust
Mugabe”.
An arranged encounter between the commanders and Mugabe at
Chimoio refugee
camp was the beginning of problems between
them.
Mhanda recalls that Mugabe’s autocratic demeanour led them to
doubt his
suitability as a Zanu leader and they made their reservations
known to the
other leaders.
Soon Zipa leaders were accused of
harbouring intentions to transform the
military body into a political
party.
When Zanu PF leaders were released from a Zambian prison,
Zipa’s differences
with Mugabe reached a boiling point.
At the
Lusaka summit held in October 1976, Mugabe summoned Mhanda and the
other
young military leaders and delivered a simple message: disband
Zipa.
Mhanda responded by saying the decision on the matter could
only be made by
former Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere as chairman of the
Frontline
States.
“Mugabe was not in the least amused by my
intervention, one could see his
body language.”
Mujuru hardly
said a word and sat motionless through the meeting, Mhanda
said.
“It was clear he was having consultations with Mugabe
behind our backs.”
After the emotionally charged meeting, Mhanda
contemplated stepping down as
Zipa commander after noting, “Mugabe now saw
me as the chief obstacle to the
imposition of Zanu PF’s leadership on Zipa’s
military committee”.
Mujuru did not accompany his comrades to the
meeting with Nyerere, where
they were given the nod to continue with the
war.
It was clear to the other Zipa leaders that the late Mujuru, who
was highly
praised at Heroes Acre yesterday by the President, had entered a
secret
alliance with Mugabe while at the same appearing to be supporting the
cause
of his military colleagues.
Mugabe opposed unity with
Zapu, pushed for Zipa commanders’ arrest: Dzino
When it was time for the
Geneva Conference, Mhanda turned down Mugabe’s call
for the military leaders
to attend.
Without the guerilla commanders, Mugabe was ridiculed by
Smith who charged
he had no time to waste talking to people who did not
control the guerillas
fighting the war.
This prompted Machel to
order the military leaders to go to Geneva.
Mhanda, who described it
as a bitter pill to swallow to sit behind Mugabe at
the conference,
described how they were paraded at Geneva as if we were
“there to lend our
support to Mugabe”.
After Geneva, storm clouds gathered over Zipa’s
military leadership. The
Mozambican government, which favoured a negotiated
end to the war, turned
against them.
Zipa leaders were soon to
realise that during their absence, the command at
the camps had been
reorganised.
Relations between the nationalist leaders and the Zipa
commanders were to
completely break down.
Zipa insisted Mugabe
was still secretary general of Zanu and a new president
would be elected at
a congress after liberation.
Zipa also opposed Mugabe’s unilateral
decision to form a Zanu PF central
committee packed with handpicked members,
in violation of the party’s
constitution.
Zipa also saw unity
with Zapu as central to thwarting imperialist
machinations. Mugabe was
vehemently opposed to unity with Zapu.
“Differences such as these
were blown out of proportion and construed as a
revolt against Mugabe’s
leadership,” Mhanda said.
In January 1977, a meeting called to
“rationalise leadership structures”
turned nasty for Zipa leaders who ended
up in a filthy basement of an
abandoned hotel on the shores of the Indian
ocean.
Mhanda said Mujuru was “complicit in the treacherous scheme”
to arrest the
Zipa commanders, as he left early for camps to pacify the
fighters ahead of
the arrests.
But unknown to Mhanda, Machel had
prevailed on Mugabe to spare him from
arrest.
The following
morning Mugabe proposed that they work together.
Mhanda disagreed and
his last day of freedom was January 21 1977 until
January 1980 when he was
released .
In total, Mugabe’s crackdown on Zipa netted 50 officials.
Six hundred
fighters were also arrested, leaving him without any challenge
to his
leadership.
Jabulani Sibanda not a war veteran:
Mhanda
Jabulani Sibanda, who is causing havoc in Masvingo is not a
genuine war
veteran, according to Mhanda.
“Sibanda joined Zipra
in 1979 and immediately went to Angola for training,
only returning to
Zimbabwe after independence. He thus has little claim to
being a legitimate
war ‘veteran’.
“As for (Joseph) Chinotimba, there is no record of him
having trained with
Zanla before the 1979 ceasefire.”
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011
14:24
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE
HUNGER stricken villagers in Makoni
North in Manicaland province are being
forced to contribute money and food
for a graduation ceremony of the
notorious Zanu PF militia, known for their
ruthlessness against opponents of
President Robert Mugabe’s party.
