Reuters
Mon 27 Aug
2007, 13:31 GMT
SYDNEY (Reuters) - Removing Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe would not
automatically deliver democracy to the troubled African
nation, said
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai, whose
campaigning against Mugabe has seen him brutally attacked,
said a political
culture of abuse and corruption needed to end before
democracy could
return.
"Let's not get too preoccupied with Mugabe," Tsvangirai told
Australian
television on Monday.
"Let's be preoccupied with the
political culture that has been instituted,
which disrespects people, that
violates people's rights, that undermines the
economic well being of
people.
"So removing Robert Mugabe may suit our own egos but certainly it
does not
remove the political culture. Removing Robert Mugabe may not
necessarily
mean we have created democracy," he said.
Tsvangirai said
the killings and violence under Mugabe's regime was enough
to take the
Zimbabwe leader to court on criminal charges, but such action
would only
cause instability.
"Given the choice between giving Mugabe amnesty and
allowing him to leave so
that we can get on with our lives and restore the
stability of the country,
I think people would chose that," said
Tsvangirai.
Mugabe had rigged elections over the past six years to
maintain power and
his grip on the country had led to political, economic
and health crises,
said the opposition leader.
AIDS kills almost
4,000 Zimbabweans a week, inflation is running at 14,000
percent,
electricity is a luxury and about one million school-age children
are not
going to school, he said.
"Mugabe's crackdown on our people leaves a
trail of broken limbs, rape
victims, torture victims, dead bodies. The
unprovoked and continuing attacks
on all Zimbabweans advocating for peaceful
change must stop and indeed it
must stop now," said
Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai, who will meet with Australia's foreign minister
on Tuesday, said
Australia had led international efforts to restore
democracy to Zimbabwe.
"Australia, I think has moved far ahead of other
countries in ensuring that
at least pressure is applied through multilateral
interventions, than any
other country so far," he said.
Over the last
five years Australia has imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe such as
restricting
senior government officials and state-owned enterprise managers
from
visiting Australia.
In May, Australian Prime Minister John Howard banned
the Australian cricket
team from visiting Zimbabwe.
In July,
Australia upgraded its Zimbabwe travel warnings, saying a "high
level of
criminal activity, the absence of the rule of law and deteriorating
economic
conditions could lead to civil unrest at any time".
The Telegraph
By Peta
Thornycroft in Johannesburg
Last Updated: 1:16am BST
27/08/2007
Zimbabwe's military strength, upon which
Robert Mugabe's political
survival depends, is seeping away due to the
country's collapsed economy.
Once among the best trained and most
battle hardened in Africa, the
military is now suffering a rash of
defections among servicemen who are no
longer prepared to put up with
subsistence wages.
One young officer cadet who went AWOL in May
asked not to be named by
The Daily Telegraph, nor for his home village to be
identified in case of
reprisals.
The son of a former veteran of
President Robert Mugabe's liberation
war, this 26-year-old now works across
the border in Johannesberg. He earns
between £100-£150 a month working seven
days a week for a Zimbabwe-run
security company.
This is at
least 25 times what he used to make in the Zimbabwean
airforce, which has
now also run critically short of planes.
The former airman said:
"We didn't have enough food to eat when we did
fly, and our pay was
Z$150,000 (about £4 in April). We complained but they
said everyone was
suffering from British sanctions.
"At home I saw friends who didn't
have a secondary school education
coming from South Africa with many things,
and we had absolutely nothing, I
couldn't even buy food for my
mother.
"Last year I spent four months without flying and that was
when I
started thinking of leaving."
The man was stationed at
the Thornhill airforce headquarters, outside
Gweru, a shabby town in central
Zimbabwe, 160 miles south west of Harare.
Out of a force which at
one time had scores of fighter planes, he said
only one Chinese MiG21 and
four MiG23s were still working.
Zimbabwe's airmen used to be
trained on British Hawks, but Britain
along with the EU and the US banned
sale of military hardware to the nation.
"There is still one Hawk,
but the only pilot who flies is gone," he
added.
The base's
training planes, the airman said, were now three or four
old Italian Genet
SF260s and TPSF 260s.
"Sometimes when I was in the air I wondered
if they were safe," he
said.
He added that he was the fourth
from an intake of 16 officer cadets to
quit.
"I phoned some of
them at Thornhill and they want to know what it is
like in South Africa, but
we don't talk politics. I had never been to South
Africa before and it is
hard."
Some estimates, probably exaggerated, are that three million
Zimbabweans - a third of the population - have fled the country since
2000.
A former career soldier from the Zimbabwe National Army who
left three
years ago also came along for the interview to make sure his
young friend's
identity was protected.
"The army was
professional. Now it is political," said the veteran who
fought in
Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
"I now see plenty
of army guys here, some now driving trucks from the
coast to Johannesburg.
We would go home and vote next year if the opposition
re-unites. If it
doesn't, Mugabe will win the elections."
The Movement for
Democratic Change, Zimbabwe's opposition, split into
two factions in
2005.
SW Radio
Africa (London)
27 August 2007
Posted to the web 27 August
2007
Tererai Karimakwenda
The already ailing agricultural
industry has taken a blow with the
revelation by the state controlled media
that 3 major fertiliser
manufacturers have closed due to power cuts and a
lack of raw materials.
The Herald newspaper reported Monday that the
Chemplex Corporation, which
manages the 3 fertiliser firms, has not been
able to operate since last
month. The paper quoted Eben Makonese, chief
executive of Chemplex, as
saying: "We have sent people on forced leave and
on half pay because of
these operational challenges."
The three
companies, Dorowa Minerals, Iron Duke and Zimphos, are all vital
to the
production of fertiliser in Zimbabwe. According to The Herald,
600,000 tons
of fertiliser are needed by Zimbabwean farmers every year, but
only 160,000
tons have been produced so far.
The MDC shadow MP for Agriculture, Renson
Gasela, said at this pace only
half of the fertiliser needed will have been
produced by the end of the
year. "So regardless of how much rainfall the
country gets this season, it
will be disaster."
With elections
scheduled for March in Zimbabwe, Gasela said the ruling party
will
definitely take advantage of the hunger that will be gripping voters.
He
said elections and hunger "go hand-in-hand" for ZANU-PF. He explained
that
the government will buy a small quantity of food which will be
carefully
managed and given to party supporters only, and it will be used to
buy
votes.
Gasela explained that there is a "domino effect" in the country
and
everything has broken down. He said: "Even the most unpopular paper is
in
short supply. The Herald cannot be found in the town of Kwekwe because
the
government cannot afford to produce enough copies. There is no paper and
there is no ink. I believe they only sell about 50 copies there per
day."
Mail and Guardian
Harare, Zimbabwe
27 August 2007
01:17
Zimbabwe is facing another year of food shortages as
three major
fertiliser manufacturers have closed due to power cuts and a
lack of raw
materials, state media reported on Monday.
Eben Makonese, chief executive of Chemplex Coroporation, which
runs the
three semi-governmental firms, said Dorowa minerals, Iron Duke and
Zimphos
have not been able to operate since last month.
"We have sent
people on forced leave and on half pay because of
these operational
challenges," the Herald quoted him as saying.
The Dorowa
mine, which produces phosphate rock concentrate, a
key component in making
fertiliser, ceased operations due to "persistent
power cuts" and lack of
foreign exchange to import mining materials, said
Makonese.
Fertiliser firms have so far produced 16 ,000
tonnes against a
target of 600 000 tonnes for the forthcoming
season.
Misheck Kachere, another senior company official,
said
fertiliser has been sold at a fifth of the cost of production as a
result of
government price controls imposed two months
ago.
He said a bag of 50kg of fertiliser was selling at Z$88
000
Zimbabwe, while packaging alone cost Z$79 000.
The
shortage of fertiliser will only add to the country's food
crisis, with
increasing poverty and hunger blamed on controversial land
reforms seven
years ago.
Zimbabwe, once the region's breadbasket, is now
forced to import
maize from neighbouring countries since President Robert
Mugabe's government
seized about 4 000 white-owned farms.
Inflation 'slowdown' not making a difference
Meanwhile, a drop in
the monthly inflation rate may have been
greeted with sighs of relief by the
Zimbabwean government, but analysts and
consumers have seen little evidence
that the economy has turned a corner.