The
militia is being trained at Sherenje Secondary School but Zanu PF has
claimed that they are empowering the youths with life skills, such as income
generating projects.
Angry villagers, some of whom can’t afford
to eat two decent meals a day,
said each homestead was being coerced to pay
US$2 and donate 5kg of maize
meal towards the graduation of the militia, set
for August 27.
The villagers said some of them had been forced to
part with their chickens
or goats as contributions towards the pass-out
parade.
“They are holding meetings in each and every village ordering
people to
contribute towards the graduation which they said is on the 27th
of August,”
said one villager who asked to remain anonymous for fear of
victimisation.
“They tell us that those who fail to pay will be in
for it but they are not
specific on what form of action they will
take.”
As of last week, said one villager, the militia had collected
20 hens from
the villagers, who are battling to cope with this year’s
drought that hit
most parts of the country.
Some villagers will
need food assistance to see them through to the next
harvest.
But
out of fear and knowing the ruthless way Zanu PF deals with perceived
“enemies”, especially supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC-T), the villagers are rushing to comply.
Another villager
told The Standard that the militia arrived at his homestead
and demanded a
goat “because he was a known MDC-T supporter”.
He however said he had
not surrendered the goat because he was still seeking
advice from senior
party officials in the province.
During the violent 2008 elections
several MDC-T supporters lost their
property to Zanu PF
activists.
When they tried to reclaim them, they were arrested by the
police.
When the military-style training, which includes drills,
press-ups and
lessons on how to operate guns, began six months ago, there
were only 79
youths at Sherenje Secondary school but the number has since
ballooned to
about 200.
Kasukuwere’s ministry has denied reports
that Zanu PF is training militia
saying the programme at Sherenje was part
of 63 Youth Build Zimbabwe (YBZ)
projects underway across the
country.
The ministry has said the contributions towards the upkeep
of the youths
were voluntary as they were engaged in community building
projects.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011
14:29
BY OUR STAFF
THE MDC Youth Assembly has engaged youth
movements in South Africa in the
hope of ending xenophobic violence in that
country that has seen several
foreign nationals being killed or
injured.
In letters addressed to the Young Communist League, youth wing of
the South
African Communist Party (SACP), ANC Youth League, Congress of the
People
(Cope) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), the MDC Youth Assembly
secretary
general, Discent Bajila, said if the violence was left unchecked,
southern
Africa would descend into chaos similar to that afflicting North
Africa.
Bajila said they were engaging the youth leagues because most
xenophobic
attacks were being perpetrated by the young people who were
disenchanted
because of unemployment.
“To make matters worse a
bulk of both victims and perpetrators of xenophobia
are young people and
this gives you and I an undeniable responsibility to
work together to stop
the killings,” Bajila wrote to the South African
parties.
He said
the youth leagues had a responsibility to confront the xenophobic
violence
together, as these had the effect of destabilising the region,
which was
already faced with conflict in Madagascar, Zimbabwe, Malawi and
Swaziland.
“A combination of goings-on in Malawi, the unstable
politics of Harare and
Antananarivo, the upcoming elections in Zambia and
xenophobic attacks in
South Africa might result in a full blown North
Africa-style crisis in our
region and we will all live to regret it,” Bajila
wrote.
The YCL confirmed receipt of the letter, saying it was also
looking at ways
to work with their Zimbabwean counterparts in the hope of
easing xenophobic
tensions in South Africa.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:30
BY NQABA
MATSHAZI
THE just ended Sadc summit in Angola promised so much in
terms of solving
the Zimbabwe crisis yet delivered so little, as Zimbabwe’s
feuding parties
came back literally empty handed.
Political
analysts had described the heads of state summit in Luanda as a
make or
break meeting for Zimbabwe, but as with so many summits, little was
gained
in terms of solving the years-long impasse blighting the country’s
political
economic and political prospects.
Couched in diplomatic language,
Sadc urged the parties to the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) to remain
“committed to the implementation and
finalise the roadmap on outstanding
issues”.
Analysts have described the meetings as more the same,
pointing out that the
same issues that were raised in Livingstone, Zambia
and Sandton, South
Africa were echoed by the Angola summit, as the regional
leaders failed to
take a definitive stand on Zimbabwe.
Civic
society leaders from across the region expressed disdain at Sadc
efforts to
solve regional crises, describing the bloc as a toothless
bulldog.