After suppressing
inflation data since May, the central
statistics office announced last week
that while the annual rate had hit a
new high of 7 634,8%, month-on-month
inflation in July was 31,6%, a fall of
54,6 percentage points on the June
rate.
Finance Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi said the figure
vindicated
the government's imposition of price cuts in late June, which
effectively
forced businesses and retailers to halve their
tariffs.
But with shelves bare of everyday commodities such
as cooking
oil and sugar, most Zimbabweans find themselves paying well above
the
official rate on the black market, where the decline in the official
inflation rate is irrelevant.
"The ordinary consumer is
paying more than the actual price.
This is the real inflation, not the
inflation they show on graphs," said
Daniel Ndlela, an economist with
Zimconsult. "The said deceleration is only
good for those who want to
believe their own lies."
Ndlela said there is evidence of a
crisis everywhere, citing an
example of people who were lined up at a
hardware store to buy cement at the
government price of Z$150 000 per
50kg.
"The queue resembled a desperate situation of people
trying to
enter Rufaro Stadium [in Harare] to watch a popular soccer match,"
he said.
The prospective buyers were not "building homes or anything, but
they will
just resell the same bag at Z$1,5-million around the corner. "That
is real
inflation, not what we hear." -- Sapa-AFP
Aug. 27, 2007, 9:49AM
By
ANGUS SHAW Associated Press Writer
© 2007 The Associated
Press
HARARE, Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's weeklong agricultural showcase
kicks off
Monday, despite the country's collapsing farm industry and
worsening food
shortages.
The Harare Show, to be opened by Equatorial
Guinea's dictator Teodoro Obiang
Ngeuma, will feature exhibitions including
more than 100 cattle, goats,
pigs, guinea fowl, rabbits and chickens, the
state Sunday Mail reported,
citing organizers.
One planned highlight
is a livestock auction on Thursday, and as Zimbabwe _
once southern Africa's
main agricultural exporter _ faces acute shortages of
meat and staple foods,
many of the animals were expected to quickly
disappear into the cooking
pot.
Organizers said the show's theme this year was "Our Task to Feed the
Nation,
Time for Innovation."
Obiang's participation reflects his
government's strengthening ties with
that of President Robert Mugabe, whose
country faces growing international
isolation over its economic meltdown and
record on human and democratic
rights.
Few Zimbabweans had heard of
distant Equatorial Guinea until 2004, when a
group of white-led mercenary
suspects headed for the oil-rich West Africa
nation was captured after their
plane landed in Harare to collect weapons
bought from the Zimbabwe state
arms maker.
Zimbabwe's alliance with Equatorial Guinea had brought hopes
of a gasoline
deal to ease chronic shortages of fuel.
But gas
shortages worsened sharply after a June 26 government decree to
slash prices
on fuel and other goods and services in an effort to tame
rampant inflation,
officially at 7,636 percent _ the highest in the world.
Independent
estimates put real inflation closer to 25,000 percent.
The price cuts
have left shelves bare of cornmeal, meat, bread, eggs, milk,
sugar, tea and
other staples, forcing shoppers to stand in long lines for
limited supplies,
and leading many stores to close early to avert unrest.
Two people were
killed in a stampede for sugar earlier this month.
Mugabe has blamed the
crisis on Western economic sanctions, imposed to
protest Zimbabwean policies
criticized for leading to political and economic
turmoil.
Foreign
loans, aid and investment have dried since 2000, when the government
began
seizing thousands of white-owned commercial farms, disrupting the
agriculture-based economy.
Western nations have imposed travel
restrictions on Mugabe and ruling party
leaders. Britain last week added
central bank governor Gideon Gono to its
list of prohibited Zimbabweans,
accusing him of helping to fund government
policies that led to corruption
and the undermining of democracy and the
rule of law. The governor also
allowed extra money to be printed, despite
hyperinflation.
Australia
said last week it was mounting "smart sanctions" against the
children of
Zimbabwean leaders studying there. Among those facing expulsion
were Gono's
son Peter and twin daughters Praise and Pride.
Hundreds of banned
leaders' children are studying at universities and
colleges in Australia,
Britain and the United States.
Zimbabwe's main university in Harare,
meanwhile, is near collapse, due to
shortages of staff, books, stationary,
food, water and electricity supplies.
Portable toilet cabins have been set
up on the campus.
The week's news was not good for Zimbabwean soccer fans
either. The national
soccer team dropped out of the world soccer body's list
of 100 competitive
teams for the first time since independence in 1980.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
27 August 2007
Posted to the web 27 August
2007
Lance Guma
A parliamentary committee chaired by Zanu PF's
Gutu South MP Shuvai Mahofa,
has recommended the closure of youth militia
training centres because there
is not enough food to feed recruits.
A
damning report presented to parliament last Thursday described conditions
as
appalling with both the diet and living quarters at the camps not meeting
standards suitable for human habitation. MDC Member of Parliament for Mkoba,
Amos Chibaya, was part of the committee on Youth, Gender and Women's Affairs
that went on a national tour of the centres. He said trainees are eating
porridge without sugar, while 'lunch was always sadza and beans or
vegetables without cooking oil.'
Guyu National Youth Service
Centre for example is said to have no doors or
windows and students
regularly run into snakes getting cosy inside the
buildings. Female recruits
are being denied sanitary wear and only the visit
by the parliamentary
committee prompted authorities to supply pads two weeks
before the visit.
The Kaguvi training centre meanwhile is also said to be
unhygienic with
sadza cooked there turning to a brownish-greyish colour
instead of white.
The kitchen is heavily infested with cockroaches and very
dirty. One student
broke his arm in a fight for food at the centre,
highlighting the desperate
plight of the trainees.
The report confirmed long held fears the camps
were meant to produce a
militia whose mandate was violence against the
opposition after it found
that most lecturers and trainers had a military
background. The committee
recommended the introduction of civilians, social
workers, counsellors and
teachers into the training staff, arguing this
would add diversity to the
programme. The trainees are subjected to rigorous
exercises and drills
raising further questions on why a 'national youth
training' centre would
resemble a military facility. Chibaya meanwhile said
some of the recruits
admitted they were being brainwashed to beat up their
own parents and
relatives if they ever supported the
opposition.
Mugabe's regime has used the centres as a pool for recruiting
'loyal'
members of the police, army and security services. The graduates
have first
preference in colleges and universities across the country.
Recruits are
told they do not need the standard 'O' and 'A' level passes to
get into
professions like nursing or teaching. A certificate from the youth
centre is
touted as a passport to any profession they want. The 'green
bombers,' as
they are derisively called, have to earn their stripes by
terrorising and
killing opposition supporters in the run up to any election,
and continue to
be used as a para-military force. The Reserve Bank has also
employed their
services in several of its 'economic' crackdowns.
SW Radio
Africa (London)
27 August 2007
Posted to the web 27 August
2007
Tererai Karimakwenda
There are no sanctions currently
imposed on Zimbabwe by Western nations or
anyone else. There are targeted
sanctions that affect only the ruling elite
assets and their ability to
travel.
Yet Robert Mugabe, who is acknowledged by many as a master of
propaganda,
has managed to create a media frenzy around this issue,
constantly blaming
sanctions for destroying Zimbabwe's economy. Now South
Africa's President
Thabo Mbeki is reported to have adopted this spin. Media
reports quote Mbeki
as saying SADC should "do all that it can to help
Zimbabwe address the issue
of sanctions," which are hurting the country's
economy. In a report back
about discussions on Zimbabwe that took place at
the recent SADC summit in
Lusaka, Mbeki is said to have blamed Western
nations, including the US, UK
and Australia, for imposing these so-called
sanctions on Zimbabwe.
Mbeki also accused the media of fabricating
false information suggesting
that the Heads of State had been divided over
the SADC secretariat report on
Zimbabwe, which was presented in Lusaka at
the recent summit. He is quoted
saying: "If anything, the heads of state are
united in their resolve to do
what is necessary to help Zimbabweans to find
a lasting solution to the
socioeconomic and political problems."
The
South African president is also quoted as saying: "Sanctions also damage
the
image of Zimbabwe, causing a severe blow to her tourist sector." Mbeki
made
other policy recommendations, but it is the "sanctions" issue that has
aroused concern.