“Sadc has to show that it has power to enforce its
resolutions. So far there
have been no decisive steps to ensure that,”
Phillip Pasirayi, the
spokesperson for the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition,
told AFP last week.
In a statement after the summit, Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition said they were
disappointed that no firm action had been
taken, but found solace in that no
ground had been lost.
“(The
summit) does not have significant forward strides, at least it is not
retrogressive — it leaves much up to Zimbabwe’s political leaders to
implement the GPA and carry out reforms,” the statement
read.
“Sadc has become an old boys club, an institution of heads of
state. There
was no subject of substance on the table for these leaders,”
Swaziland
pro-democracy activist Musa Hlophe said.
The warring
parties, Zanu PF and the two factions of the MDC, have so far
failed to
agree on a time frame to hold elections and are divided on how to
handle
western sanctions imposed on President Robert Mugabe and his close
associates.
In the days leading to the summit, analysts had hoped
that the summit would
build on what they saw as successes in Sandton and
Livingstone and persuade
Mugabe to make more concessions to his coalition
partners, but Sadc failed
to stamp its authority.
Zimbabweans
must solve own problems
Political analyst, Effie Ncube said it was now
time for introspection from
Zimbabweans, as the solution to the country’s
problems lay within.
“The time has come for us to stop looking
towards Sadc for a solution, they
have failed,” he said. “We have to ask
ourselves how we can end the
stand-off without looking to outsiders for
help.”
Ncube said the problem was that the region itself was divided
on how to
handle the Zimbabwe crisis, with some countries backing Mugabe and
Zanu PF,
while others backed the two formations of the MDC.
MDC-T
deputy spokesperson Tabitha Khumalo concurred with Ncube, that it was
time
for Zimbabweans to take charge of their destiny and confront the
challenges
they were faced with.
“The masses must move the country and make it
into the Zimbabwe we want,”
she said.
Khumalo also agreed that
another challenge was that most of the countries in
Sadc were run by former
liberation parties and these tended to side with
Zanu PF.
“We are
a progressive party and it is difficult to make the liberation
parties take
a tough stand against Zanu PF,” she said.
MDC spokesman, Nhlanhla
Dube said Sadc was on track to meet its mandate,
arguing that the solution
to the crisis lay with Zimbabweans.
“The problems are Zimbabweans
themselves, who have not been able to
implement what they agree on,” he
said.
Dube said the shortcoming with Sadc was that it did not have
instruments to
cajole the warring parties to implement agreements but rather
could only
urge them diplomatically.
Sadc backs zuma role on
Zim
The Luanda Sadc summit resolved that South African President Jacob
Zuma
(pictured) will remain a mediator in the Zimbabwean crisis, a deadly
body
blow to Zanu PF’s campaign to have him removed.
Zanu PF
argued that since Zuma was taking over as the chairman of the Sadc
organ on
politics, defence and security, he could not be expected to report
to
himself on the Zimbabwean crisis.
The former ruling party is not
happy with the South African leader’s robust
approach into resolving the
country’s decade-long crisis.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:32
BY KHOLWANI
NYATHI
FORMER army commander Solomon Mujuru, who was buried
yesterday, became the
second national hero to die in a mysterious fire this
year.
Mujuru, a former top liberation war hero and Zanu PF politburo member
was
burnt “beyond recognition” after his farm house in Beatrice was
destroyed in
a fire.
Police say they are still investigating
circumstances leading to the former
general’s death.
Some Zanu PF
supporters and neutrals believe Mujuru was murdered and the
speculation was
so intense that his widow Vice-President Joice Mujuru had to
appeal for calm
to allow for investigations to continue.
But Mujuru’s death has a
striking resemblance to that of Corneous Nhloko, a
former Central
Intelligence Organisation (CIO) operative in February. Nhloko
died when a
mysterious fire gutted his house in Silobela, and he was
declared a national
hero.
His family refused to have his remains interred at the Heroes
Acre sparking
speculation that they were not convinced that the fire was an
accident.
Nhloko was a former head of Zipra’s National Security
Organisation
deputising Dumiso Dabengwa in the movement’s revolutionary
council.
He was not a popular political figure, hence his mysterious
death did not
raise as much speculation as Mujuru’s demise has
done.
However, the deaths are an addition to a long list of Zanu PF
luminaries who
died in mysterious circumstances after they were linked to
conspiracies
against President Robert Mugabe.
While there is no
evidence to suggest that Mujuru’s death was an
assassination, observers have
linked it to the vicious battle to succeed
Mugabe.