Piers Pigou, a researcher on Southern Africa at The
National Archives in
South Africa, said there is a media war taking place
between those who
support Mugabe and those who want to see him go. He
described the whole
sanctions issue as "nonsense which is being peddled by
ZANU-PF and its
apologists." He said sanctions are a smokescreen that is not
really there
but it has given SADC and Africa in general a "headache." Pigou
said issues
are sometimes over-exaggerated or twisted by both sides to
achieve a certain
purpose.
Pigou also blamed the lack of direct
information from Mbeki and SADC leaders
for some of confusion that is making
the rounds in reports on Zimbabwe. He
said Mbeki's "quiet diplomacy" has led
to a broader problem of
misrepresentation by the media, and his ability to
explain things clearly
has been problematic."
International Herald Tribune
The Associated PressPublished: August 27,
2007
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa: The Zimbabwean opposition
called on Monday for
President Robert Mugabe's government to allow Zimbabwe
citizens living in
neighboring countries to vote in next year's general
election.
"It can be done. Let's allow Zimbabweans in the Diaspora their
democratic
right to vote," Lovemore Moyo, chairman of the main Movement for
Democratic
Change faction, said at a news conference.
Massive
inflation, shortages of food and fuel and a crackdown on political
opposition have sent Zimbabweans fleeing into neighboring
countries.
Moyo said there were about 3.5 million Zimbabweans in South
Africa, which is
in line with other estimates, although there are no
official figures.
He appealed to the Southern African Development
Community to pressure Mugabe
to allow Zimbabweans who were eligible to vote
and resident in the region to
be allowed to cast their
ballots.
"The Diaspora vote is critical to our democratic
transformation in
Zimbabwe," he said.
The Movement for Democratic
Change has raised concerns about the
registration of voters for the March
election, which closed last week.
Moyo said the process was badly
publicized and mobile stations were placed
in remote, inaccessible
places.
He said his party had approached the Zimbabwean Electoral
Commission to
extend the registration period to ensure that the elections
were free and
fair.
Zimbabwe's state-run Herald newspaper reported
Monday that about 80,000 new
voters had registered but that final figures
from two-month registration
drive would be released soon.
Moyo said
his party still supported the Southern African Development
Community's
mediation process headed by President Thabo Mbeki but were being
cautious
about the talks, which have so far failed to yield much success.
A summit
of southern African leaders closed earlier this month with no quick
solution
in sight to Zimbabwe's political crisis and economic meltdown.
Zimbabwe's
official media hailed the outcome of the summit as a victory for
Mugabe, who
received the loudest applause on the opening day.
The closing summit
communique welcomed the negotiations mediated by Mbeki
and encouraged the
ruling Zanu-PF party and Movement for Democratic Change
to narrow their
differences to enable elections scheduled for next year to
take place in "an
atmosphere of peace and tranquility."
However, Moyo said there were
"pitfalls" to the process and, "given the
history of Zanu-PF, we would be
fools to put all our eggs in one basket."
He said the Movement for
Democratic Change was preparing to contest
elections and going ahead with
fundraising and campaign events in South
Africa as well as in London, where
there is a large expatriate community of
Zimbabweans as well.
He said
the mediation "is just one process. It is not the only answer."
Mail and Guardian
Peter Kagwanja: COMMENT
26 August 2007
11:59
The recent Southern African Development Community
(SADC) summit
in Lusaka was clouded by a seven-year-old face-off between
Africa and the
West over Zimbabwe. And the continuing brinkmanship promises
to haunt the
Euro-Africa summit in Portugal and the Commonwealth Heads of
Government
Meeting in Uganda, both of which take place later this year --
even as
mediation efforts continue.
The 14-member SADC
resolved to put together a blueprint to bail
Zimbabwe out of its economic
woes, but critics are already warning that
Africa stands to pay a heavy
price for not "reining in" Harare.
"Failing . to get to grips
with the issue of Zimbabwe, the SADC
leaders are seriously undermining
Africa's credibility on the world stage,"
chides John Morrison, a former
foreign correspondent for Reuters. "They may
get a rude awakening the next
time they lobby for a better global deal for
their countries on the world
stage."
Zimbabwe's economic and political meltdown has been
recognised
as a security and economic threat to the region, where there are
no less
than three million refugees. But in some eyes the real threat is
ideological. The seven-year stand-off between Africa and the West has
emboldened Robert Mugabe, who has cloaked himself in the garb of African
resistance -- a victim of racially inspired retribution for seizing and
handing over white-owned farms to black Zimbabweans.
South African President Thabo Mbeki's continuing efforts to
mediate a
political settlement between Mugabe and the opposition provide the
best
chance for levelling the playing field ahead of the 2008 elections --
and
these efforts must be given a chance to breathe. But there are no
certainties.
Zimbabwe's ruling party is torn apart by the
stampede to succeed
Mugabe, who has declared that he is pitching for the
2008 elections. One can
only speculate about ferment in the military. The
opposition, meanwhile,
remains too divided to be a real threat to Mugabe and
Zanu-PF.
The European Union and the United States have frozen
assets and
slapped a travel ban on Mugabe and 128 of his top associates and
their
spouses. But sanctions and isolation have fostered an international
climate
that is dangerously hostile to Zimbabwe's economic
recovery.
Portugal, which currently holds the EU presidency,
has decided
to waive the travel ban and invite representatives of the
Zimbabwean
government to attend the December 8 to 9 Euro-Africa summit. This
has
attracted severe criticism, particularly from Britain, and Prime
Minister
Gordon Brown is likely to stay away.
This sort
of political theatre aside, the SADC mediation should
focus on securing
constitutional reforms, an economic recovery plan and
electoral reforms
ahead of the 2008 elections. But a bit of help from the
likes of Sam Nujoma
and Kenneth Kaunda, who have the necessary liberation
credentials to urge
Mugabe to step aside and oversee a peaceful transition,
could also help ease
the tension.
Peter Kagwanja is a research director and senior
African fellow
at the Human Science Research Council and president of the
Africa Policy
Institute
Zim Online
Monday 27 August 2007
By Farisai
Gonye
HARARE - Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe has shot down a
southern African
economic rescue package amid fears that the West was
waiting in the wings to
use the regional initiative to bankroll its
regime-change agenda, ZimOnline
heard at the weekend.
Authoritative
government sources said the 83-year-old Zimbabwean leader,
accused by
critics of ruining the once-prosperous economy, was not eager to
embrace an
economic rescue plan being dangled before him by fellow Southern
African
Development Community (SADC) leaders.
SADC has offered to bail out
Harare, currently in the throes of an
eight-year-old economic crisis whose
effects are beginning to cause panic
within the 14-member regional
bloc.
An economic report on Zimbabwe prepared by SADC executive secretary
Tomaz
Augusto Salomao was not adopted at the SADC summit two weeks ago and
it was
forwarded to a committee of regional finance ministers for their
blessings.
In the report, Salomao echoed International Monetary Fund
(IMF)
recommendations that Zimbabwe undertakes comprehensive economic
reforms that
should include currency reforms, expenditure cuts and a stable
policy
environment.
He called for robust policies "to reduce the
overvaluation of the exchange
rate, to reduce the budget deficit and to
control the growth of domestic
credit and money supply which fuel inflation,
and to reduce price
distortions in the economy".
"Equally important
is the need to avoid frequent changes in policy
initiatives, which have
caused uncertainties and led to the view that the
policy environment is
unpredictable," said Salomao.
Salomao was tasked by SADC at a special
summit in Tanzania last March to
recommend a rescue package for Zimbabwe, in
the eighth year of an economic
recession that threatens to disturb
prevailing regional peace and security.
In the same report, Salomao
recommended the restoration of balance of
payments support for Zimbabwe to
ease shortages of foreign currency in the
country and to boost the capacity
to build Harare's hard cash reserves.
"The restoration of the country's
foreign exchange generating capacity
through Balance of Payments support is
crucial: however, the most urgent
action that is needed to start this
process is to establish lines of credit
to enable Zimbabwe to import inputs
for its productive sectors, particularly
for agriculture and foreign
currency generating sectors.
Zimbabwe is believed to have operated on
less than a week's import cover
since her economic crisis started towards
the end of 1999 after the IMF
pulled the plug on aid in protest at
mismanagement by President Robert
Mugabe's government.