This has led
many to ask questions on whether the Zanu PF factions have
changed the way
they eliminate each other.
Other senior Zanu PF officials who died in
mysterious accidents that have
never been properly explained include Josiah
Tongogara, Sidney Malunga,
Elliot Manyika, Moven Mahachi and Border
Gezi.
United Kingdom-based political analyst Beki-themba Mpofu said
the conspiracy
theories were bound to emerge, given Mujuru’s stature and the
way he died.
“Traditionally, death is treated with suspicion in our
culture, particularly
where it is not through natural causes,” Mpofu
said.
“Zanu PF is traditionally a violent party, believed to maim
non-conformist
leaders, so when deaths within the party are systematic they
rightfully feed
into the world of conspirancy theories.”
He said
assassinations could not be ruled out as the battle to succeed the
ailing
Mugabe intensifies.
Mugabe (87) wants to run in the next elections
even though some of his
closest lieutenants, including former Information
minister Jonathan Moyo,
have warned that delaying the polls could make it
difficult for the
octogenarian to mount a successful
campaign.
Mujuru had appeared to have the upper hand over his main
rival Defence
minister Emmerson Mnagagwa in the battle to succeed
Mugabe.
Although it was not clear if he had presidential ambitions of
his own,
Mujuru was the unquestionable force behind his wife’s ascendancy to
the VP’s
post.
Analysts fear there could be bloodshed as the Zanu
PF factions battle to
position themselves in the event of Mugabe’s death or
voluntary exit from
the political arena.
“With Mugabe’s health
conspiring against him participating in next year’s
elections, factionalism
in a violent party like Zanu PF can breed violent
attacks,” Mpofu
said.
“Road accidents have killed many Zanu PF leaders to date and
most now hedge
against that risk, therefore, limiting the use of that method
of internal
elimination.”
Arson has also been used against Zanu
PF opponents with several MDC
activists dying after petrol bomb
attacks.
Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika, who were campaigning
for Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, were in 2000 burnt beyond recognition
when their car was
petrol bombed by a Zanu PF mob in the run up to
parliamentary elections.
One of the attackers was identified as
Joseph Mwale, a CIO operative, but he
has never been arrested despite a High
Court order that he must be brought
to justice.
Hundreds have
also had their homesteads burnt down by Zanu PF activists who
are never
arrested.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 16:55
BY PERPETUA
CHIKOLOLERE
At least 150 people are expected to benefit from free eye
operations to
remove cataracts under the Lions Club of Harare West’s Eye
First annual
project between Monday and Friday.
The operations
will be done at the Sekuru Kaguvi Eye Unit at Parirenyatwa
Hospital by a
group of local ophthalmologists and optometrists.
“We expect
150 operations to be performed on the 22nd and 26th of August,”
said Clever
Mugadza, the chairperson of the Sight First — Lions Club of
Harare.
He said beneficiaries of the annual project were “usually
the elderly
underprivileged persons in our communities.”
The
major aim of the project is to help disadvantaged people eliminate
preventable blindness and visual impairment.
Eye cataract
operations cost between US$800 and US$1 500 at private
hospitals and trying
to have the procedure at public institutions means a
long wait as the
institutions are always overwhelmed.
Cataract surgery involves the
removal of the natural lens of the eye that
has developed an opacification,
which is referred to as the cataract.
The Lions Club says it sourced this
year’s Eye Camp kits from Aurola and
Madurai, India.
Published
clinic and hospital data, population-based surveys and World
Health
Organisation estimates indicate that 1,2% of Africa’s population is
blind
and that cataracts cause 36% of the blindness.
According to the
Operation Eye Sight Universal, Africa has the second
highest burden of
blindness and vision impairment in the world.
While it has only 11%
of the world’s population, Africa is home to
approximately 19% of the
world’s blind population.
Mugadza said the Lions Club of Harare West
had so far carried out 2 500
operations under the Eye Sight
programme.
The programme has improved vision care for thousands of
people by providing
cataract surgeries, screening, medication, treatment and
community education
to prevent blindness.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011
14:54
BY OUR STAFF
The National Social Security Authority has
set up a US$5 million fund to
help retrenches start business
projects.
Loans, which will be for amounts between US$500 and US$5
000, will be
repayable within periods of six to 12 months and will attract a
10%
interest. One of the major requirements will be that beneficiaries
should
have contributed to the national pension fund while they were in
employment.