The sources
said Mugabe last week told his Cabinet colleagues that Harare
should forge
ahead with its own economic programmes, arguing that the SADC
rescue plan
was a back-door strategy by his sworn Western enemies to
influence political
developments in his country.
"He told cabinet not to wait for SADC
because he doesn't like the conditions
which are no different from what
Western countries have been asking for.
"He feels that, if adhered to,
the conditions could weaken his government's
hold on power," said a senior
Ministry of Finance official who did not want
to be named fearing
retribution from Mugabe.
Mugabe, the country's sole ruler since
independence from Britain in 1980,
fears that the United States and Europe
would ultimately fund the SADC
initiative and may try to use the opportunity
to push through their own
agendas.
"SADC has no money of its own and
would rely on Western funds for the
initiative and for Mugabe this is old
wine in new bottles," said the finance
ministry source.
Agreeing to
the SADC conditions was tantamount to accepting the same Western
demands
that Mugabe has rejected over the past seven years.
The Zimbabwean leader
has blamed International Monetary Fund and World Bank
policies as well as
Western sanctions for the current economic crisis faced
by Harare.
He
accuses the West of a sinister plot to elbow him out of power and install
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change whom he considers to be
Western stoogies.
The sources said the Zimbabwean leader told his
inner ruling elite that
rather than agreeing to the SADC economic proposal,
he preferred a
home-grown stabilisation plan that would not tie his
government to
unfavourable external terms.
Harare is currently
putting final touches to a new economic blueprint - the
Zimbabwe Economic
Development Strategy (ZEDS) - that will replace the
ineffective National
Economic Development Priority Programme.
ZEDS is expected to spearhead
the country's economic revival after nearly a
decade of recession triggered
by the violent removal of former white farmers
from their properties which
led to foreign currency, fuel and power
shortages.
Information and
publicity deputy minister Bright Matonga however denied that
Harare had
rejected the SADC package, insisting that the home-grown economic
stabilisation policy would complement the regional initiative.
"What
you should understand is that we cannot stop working on our policies
because
SADC has promised a package. It will complement our own work if it
comes,"
said Matonga.
No timeframe was given for the implementation of the SADC
rescue package,
raising fears among economists that "the patient may expire
before the
medicine arrives". - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Monday 27 August 2007
By Nqobizitha
Khumalo
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe is sitting on a health time-bomb amid fears
of a major
disease outbreak triggered by the proliferation of unlicenced
meat traders
taking advantage of beef shortages in the
country.
Health experts said at the weekend that selling of uninspected
beef was now
rife in the country's urban centres following last June's
decision by the
government to deregister private abattoirs.
President
Robert Mugabe's government reintroduced the state-owned Cold
Storage Company
(CSC)'s monopoly as the sole buyer and seller of beef in the
country as part
of a blitz on runaway prices started two months ago.
Zimbabwe has faced
serious beef shortages following the decision to restore
CSC's monopoly,
forcing the government to reinstate licences of 42 private
abattoirs last
week.
But even with the reinstatement of licences of the 42 abattoirs,
shortages
of beef have not gone away, creating perfect conditions for
unlicenced
"street butchers" to take advantage of the long-suffering
Zimbabweans.
The beef is brought from farming areas close to the main
cities and towns
under the cover of darkness and sold to desperate residents
who are prepared
to part with Z$400 000 per kilogramme against the gazetted
price of $140 000
a kg.
Bulawayo City Council spokesperson Phathisa
Nyathi confirmed the emergence
of unlicenced street butchers in the city but
said the local authority was
failing to cope with the problem.
"The
scope of the problem is too wide and we have constraints in
monitoring,"
Nyathi said.
Under Zimbabwe's tough health laws, it is a crime to sell
meat that has not
been inspected for diseases such as anthrax and
foot-and-mouth.
But with the shortages and new rules regulating the sale
of cattle,
unlicensed dealers in the meat industry are now buying cattle and
transporting them at night in order to beat veterinary
check-points.
"As it is, the whole country is at serious risk because
people are eating
uninspected meat but the main problem is a result of the
meat shortage in
the butcheries," Nyathi said.
Bulawayo residents who
spoke to ZimOnline said they were aware of the risks
involved in eating
uninspected meat but they had no choice because of the
beef shortage on the
official market.
Convenience is another major consideration pushing
consumers to buy from the
"street butchers".
"The beef we buy from
private meat dealers is supplied through an order
system and it is delivered
door-to-door to customers and if there is any
left, then they sell it on
street corners," said Martha Moyo who says she
has been buying meat through
that system for the past two months.
Fears of a disease outbreak are
compounded by water shortages and power cuts
currently affecting the
country. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Monday 27 August
2007
By Regerai
Marwezu
MASVINGO - Zimbabwean police have arrested three members of
a
government taskforce enforcing a government directive to reduce prices for
allegedly demanding bribes from a bus crew.
The three, who are
all based in Masvingo town some 260km south of the
capital Harare, appeared
in court on Saturday facing corruption charges.
Thembani Ncube, a
police officer, Joseph Makanho, a serving soldier
based at the army's 4
Brigade and Patience Runesu, a worker in the Ministry
of Industry and
International Trade, were arrested last week for demanding
bribes.
The three are being charged with contravening a section
of the
Prevention of Corruption Act.
Magistrate Stanley
Mambanje remanded them out of custody to 30 August
for trial.
The state alleges that the three suspects "arrested" Alec Zvavashe, an
inspector with one of the buses run by Mutare businessman Esau Mupfumi, for
allegedly failing to slash fares as demanded by the government.
The three then demanded a Z$6 million bribe from Zvavashe, with the
bus
inspector complying with their demand. Zvavashe also gave the three
another
Z$3 million bribe two days later.
But when Mupfumi queried the
"payments", Zvavashe told his boss that
they had paid some bribes to the
price monitoring team leading to the
businessman reporting the case to the
police. The three suspects were then
arrested.
The Zimbabwean
government has since last June been enforcing a
controversial directive to
businessmen to reduce prices by 50 percent.
The move has seen over
12 000 businessmen being arrested for failing
to comply with the
order.
Several police officers have been arrested since the
crackdown began
last June for allegedly demanding bribes from businessmen
and hoarding basic
commodities that they then re-sell on the parallel
market.
Zimbabwean police officers are among the worst paid civil
servants
taking home salaries of around $3 million a month, an amount that
is way
below the poverty datum line that stood at Z$12.6 million in June. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Monday 27 August
2007
Own Correspondent
JOHANNESBURG - The
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, António
Guterres has ruled
out setting up refugee camps for Zimbabweans escaping
hardships at home,
insisting a more permanent solution was required to
arrest the declining
political and economic climate in Harare.
Speaking after meeting South
Africa's Home Affairs Minister Nosiviwe
Mapisa-Nqakula in Cape Town, the
world's top refugee official backed
Pretoria's stance not to set up camps
for Zimbabweans fleeing economic and
political difficulties at
home.
Guterres said the Zimbabweans fleeing from the economic crisis into
South
Africa were not legally defined as refugees.
The UN said over
three million Zimbabweans had fled and most had flocked to
South Africa.
However, only a limited number had applied for asylum.
"Only those who
have never lived in a refugee camp will advocate a refugee
camp as a
solution for problems of this nature. A refugee camp is an
extremely hard
place to live in," said Guterres.
The UN said it would support South
Africa in its initiatives, but a
contingency plan had been made in
anticipation of thousands of Zimbabweans
fleeing their country's worsening
political and economic situation. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Monday 27 August
2007
By Tanonoka Joseph Whande
GABORONE - If there is one thing that has always irked me, it is the
Zimbabwean people's penchant to inflict political wounds and paralysing
handicaps on themselves.
From soccer administration to running
trade union affiliates, we have
this propensity to regurgitate and recycle
proven failures from days gone
by.
In politics, we,
Zimbabweans, are unintelligently too tolerant, to a
fault. Our tolerance
borders on masochism, as successive white regimes in
the land may care to
confirm, even from beyond their graves.
Today, it is Mugabe's turn.
'Leadership qualities' is something that
distinguishes exceptional citizens
from others yet Zimbabweans do not react
when a 'leader' imposes or is
imposed on them.