“The two banks which are being provided with
the funds for lending to
retrenched former national pension fund
contributors are Metropolitan Bank
and FBC Bank,” NSSA said in a
statement.
“Those wishing to apply for the loans can apply at any
branch of these
banks. They will have to satisfy the bank’s lending
criteria. In addition,
they will have to provide their retrenchment letter
and their national
social security number.”
The fund said if
applicants had existing businesses, they would also need to
furnish proof
that they were up-to-date with their NSSA contributions. “The
loan
applications will be vetted both by the bank and by NSSA. The banks
will
assess the application in terms of their lending criteria and risk
assessment,” NSSA said.
“NSSA will verify whether or not the
applicant has contributed to the
national pension scheme and, in the case of
those with existing businesses,
is up to date with NSSA
payments.”
NSSA last month told banks that it would no longer give
loans to financial
institutions that charged their clients more than 15% on
interest.
The loans given to selected banks are for lending to struggling
businesses
and NSSA issued the warning after concerns that banks were
overcharging
their clients who were desperate for loans.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:52
BY JOHN
KACHEMBERE
EVEN before the import duty on basic commodities is fully
reinstated next
month, retailers have already raised prices, much to the
frustration of
Zimbabwe’s poorly paid workers.
Finance minister Tendai
Biti, in his mid-year fiscal review statement last
month, announced that
duty on basic commodities such as maize meal and
cooking oil would be
restored beginning of August.
He said for other food stuffs such as
potato chips, baked beans and mixed
fruit jam, duty would become effective
in September.
The duty will range between 10% and 25%, while that on
salt, rice and flour
would remain suspended until the end of the
year.
Biti said the move was meant to protect local industry against
cheap imports
but economists and consumers feel the decision was
rushed.
Most people feel local industry does not have the capacity to
meet demand
and will resort to overpricing of basic
commodities.
“We had so much faith in Biti because we thought he had
the people at heart,
but now his true colours are beginning to show,” said
Masimba Muchati, a
Harare school teacher.
“He has constantly said
the country has no money, so where does he expect us
to get the extra money
to be able to afford the new food prices?”
He said government appeared bent
on reversing the little gains made by civil
servants when they were awarded
a modest salary increment in July.
Last month government gave civil
servants a salary increase that saw the
least paid employee getting at least
US$300 a month, which is still far
below the poverty datum line, estimated
at over US$500.
“In real terms, there was no salary increase for
civil servants as all the
money is being taken by the already increasing
food prices,” said Chido
Mashaya, another teacher from
Chitungwiza.
A snap survey conducted by this paper indicated that two
litres of cooking
oil, which cost US$3,50 in July, now retails at between
US$4,50 and US$5.
Prices of the most affordable laundry soap jumped from
US$0,90 to US$1,50.
Prominent economist Johan-nes Chiminya said
considering that money in
Zimbabwe was expensive and that industry had not
used a fund set up for its
revival, government’s decision to restore import
duty on basic commodities
was ill-advised.
“Not much can happen
in the manufacturing sector if financing remains
short-term and expensive
and utilities are unaffordable,” he said.
“Despite an outcry from local
players in the manufacturing sector, the
duty-free policy needed to be
extended until production levels in industry
had significantly
improved.”
The scaling down of industry operations to nearly 10% in
the last decade
forced most consumers to rely heavily on imported goods from
neighbouring
countries.
However, the formation of the inclusive
government and introduction of
multiple currencies in 2009 saw industrial
capacity utilisation increasing
to 45%.
Despite concurring that local
production levels are not yet sufficient to
meet local demand, manufacturers
and the Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries (CZI) have been fiercely
lobbying for the restoration of import
duty on basic
commodities.
The influx of cheap imports has created an unfair
playing ground for local
products which are facing high production
costs.
After the collapse of commercial farming in the country,
manufacturing
companies have resorted to importing raw
materials.
The quality of local products has also deteriorated over
the years.
This has seen most consumers preferring imported products,
which are of a
better quality compared to locally produced consumer
goods.
Use of obsolete machinery and outdated technology has been
cited as the main
reason for the production of low-quality products
locally.
Consumer Council of Zimbabwe executive director, Rosemary
Siyachitema said
government had left consumers to the wolves while “we don’t
know whether the
local industry would be revived or not”.
She
said although the move would not result in food shortages, the
cumulative
effects of price increases would be felt most among low income
earners, who
make the bulk of Zimbabwe’s population.
Grain Millers Association of
Zimbabwe chairman Tafadzwa Musarara said his
organisation had lobbied for
the restoration of duty on maize meal to create
favourable market
conditions for millers.
“The aim of the imposition of duty is to
level the playing field and
discourage (and not ban) imports,” he
said.
“Maize meal imports reportedly caused unprecedented job losses
in the
milling sector and negatively affected producer prices of
maize.
“The 10% duty imposed by the minister was consistent with the regional
tariffs.
“In fact, the 10% duty on maize meal is the lowest in
the region,” said
Musarara who is also the secretary general for Affirmative
Action Group
(AAG).
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011 14:35
BY AARON
MAKAZA
Time Bank, recently relicensed and having converted its
operations from a
commercial bank to an investment bank, has developed a
concept based on the
creation of what it has termed the 4th Money, to
bankroll some of the
financial obligations incurred by the Government of
Zimbabwe (GoZ).
The funds would in the main cater for civil servant’s
salaries and pay off
old Zimbabwe dollar deposits in United States
dollars.
The proposal entails the GoZ accessing funds amounting to
US$5 billion
through a Syndicate Loan and is envisaged to result in
increased aggregate
domestic demand thus increasing economic activity and
reducing unemployment.
The Treasury Bonds (TB) arising from the
Syndicate Loan would also enhance
inter-bank market trades, which presently
are essentially non-existent.
The 4th Money concept is a noble idea
envisaged to help stimulate economic
recovery that has hitherto remained a
mirage due to poor disposable incomes
and the ructions in the inclusive
government.
Another gridlock to recovery efforts has been the lack of
confidence in the
banking sector, spawned by the inclusive government’s
failure to compensate
Zimbabwe dollar depositors since dollarisation in
February 2009, due to
budgetary constraints.
All these factors
have combined to aggravate the plight of ordinary
Zimbabweans, in particular
the civil servants who are still earning below
the breadline in spite of the
recent salary review.
The current poor working conditions for the
civil servants have resulted in
appalling service delivery and rampant
corruption. There is no doubt that
given the current poor salaries for the
civil servants, these public workers
need to be “incentivised” or
remunerated in a befitting manner.
That said, a platform must,
however, be created to allow for the development
of the 4th Money in a
sustainable way.
By this I mean that the idea needs to be tied to
other government policy
frameworks.
Currently the government is
operating on a cash budgeting fiscal framework
which essentially does not
allow for borrowing given the limited revenue
base.
Furthermore,
the government has a high default risk having failed to service
its
obligations and arrears.
There is need for the government to generate
additional revenue which will
go towards the half-yearly interest
obligations and the final payment after
the 10-year
period.
Without any significant revenue inflows chances that the
government will
default are significantly high. In the event that the
government defaults on
its obligations this will impact on confidence and
potentially cascade to
the financial sector (due to the exposure to the
TBs).
For the period January to May, Government net revenues amounted
to US$1
074,4 million just ahead of the US$1 0313,3 million target while net
expenditure was contained within the planned target of US$956,7 million at
US$914,4 million.
Tax revenue accounted for US$985,7 million
while current expenditure was
US$836 million.
The current fiscal
position is artificial given the accumulation of
government arrears and the
recent salary increases.
In view of outstanding obligations incurred,
the surplus position is not
likely to be sustained during the remainder of
the year.
The Minister of Finance, Tendai Biti, in his monthly update
noted that the
budget faces unfunded expenditure pressures of about US$445
million (5% of
Gross Domestic Product), excluding costs associated with the
recent wage
increase.
It should be noted that for sustained
economic recovery, it is essential
that the government channels a
significant portion of its budget towards
capital expenditure so as to
support the maintenance of growth enhancing
infrastructure.
In
May 2011, the International Monetary Fund, after conducting the 2011
Article
IV consultation discussions with the Zimbabwean authorities, noted
that
there are impediments to further economic growth. These include: the
likely
substantial fiscal financing gap for 2011, financial sector
vulnerabilities
and weakness in the business climate worsened by the
recently gazetted
fast-track indigenisation of the mining sector.
The fiscal gap is a
result of wage bill overrun and a large stock of
outstanding domestic
payments arrears accumulated by end-2010.
However, the gap could be
reduced by the removal of ghost workers, controls
on employment levels and a
reduction in low-priority transfers to
State-owned
enterprises.
Zimbabwe remains in debt distress exacerbated by the recent
non-concessional
borrowing of the government. Hence, significant social and
developmental
issues could be addressed through grants or highly
concessional financing,
as onerous debt service payments could crowd out
future social expenditures.