ZANU-PF, the ruling party since independence in
1980, has always
stunted emerging brilliant young leaders while promoting
tired old goats and
praise-singers into the forefront.
Today,
the nation of Zimbabwe continues to frolic in a pool filled
with an endless
string of tried, tired and useless leaders who are no longer
relevant to our
situation today.
Today, whenever we talk about Mugabe's successor,
four names make
themselves prominent but for different reasons. None
impresses me.
Edgar Tekere is a respectable man. I think he owes
his respect to
having been the first to openly 'challenge' Mugabe for the
presidency. But
Tekere waited too long and supported Mugabe just a little
bit too much.
Even today, I am not sure whether his departure from
ZANU-PF was
caused by meaningful differences of principles or was
necessitated by other
circumstances.
Tekere seems to have been
spared the expected ZANU-PF backlash and
abuse and actually appears to have
been left well alone, a curiosity for
someone who put up such a spirited
effort to humiliate Mugabe at the polls.
Others who did less
against Mugabe found themselves dead, arrested on
frivolous treason charges
or were 'dealt with' into silence and a pauper's
life.
However,
I applaud Tekere's statements several years ago that he was
retiring from
politics and was just going to be a commentator. I urge him to
stay on that
course.
He should not bother recommending to us Mugabe's successor.
Zimbabweans do not need endorsements of potential leaders from former
ZANU-PF stalwarts. Tekere did his undisputed part for Zimbabwe and that is
as far as it goes. Finito!
Enter one Enos Mzombi Nkala. Like
Tekere, Nkala was one of those
closest to Mugabe, a member of the original
inner circle. And, like Tekere,
the party took good care of
him.
When people in his Matabeleland constituency rejected him at
the
polls, ZANU-PF rammed him down the throats of the people of faraway
Kariba.
Mugabe continued to give Nkala several high profile cabinet posts
among
which were Finance, Defence and Home Affairs.
But typical
ZANU-PF greed saw him being the first to be ensnared in
the widely
publicised Willowvale Motor scandal. So through fault of his own
greed, he
stumbled and fell.
But recently, Nkala told reporters that he was
getting back into
active politics so as "to frustrate Robert Mugabe's bid to
stand for
re-election next year."
And to achieve that, Nkala
chose, as his vehicle, the Patriotic Union
of Matabeleland, a regional
nonsense that advocates for the autonomy of
Matabeleland.
Desperation and oblivion can cloud up people's minds. Nkala, founder
member
of ZANU-PF, but with hardly any constituency at all, now believes
because
Mugabe has turned into a fiend, people will listen to him. It is
sad.
It is truly pathetic. Nkala justifiably benefited from
ZANU-PF as
ministerial portfolios given him testify. He was instrumental in
the
horrific massacres in Matabeleland and the Midlands
provinces.
To his credit, he admitted his complicity and
apologised. But now,
left with no choice, he is denouncing Mugabe and
ZANU-PF. On my part, I say
to Mr Nkala: "Zimbabwe gave you support and a
chance but you abused it.
You now threaten to "spill the beans" on
Mugabe but conveniently
ignore that you are just as much to
blame.
Spill the beans and give us the evidence to incarcerate you
too
because you were party to all that went on.
"Secondly, you
are a damn coward since you want your 'book' to be
published after you are
dead. Let it be published now so we can all flock to
you for clarification
and authenticating.
You want to throw Zimbabwe into perpetual chaos
with unproven
announcements. When politically dead people start publishing
after they are
physically dead, I get mighty suspicious because our country
has gone
through hell because of ZANU-PF political dinosaurs.
If it's true, why wait till you are dead? Zimbabwe needs your help
now, Mr
Nkala. "However, I hear that you are fronting for some obscure
'party' that
champions the autonomy of 'Matabeleland.'
Mr Nkala, please
understand that not an inch of Zimbabwean land is
ever going to be parcelled
out to any tribe for any reason.
Zimbabwe took care of you and you
failed on your own; now you want to
cause unnecessary chaos because you,
like your benefactor Mugabe, have
proved to be liabilities to the nation and
are out of time.
"Zimbabwe is Zimbabwe. There was never any
MashonaLAND or MatabeleLAND
or ManicaLAND, just Zimbabwe. Do not fool anyone
in your part of the country
into believing that there is ever going to be a
separate state or a federal
nation or something so atrocious.
"Zimbabwe does not belong to a tribe and no part of it ever will." I
have
heard about one Joice Mujuru. She is not a contender for the
presidency.
Mugabe used her just to cause confusion and almost succeeded.
Then
there is the third twin, Simba Makoni. So much is being said
about him and
his potential to be president of Zimbabwe. He is the real "Mr
Teflon",
squeaky clean as Mr Min might say.
Sadly, no one in ZANU-PF is
clean. I concede that, outwardly, Makoni
entices me with his mind, demeanour
and 'a seeming appearance' of political
cleanliness. But clarifications
first, okay?
Who is trumpeting Makoni's presidency? Makoni is a
member of ZANU-PF.
That alone is a fault that even the heavens can hardly
correct.
He was Mugabe's blue-eyed boy who, like all the others
before and
after him, was discarded when he had performed for the
master.
When he ran out of luck, like Kamuzu Banda's Aleke Banda,
he started
mutedly mumbling negatives about his benefactor. And Makoni has
no
constituency. I cannot recall an election he won in his own
name.
He also appears to have been fired from all the public jobs
he was
appointed to. So why is his name always being pushed forward? The two
camps
vying for Mugabe's throne are courting him.
According to
one online publication, "powerful retired army commander
General Solomon
Mujuru has ditched his wife, Vice President Joice Mujuru, as
his ideal
successor and is now opting for former finance minister Simba
Makoni."
He is said to have no presidential ambitions of his
own but would like
to be "the power behind the throne."
In
other words, he wants to be Puppet Master. Forgive me, but just why
are all
the ZANU-PF malcontents, who have something to answer for, vying for
Makoni?
Will he be our president or theirs? Will he be, as
former Kenyan
president Daniel arap Moi said of Uhuru Kenyatta, "(easily)
guided"? I am
afraid Makoni will not be ours and his deep roots in ZANU-PF
make him very
suspect.
Meanwhile, there are thousands of young
men and women, in and outside
ZANU-PF, who are more deserving than
'compromise candidates.' There is
nothing more dangerous than a 'compromise
candidate' who might not execute
his responsibilities fully as he attempts
to pay old debts.
Anyone with IOUs to ZANU-PF stalwarts is worse
than Mugabe. What will
he give them as quid pro quo? Immunity from
prosecution? Don't say I didn't
warn you.
*Tanonoka Joseph
Whande is a Botswana-based Zimbabwean writer.
VOA
By Peter Clottey
Washington, D.C.
27 August
2007
Former South African Deputy President Jacob Zuma says the
debate on the
political crisis in Zimbabwe has been internationally
overblown, making it
difficult to amicably resolve the impasse. He said what
is causing the
tension between the Mugabe-led ZANU-PF government and the
main opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is a political
disagreement over how to
move the country forward.
Zuma, who is
affectionately called "Musholoozi" by his teaming supporters,
adds that the
Zimbabwe situation is a unique one, which needs to be
carefully understood
before it could be resolved. He admits the crisis has
taken a rather long
time, which he said has put pressure on surrounding
countries in the
southern Africa sub-region. From Johannesburg, he tells
reporter Peter
Clottey that he reposes great confidence in South African
President Thabo
Mbeki to help resolve the political impasse in Zimbabwe.
"In Zimbabwe, we
are dealing with the political tension that is not yet a
war, which is not
also based on ethnicity, which is based on the political
disagreement as to
how Zimbabwe must be run. And of course I know it has
taken too long, and I
don't think it is desirable. By now that issue should
be resolved. It is not
also good for the neighbors because of its impact to
the neighbors. We in
South Africa, for example, receive thousands and
thousands of refugees from
Zimbabwe. And I don't think that is healthy
because it means the Zimbabwe
situation in a sense spills over to the
neighbors," Zuma pointed
out.
He said although the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
has been
trying to resolve the situation in Zimbabwe, the crisis has
received
negative debate on the international stage.
"SADC has always
tried to deal with this issue. The problem in Zimbabwe
becomes a little bit
difficult because of the manner in which it is debated
internationally. I
think it does impact in a particular way within the
regions and in Zimbabwe.