It is for this reason that the idea of
the 4th Money comes like sweet music
to the ear because it minimizes the
adverse effect of cash shortages or
rather liquidity challenges on critical
government expenditure while
measures to relieve the foreign currency
shortages are being implemented.
In fact, what is interesting and
exciting about this concept is that it is
financing obligations that are
already sitting on the government’s books.
Aaron Makaza is an analysts based
in the United Kingdom.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011
14:36
Instead of an outpouring of grief, the immediate aftermath of the
death of
General Solomon Mujuru was marked by conspiracy, subterfuge,
crocodile tears
and outright incitement for revenge on perceived enemies.
What was supposed
to be a mere subtext to the illustrious life story of the
great guerrilla
was thrust to the fore overshadowing the nation’s
grief.
The real story was that one of Zimbabwe’s most important people had
died
painfully in a fire that was most likely an act of arson; but that was
thrown to the background. Instead, the story became that of President Robert
Mugabe’s succession and how it has turned nasty with Mujuru’s
death.
The conspiracy theories that sprouted all over the place and
the undertones
of vengeance coming from certain quarters of our society show
just how
deeply scarred our nation is and how desperately it needs healing.
Vice-President Joice Mujuru, who was widowed by the event and must
definitely be the person most deeply affected personally by the tragedy, saw
the divisive potential of the rumour-mongering that followed her husband’s
death and sought to quell it but it had already spread like a virus,
especially on the Internet.
This is not the first death that has
threatened to rend asunder Zimbabwe as
a nation deeply divided by an
internecine political crisis. The death of
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai’s wife Susan in March 2009 in a suspicious
car accident in which
her husband survived also had the rumour mill running
at full throttle. It
took Tsvangirai’s plea to the effect that there was no
foul play to quell
the emotions that were threatening to blow over and lead
to civil
strife.
The lesson to learn is that high-profile deaths have to be
handled properly
otherwise that may spark the civil strife that always lies
simmering under
the surface in a country going through
transition.
A third death is worth mentioning: that of a police
officer in Glen View
early this year. We mention it only because the
culprits of that murder may
now never be known due to the way the police
handled it. In a hysterical
move the police swooped down on dozens of MDC-T
supporters after concluding
before investigation that they had murdered the
officer in cold blood.
People who were not even present on the scene were
picked up and
incarcerated for long periods because the police chose to be
emotional
rather than professional in their conduct.
We may never
know what exactly caused the Susan Tsvangirai accident, just
like we may
never know the circumstances leading to Mujuru’s death because
investigations have probably been directed away from the real culprits, just
like in the case of the murdered police officer.
The factionalism
in Zanu PF, of which Mujuru was alleged to lead a faction,
became the reason
for the late general’s death. The easy conclusion to make
was that Mujuru
was killed by the other faction allegedly led by Defence
minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa. Emotions swirled around this conspiracy theory
but people never
stopped to think that besides being a politician, Mujuru
was also a
businessman; a big one at that, some say he had become the
richest man in
Zimbabwe ahead of even cellular-phone tycoon Strive Masiiwa
and
locally-based British businessman Nick van Hoogstraten. Here was a man
who
obviously had made enemies in both politics and business; it is almost
impossible for a man or a woman involved in business to the scale that
Mujuru was not to have enemies.
He was in the diamond business
big time and we all know that diamonds hardly
ever go without blood. Indeed,
a local weekly has reported that Mujuru was
going to Beitbridge the
following morning purportedly to solve a diamond
deal that had gone sour. In
the face of this, it is premature for people to
quickly conclude that this
was a political rather than a business murder, or
simply a murder whose
motive might remain unknown. This is why it is
important that the police are
given time to investigate such murders without
being influenced by
conspiracy theories.
Did conspiracy theorists ever stop to think that
factionalists could not be
as naive and simplistic as to think that by
murdering Mujuru the way to
State House would be made easier? But conspiracy
theories have thriven in
Zanu PF because the party has a string of
unexplained deaths dating back to
the very days it was founded. This has
created a fertile ground for such
spurious theories to take
root.
Conspiracy theories need the death of a high-profile individual
to spark
civil war and genocide, as happened in Rwanda. Already on the
Internet,
particularly on Facebook, we are beginning to see posts such as,
“Are
members of the Mujuru faction going to take it lying
down?”