But we are hopeful that the matter would be
resolved," he said.
Zuma
defended South Africa's quiet diplomacy approach to the Zimbabwe
situation.
"From our point of view, since the beginning of the
conflict, the ANC
(African National Congress) on one hand, and the
government on the other,
the government of course took the lead because of
the relations between
governments. We took the view that instead of standing
out there and
shouting and criticizing, that is not going to help us," Zuma
noted.
He said the best solution to the crisis is for an intense, open
and
trustworthy dialogue between the ruling ZANU-PF government and the
opposition MDC.
"I do not think that there is any other solution that
you can find in a
situation of tension except opening up a possibility of
dialogue, and debate
engagement. What I think in Zimbabwe has not happened
is intensive and very
deep negotiation with an aim to find the resolution. I
think there have been
many distractions, and many things that has been
happening that the kind of
interaction has not been that very effective
because the kind of attention
and suspicion hasn't been allowed to flourish.
I think the more vigorous
engagement particularly by the region and with
supportive kind of decisions
taken by the globe, I think it will go a long
way," he said.
Zuma said he would like to be remembered as somebody who
rose through the
ranks of the ANC through hard work.
"I don't think
you can look at Jacob Zuma without the ANC. In the first
instance what the
ANC has done in the history of South Africa, during the
struggle and indeed
in the manner in which it resolved the problem, and how
it has been handling
the country. Jacob Zuma should be taken in that context
as a cadre of this
movement.and I would love that when people look at Jacob
Zuma, must look at
the cadre who grew within the ranks to senior kind of
cadre ship and what is
it that he did carrying out instructions and indeed
implementing the
policies of the ANC," he said.
The Age, Australia
Daniel Flitton
August 28, 2007
ZIMBABWE'S main
opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, has thrown his support
behind moves to
force strongman President Robert Mugabe into exile to end
the country's
political crisis.
In Melbourne at the start of a week-long visit to
Australia, Mr Tsvangirai
said yesterday private approaches had been made to
ease Zimbabwe's ruler of
27 years out of office with the promise of
sanctuary abroad.
"I'm sure that people have been looking at how to give
him a so-called
'dignified exit' as a way of finding a solution, but I don't
know to what
extent that dignified exit will be acceptable to Mugabe, given
his defiance
and his insecurity," Mr Tsvangirai said.
The priority
for Zimbabwe was to escape a growing humanitarian emergency, he
said. "I'm
more concerned about the plight now of the people, rather than
trying to
hang Mugabe from the nearest pole."
Zimbabwe's economy is in ruins, with
an inflation rate topping 10,000 per
cent and 80 per cent of people out of
work.
Earlier this year, images of Mr Tsvangirai's swollen face provoked
widespread anger after he was bashed by police in March before a planned
protest against the regime.
Mr Tsvangirai yesterday encouraged
Australia to maintain economic pressure
on the Mugabe Government and
applauded sports boycotts, saying measures
designed to isolate the regime
would eventually have an impact.
Australia has extended its "smart
sanctions" against Zimbabwe to deny
student visas to children of regime
officials and cancelled a cricket tour
planned for next month.
But Mr
Tsvangirai called for more pressure from southern Africa leaders to
bring
about democratic change in Zimbabwe. "I think they should be more
vocal
about the situation in Zimbabwe and how it impacts the region,
economically,
politically and socially."
He said 3 million to 4 million Zimbabweans had
fled the country, many to
South Africa, creating a wider humanitarian
problem.
South African President Tabo Mbeki is mediating talks between Mr
Mugabe's
party and Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change in the
hope of
finding a political solution before Zimbabwe's next presidential
election,
due in 2008. Mr Mugabe has tried to alter the constitution to stay
in office
for another term.
Mr Mbeki has been widely criticised for
not taking a tough line with Mr
Mugabe.
"In Africa there is
conflicting emotions on Mugabe," Mr Tsvangirai said.
"Land and race are
intricately linked issues in Africa, so you find some
people supporting him,
not because he's right, but because he's one of our
own."
He said the
problem in Zimbabwe was growing more urgent. "The crisis in
Zimbabwe is
nothing to do with land, has nothing to do with race. It has
everything to
do with mismanagement and misrule."
Mr Tsvangirai will meet Foreign
Minister Alexander Downer in Adelaide
tomorrow before going to Sydney and
Canberra later in the week.
:: The Southern
African
Monday, 27 August 2007
Foreign mining companies are
reportedly negotiating deals to pay the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply
Authority in foreign currency as a way to ensure
uninterrupted power supply
to their mines.
A Canadian mining executive last week revealed to
South African mining
publication, Mining Weekly, that about six foreign
mining companies were in
negotiations with ZESA and the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe is in an economic free fall caused by the
country's political
problems and power supply is among essential services
that have been
affected adversely.
Caledonia Mining
Corporation's president, Stefan Hayden said his
company is negotiating an
agreement to pay ZESA in forex so the power
authority can keep the lights on
at its gold mine.
A contract is currently being drawn up, which
will then be submitted
to the RBZ for approval.
Hayden said
despite the probability of delays, he hoped that approval
would be granted
by this week.
Caledonia operates the Blanket Gold Mine, which
recently resumed
underground operations following the stripping and
re-equipping of its main
production shaft.
Due to ongoing power
outages in the country, production was currently
at about 400 tonnes per
day. Caledonia has set a target of achieving 1 000
t/d of production by
year-end, and Hayden acknowledged that power is "the
single most critical
thing" in ensuring the target is met.
from the August 27, 2007 edition Harare, Zimbabwe; and Musina, South Africa - Once
considered a shining example of Africa's potential, Zimbabwe is now a country in
the throes of its worst economic crisis in decades. Critical shortages of food, fuel, foreign currency, and, in some areas, water
beset a nation where the official inflation rate tops 7,600 percent. Some
analysts believe the real figure is much higher and climbing fast. "We can't get anything now – no bread, no petrol ... nothing," says Shephard
Lunga, a truck driver from Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second largest city. "If you
don't have somebody who's outside the country supplying you with things, you're
finished." The country's beleaguered economy has taken a turn for the worse since late
June, when President Robert Mugabe ordered all prices cut by at least 50 percent
in a bid to slow runaway inflation. The move backfired, causing manufacturers to
stop producing their goods. Now grocery store shelves are barren, and people are
increasingly hungry. Even a casual stroll through the capital, Harare, shows the consequences of
the country's record inflation. Supermarkets that once offered an impressive
array of cereals and ice cream no longer carry even the basic goods every
Zimbabwean relies upon: things such as cooking oil, bread, and cornmeal. People loiter around grocery stores by the dozens, waiting for delivery
trucks. The arrival of cooking oil or bread leads to lines that curl around
street corners. When a store is able to put tea biscuits on its shelves, for
instance, they vanish in minutes. Gangs of men linger outside nondescript buildings, hawking fuel on the black
market at prices few Zimbabweans can afford: about 2.3 million Zimbabwe dollars
per gallon, which is $9,200 according to the official exchange rate (250
Zimbabwe dollars to $1) or $11.50 at the more realistic black market rate. Money
merchants huddled near hotels are now offering roughly 200,000 Zimbabwe dollars
to $1. Key goods no longer available Carrying rolls of bills the size of Big Macs, well-dressed shoppers walk into
pharmacies stocked mostly with expensive imports. More often than not, they walk out with nothing. Affordable bath soap is
among the many items that hasn't been available for weeks. "It's become like Zambia in the 1980s," says Iden Wetherell, editor of the
Zimbabwe Independent, one of the country's two independent newspapers. "People
are preoccupied with sustenance, getting by on a day-to-day basis, which
successfully diverts them from politics." The country's downfall was set in motion in 2000, analysts say, when Mr.
Mugabe ordered the country's white farmers off their land and distributed a
majority of it to cronies in his ruling party, Zanu-PF. Since then, Mugabe's government has passed draconian measures banning public
demonstrations, and members of the now emasculated opposition party, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), have been beaten. "There is no life here," says a taxi driver who declined to give his name for
fear of government retaliation. "We are struggling like it's nobody's business."
For its part, the government has recently allowed businesses to raise the
prices of some basic goods. But John Robertson, a Harare-based independent
economist, said the move would do little to stem the country's shrinking
economy, saying the government had done a "hatchet job on the business sector"
over the past decade that could not be easily remedied. A bill put forth last week forcing foreign companies to give Zimbabweans
majority ownership is expected to make life even harder for people like Sibanda,
a hotel porter who refused to give his last name. The father of three says he pays 3 million Zimbabwe dollars a month for the
two rooms he shares with his wife and kids. His salary, he says with a sigh, is
only 5 million Zimbabwe dollars a month and he pays 200,000 commuting to work
every day. "I can't support my family anymore," he says. Sibanda's family is forced to subsist on whatever his wife can scrounge up
from the markets, which these days isn't much. A recent dinner was typical: okra and potatoes. No corn meal means they can't
even make sadza, a thick porridge that is eaten with meats and
vegetables. The porter says his family hasn't eaten any beef in weeks. "This country used to be beautiful for us," he says. "Now people are running
away." And they are doing so at an alarming rate. Exodus to South Africa More than 3 million Zimbabweans are believed to have fled the country, among
them doctors, teachers, and other highly educated professionals. Unable to afford visas or obtain passports, some have crossed illegally into
countries like South Africa, braving attacks from bandits and the threat of
imprisonment. Hours after he and a friend slipped into South Africa through a hole in the
border's barbed-wire fence, Tatenda Muzondo nervously walked down the tarred
road toward the town of Musina. Anxious, tired, and penniless, the 18-year-old high school graduate says that
despite his education he couldn't get a job and headed south at the suggestion
of his parents. "We forced ourselves to cross to look for greener pastures," Mr. Muzondo
says. "They call this 'the promised land' now." Those with passports and enough cash cross into South Africa legally to stock
up on goods they can then sell on the black market back home. Last week, a primary school teacher who refused to be named was among a dozen
others crammed into a van stuffed with goods heading to Zimbabwe from
Johannesburg, South Africa. She says the constant struggle to survive was coming at the expense of
students throughout Zimbabwe. Having stocked up on soap and cooking oil, the mother of two was planning on
selling them on the street after her classes were through. "I go to school and just teach some basics," she says. "I don't have time for
the children because I have to worry about providing for myself and my family."
A man shows the new 200,000 dollar note unveiled
this month by Zimbabwe's central bank.
Desmond Kwande/AFP/Getty
Images/Newscom
Business Report
August 27, 2007 Edition 1
Two issues have
dominated media coverage of the government in the past two
weeks: the
parlous state of Zimbabwe and whether health minister Manto
Tshabalala-Msimang is fit for office.
A third issue, which should
have received more attention, was why trade and
industry minister Mandisi
Mpahlwa has been unable, after five months, to
resuscitate the national
lottery. Government spokesperson Themba Maseko
merely said at a post-cabinet
briefing that an announcement was "imminent",
the same reply given two weeks
back.
The parliamentary media corps, accused of misleading the public,
fictitious
reports and sensationalism, did not take the criticism lying down
this time.
The government was asked why allegations of theft - in Botswana -
against
Tshabalala-Msimang were not taken seriously by the cabinet, but
somehow the
alleged theft of her medical documents was.
Maseko
explained that cabinet appointments were the president's prerogative.
By
implication, the decision to keep the health minister on board was not a
matter for discussion in the cabinet, but between the president and a
particular minister.
But asked if the president was aware of the
allegations against the minister
of health in Botswana from 30 years ago,
Maseko said: "I can't answer that
question. Only the president can do
so."
Nevertheless, the cabinet was able to apply its mind to "the
distasteful
media coverage around the minister of health, particularly the
unlawful
publication and theft of her medical records from the
hospital.
"While cabinet fully endorses free speech as articulated in our
constitution, there is a need to maintain a balance that respects and
protects all rights, including the right to privacy and free
speech.
"These rights must be respected and observed by all, including
the media.
The sacrosanct principle of doctor-patient confidentiality must
be respected
at all times and its application cannot be dependent on a
person's class,
position, gender or race."
The cabinet said the
minister's decision to take the Sunday Times to court
"is a legitimate way
of ensuring that clear parameters are set on the
balance between the right
to privacy and dignity, especially their
application to public figures and
free speech".
On Zimbabwe, the cabinet position was just as defensive.
"Government once
again categorically rejected the allegation that President
[Thabo] Mbeki had
blamed the British government for the problems in
Zimbabwe. This is not
true."
It went on: "Contrary to misleading and
sensationalist media reports, the
report indicated that the facilitated
talks between the government of
Zimbabwe and the opposition [facilitated by
Mbeki] were on track and was
confident these talks will deliver an agreement
that will lay the foundation
for free and fair elections in
Zimbabwe."
Perhaps one need not be surprised that finance minister Trevor
Manuel told
the national assembly on Thursday that - contrary to all
evidence - "I will
stand by the right of Zimbabweans to elect their
democratic government. What
you have in Zimbabwe is an elected government,
elected on universal
franchise by all the people of Zimbabwe. That is a
fact". He refused to
apologise for letting Zimbabwe's people down.
If
public debate - and indeed, whistle-blowing on the health minister and on
the parlous economic state of Zimbabwe - is viewed by our leaders in this
manner, how far are we from mirroring that pernicious law that applies in
Zimbabwe - where the president of the nation cannot be criticised in public
or in the media?
Or am I being paranoid, in addition to being
sensationalistic and motivated
by a personal desire to demean terribly
high-ranking politicians?
zimbabwejournalists.com
27th Aug 2007 00:37 GMT
By a Correspondent
Zimbabwe's leading opposition
party, the Movement for Democratic Change's
statistics shows that it has
gained massive support over the past two years
in some parts of rural
Masvingo province regardless of political violence
and intimidation said to
be instigated by the ruling Zanu PF supporters and
agents.
Research
conducted by independent pro-democracy groups alongside the MDC
showed that
the party has increased its support base in areas which
previously were
dominated by the President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF.
In districts like
Mwenezi, that voted for Zanu PF in huge numbers in the
2000 parliamentary
elections, membership for the MDC has vastly increased to
figures that can
alarm Zanu PF, considering the ruling party waxes lyrical
about the rural
population and its support for its land reforms and related
policies.
"Our research shows that over the past three years in
Mwenezi, we have
gained more than 10 000 new supporters which brings our
present ratings in
the district to about 17 000," said Nelson Chamisa, the
MDC's Spokesperson.
Chamisa said Zanu PF's failure and lack of vision as
opposed to the
"fledgling and vibrant" had contributed significantly to the
growing numbers
ditching Zanu PF for its ruinous policies that have seen the
closure of
companies, no job creation opportunities, the rise of hunger and
disease and
related issues.
"Most of those people whom we interviewed
stated that they had been failed
by President Robert Mugabe and the ruling
Zanu PF and their hopes now rest
much on the MDC which they believe holds
the hopes for a new Zimbabwe,"
added Chamisa.
In districts such as
Chiredzi South, the MDC gained a relatively 8 000 new
members, 7 000 more in
Masvingo South, 6 500 new ones in Shuvai Mahofa's
Gutu South and 9 000 in
Zaka.
Nqobizitha Mlilo, the MDC's political liaison officer said
Zimbabweans have
seen the "brutality, fraudulent and false promises" Zanu PF
has made over
the years resulting in untold suffering and hence this huge
vote of no
confidence in President Mugabe's party.
Asked to comment
on the MDC statistics, independent political analyst
Tafadzwa Muguza said
the figures proved that in an environment that promoted
free and fair
elections, the MDC would not lose to a "weak, divided and
hopeless party
like Zanu PF".
"It does not need a rocket scientist to tell that Mugabe
and Zanu PF are by
a far margin weaker compared to the opposition MDC,
especially considering
the economic meltdown caused by Mugabe and Zanu PF in
the past seven years,"
said Muguza.
BBC
27 August 2007, 16:03 GMT 17:03 UK
Robin Brown will replace Kevin
Curran as Zimbabwe coach following
their 3-0 one-day series defeat by South
Africa.
The former Gloucestershire all-rounder has been given a new but
as yet
unspecified role with Zimbabwe Cricket.
Curran, 47, took
over from Phil Simmons in September 2005 and won nine
of 42 matches played
during his tenure.