This is pure incitement. It is based on the conclusion, which
might turn out
to be wrong, that Mujuru was assassinated by members of a
rival faction. The
post incites members of the so-called Mujuru faction
(academics such as Ibbo
Mandaza argue that this factionalism is a fiction
created by the media) to
stand up and revenge. Revenge in this case can only
mean murdering whoever
purportedly leads the other faction.
But
where will the vengeance end? It will end in civil strife that may lead
to
genocide, again as happened in Rwanda.
What has emerged out of the
tragic death of Mujuru is that Zanu PF is deeply
divided and the most
explosive issue which has deepened the division is the
matter of Mugabe’s
succession. It has been argued, correctly, that this
issue is of national
rather than party importance; it affects everyone. It
is a national security
issue.
Mugabe should see this more clearly now due to the potential
the death of
Mujuru has to tear asunder not only his party but the nation as
a whole. It
is therefore incumbent upon him to quickly act by putting a
process in
motion that will see him easing out of his party’s leadership in
the
shortest possible time. If this means Zanu PF holding an extraordinary
elective congress sooner rather than later, so be it!
In the
meantime, he has to act very fast to quell the emotions that have
been
roused by conspiracy theorists before they explode. The police must
play
their part by quickly going to the bottom of all this without fear or
favour. Unfortunately, because of the politicisation of our uniformed
forces, this might be impossible since high-ranking officers are also
influenced by the factionalism in Zanu PF, much to the detriment of
professionalism.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw/
Sunday, 21 August 2011
14:36
The discovery of the Marange diamond fields in eastern Zimbabwe
should be a
milestone in the history of the nation. The discovery should NOT
be a
catastrophe.
Various media reports point out that the
Marange diamonds might be roughly
20% of all global diamond deposits. If
this is true, then it is a God-given
chance to turn around the fortunes of
the country, especially considering
that the global economic crisis favours
minerals such as gold and diamonds.
The Earth Times reported
that, “The hugely prolific Chiadzwa fields are
regarded as the world’s
biggest diamond find in more than a century”.
The New York Times quoted a
United Nations-related expert Mark Van Bockstael
as saying: “This (Marange)
is a world-class deposit, no doubt about it.” He
added, “The deposit is a
freak of nature.”
If this is true, then imagine how wonderful it
would be if the diamonds were
properly managed and put to good and
transparent use. Maybe Zimbabweans can
learn from how other nations managed
their precious resource finds. There
are many examples that we could learn
from. We could take for instance the
discovery of oil in Norway and how the
Norwegian government managed its oil
resources.
Oil has netted in
billions of dollars for Norway and as the United Nation
index says, Norway
is rated as the country with the best living standards in
the world. This is
mainly due to its oil and gas revenues.
Zimbabwe does not need to
waste time thinking about how to manage the
diamonds and the gold for the
benefit of its citizenry. It can simply learn
from examples such as Norway.
The lesson is that Zimbabwe should have
ownership of its strategic
resources. By Zimbabwean ownership, it is meant a
transparent, democratic
system accepted by and accountable to the citizens
of the country through
constitutionally recognisable provisions. Below are
some quotes on how the
oil structure works and benefits Norway.
In 2009, Norway’s petroleum
sector accounted for 21% of value creation in
the country. This is three
times the value creation of the manufacturing
industry and around 22 times
the total value creation of the primary
industries.
By revenue,
Norway’s oil utility Statoil was last year ranked by Fortune
Magazine as the
world’s 13th largest oil and gas company, and the largest
company in the
Nordic region by reveue, profit, and market capitalisation.
From oil
history and oil management in Norway, people can learn that
significant
resources like diamonds and gold must be state-owned in
partnership with
private investors who have the expertise. Success depends
on transparency
and accountability and the ability of the majority of the
citizens to accept
the laws governing the natural resource industry. It is
critical that laws
governing significant natural resources like oil, gold
and diamonds are seen
as moral and beneficial by the majority of a country’s
citizens.
It is rare for citizens to reject government control of
a country’s natural
resources as long as the citizens feel that they are
benefitting through
infrastructural developments, improved standards of
living, better salaries,
better education, health and liberty, among other
things. Foreign control of
significant and strategic assets like oil, gold
and diamonds will rarely
develop a nation. Local ownership is a preferred
model only when it benefits
all its citizens and not a select few. All hopes
are that Zimbabwe will
strive to exploit the diamonds to uplift the
standards of people’s lives in
rural areas as well as urban
areas.
About the Author
Ocean Marambanyika writes from the
University of Oslo, Norway.