Former Zimbabwe captain Brown, 56, takes over on
1 September and his
first challenge will be the World Twenty20 tournament in
South Africa.
Brown said: "I am very lucky to get the job and I am
excited about it.
The guys are currently on a high. I hope I can continue
with the re-building
and get some positive results for
Zimbabwe."
http://www.rogershermansociety.org/yugoslavia.htm
What
Happens When A Paper Currency Fails?
The Worst Episode of
Hyperinflation in History: Yugoslavia 1993-94
Thayer Watkins,
Ph.D.
Between October 1, 1993 and January 24, 1995 prices increased
by 5
quadrillion percent. That's a 5 with 15 zeroes after
it.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thayer
Watkins is an instructor and graduate advisor in the Economics
Department
of SAN JOSÉ STATE UNIVERSITY.
Under Tito, Yugoslavia ran a
budget deficit that was financed by printing
money. This led to a rate of
inflation of 15 to 25 percent per year. After
Tito, the Communist Party
pursued progressively more irrational economic
policies. These policies and
the breakup of Yugoslavia (Yugoslavia now
consists of only Serbia and
Montenegro) led to heavier reliance upon
printing or otherwise creating
money to finance the operation of the
government and the socialist economy.
This created the hyperinflation.
By the early 1990s the government
used up all of its own hard currency
reserves and proceded to loot the hard
currency savings of private citizens.
It did this by imposing more and more
difficult restrictions on private
citizens' access to their hard currency
savings in government banks.
The government operated a network of
stores at which goods were supposed to
be available at artificially low
prices. In practice these store seldom had
anything to sell and goods were
only available at free markets where the
prices were far above the official
prices that goods were supposed to sell
at in government stores. All of the
government gasoline stations eventually
were closed and gasoline was
available only from roadside dealers whose
operation consisted of a car
parked with a plastic can of gasoline sitting
on the hood. The market price
was the equivalent of $8 per gallon. Most car
owners gave up driving and
relied upon public transportation. But the
Belgrade transit authority (GSP)
did not have the funds necessary for
keeping its fleet of 1200 buses
operating. Instead it ran fewer than 500
buses. These buses were
overcrowded and the ticket collectors could not get
aboard to collect
fares. Thus GSP could not collect fares even though it
was desperately
short of funds.
Delivery trucks, ambulances, fire trucks and garbage
trucks were also short
of fuel. The government announced that gasoline
would not be sold to
farmers for fall harvests and
planting.
Despite the government's desperate printing of money it
still did not have
the funds to keep the infrastructure in operation. Pot
holes developed in
the streets, elevators stopped functioning, and
construction projects were
closed down. The unemployment rate exceeded 30
percent.
The government tried to counter the inflation by imposing
price controls.
But when inflation continued, the government price controls
made the price
producers were getting so ridiculous low that they simply
stopped producing.
In October of 1993 the bakers stopped making bread and
Belgrade was without
bread for a week. The slaughter houses refused to sell
meat to the state
stores and this meant meat became unvailable for many
sectors of the
population. Other stores closed down for inventory rather
than sell their
goods at the government mandated prices. When farmers
refused to sell to
the government at the artificially low prices the
government dictated,
government irrationally used hard currency to buy food
from foreign sources
rather than remove the price controls. The Ministry of
Agriculture also
risked creating a famine by selling farmers only 30 percent
of the fuel they
needed for planting and harvesting.
Later the
government tried to curb inflation by requiring stores to file
paperwork
every time they raised a price. This meant that many store
employees had to
devote their time to filling out these government forms.
Instead
of
curbing inflation this policy actually increased inflation because the
stores tended to increase prices by larger increments so they would not have
file forms for another price increase so soon.
In October of 1993
they created a new currency unit. One new dinar was worth
one million of the
"old" dinars. In effect, the government simply removed
six zeroes from the
paper money. This, of course, did not stop the
inflation.
In
November of 1993 the government postponed turning on the heat in the
state
apartment buildings in which most of the population lived. The
residents
reacted to this by using electrical space heaters which were
inefficient and
overloaded the electrical system. The government power
company then had to
order blackouts to conserve electricity.
In a large psychiatric
hospital 87 patients died in November of 1994. The
hospital had no heat,
there was no food or medicine and the patients were
wandering around
naked.
Between October 1, 1993 and January 24, 1995 prices increased by 5
quadrillion percent. This number is a 5 with 15 zeroes after it. The
social structure began to collapse. Thieves robbed hospitals and clinics of
scarce pharmaceuticals and then sold them in front of the same places they
robbed. The railway workers went on strike and closed down Yugoslavia's
rail system.
The government set the level of pensions. The
pensions were to be paid at
the post office but the government did not give
the post offices enough
funds to pay these pensions. The pensioners lined
up in long lines outside
the post office. When the post office ran out of
state funds to pay the
pensions the employees would pay the next pensioner
in line whatever money
they received when someone came in to mail a letter
or package. With
inflation being what it was, the value of the pension
would decrease
drastically if the pensioners went home and came back the
next day. So they
waited in line knowing that the value of their pension
payment was
decreasing with each minute they had to wait.
Many
Yugoslavian businesses refused to take the Yugoslavian currency, and
the
German Deutsche Mark effectively became the currency of Yugoslavia. But
government organizations, government employees and pensioners still got paid
in Yugoslavian dinars so there was still an active exchange in dinars. On
November 12, 1993 the exchange rate was 1 DM = 1 million new dinars.
Thirteen days later the exchange rate was 1 DM = 6.5 million new dinars and
by the end of November it was 1 DM = 37 million new dinars.
At
the beginning of December the bus workers went on strike because their
pay
for two weeks was equivalent to only 4 DM when it cost a family of four
230
DM per month to live. By December 11th the exchange rate was 1 DM = 800
million and on December 15th it was 1 DM = 3.7 billion new dinars. The
average daily rate of inflation was nearly 100 percent. When farmers selling
in the free markets refused to sell food for Yugoslavian dinars the
government closed down the free markets. On December 29 the exchange rate
was 1 DM = 950 billion new dinars.
About this time there occurred
a tragic incident. As usual, pensioners were
waiting in line. Someone
passed by the line carrying bags of groceries from
the free market. Two
pensioners got so upset at their situation and the
sight of someone else
with groceries that they had heart attacks and died
right there.
At
the end of December the exchange rate was 1 DM = 3 trillion dinars and on
January 4, 1994 it was 1 DM = 6 trillion dinars. On January 6th the
government declared that the German Deutsche was an official currency of
Yugoslavia. About this time the government announced a NEW "new" Dinar
which was equal to 1 billion of the old "new" dinars. This meant that the
exchange rate was 1 DM = 6,000 new new Dinars. By January 11 the exchange
rate had reached a level of 1 DM = 80,000 new new Dinars. On January 13th
the rate was 1 DM = 700,000 new new Dinars and six days later it was 1 DM =
10 million new new Dinars.
The telephone bills for the government
operated phone system were collected
by the postmen. People postponed
paying these bills as much as possible and
inflation reduced their real
value to next to nothing. One postman found
that after trying to collect on
780 phone bills he got nothing so the next
day he stayed home and paid all
of the phone bills himself for the
equivalent of a few American
pennies.
Here is another illustration of the irrationality of the
government's
policies: James Lyon, a journalist, made twenty hours of
international
telephone calls from Belgrade in December of 1993. The bill
for these calls
was 1000 new new dinars and it arrived on January 11th. At
the exchange
rate for January 11th of 1 DM = 150,000 dinars it would have
cost less than
one German pfennig to pay the bill. But the bill was not due
until January
17th and by that time the exchange rate reached 1 DM = 30
million dinars.
Yet the free market value of those twenty hours of
international telephone
calls was about $5,000. So despite being strapped
for hard currency, the
government gave James Lyon $5,000 worth of phone
calls essentially for
nothing.
It was against the law to refuse
to accept personal checks. Some people
wrote personal checks knowing that
in the few days it took for the checks to
clear, inflation would wipe out as
much as 90 percent of the cost of
covering those checks.
On
January 24, 1994 the government introduced the "super" Dinar equal to 10
million of the new new Dinars. The Yugoslav government's official position
was that the hyperinflation occurred "because of the unjustly implemented
sanctions against the Serbian people and state."