http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/world.aspx?ID=BD4A832605
29
August 2008
Harare
Correspondent
TALKS between Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu (PF) and opposition
Movement for
Democratic (MDC) resume today in Pretoria amid threats by
President Robert
Mugabe to proceed unilaterally to appoint a
cabinet.
Zanu (PF) negotiators Patrick Chinamasa and Nicholas Goche
flew to SA last
night. Three MDC negotiators, Tendai Biti, Elton Mangoma and
Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, were already in Pretoria yesterday. The
last
negotiator, Welshman Ncube, is due to fly in this
morning.
Although talks are resuming, no agreement is likely to be
signed because
Mugabe is said to be determined to resist pressure for him to
surrender more
power to main MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, while the
opposition chief is
also not willing to budge.
Tsvangirai has
refused to sign a power-sharing deal with Mugabe that
regional leaders and
his opposition rivals led by Arthur Mutambara think is
"fair and realistic
in the circumstances", saying it would leave him as a
weaker junior
partner.
Sources said President Thabo Mbeki, the mediator, who has
called for today's
reconvening of talks, would not reopen negotiations but
ask the parties what
should to be done to break the deadlock.
If
the talks collapse, Mugabe would inevitably proceed unilaterally but his
new
government could be paralysed by his party's loss of control of
parliament.
Mugabe said on Tuesday he was in the process of forming a
new government.
Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga said yesterday
his boss was going
ahead with his arbitrary plans to appoint a cabinet
despite continuing
talks.
"Nothing is going to stop us from
forming a new government," Matonga said in
an interview with public
broadcaster SAfm. "We need to move forward, we need
to make sure that
Zimbabwe regains its status, we need to work on the
economy."
Matonga suggested that the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) had
given Mugabe the authority to convene parliament and
appoint a cabinet.
However, SADC, which authorised Mugabe to
reconvene parliament during its
recent summit in Johannesburg, said
yesterday it had not given him the
go-ahead to appoint a cabinet while talks
were still under way.
SADC executive secretary Tomaz Salomao said the
regional body gave Mugabe
the powers only to convene parliament, as
reflected in SADC's communiqué
issued after the summit.
A
memorandum of understanding for talks, signed by Mugabe, Tsvangirai,
Mutambara and Mbeki on July 21, prohibits such actions as the opening of
parliament and appointing a new cabinet.
Biti said the MDC would
today lodge a formal complaint with Mbeki on these
issues, including the
arrest of five of the party's MPs and a senior party
official this week.
Reuters
Fri 29 Aug
2008, 7:24 GMT
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe's
ruling ZANU-PF said
there is no need for further power-sharing talks with
the opposition, state
media reported on Friday.
The Herald newspaper
quoted Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, who heads
ZANU-PF's team in the
negotiations, as saying: "There was no need for more
talks since there was a
deal already on the table that was waiting to be
signed."
Yahoo News
1 hour, 19
minutes ago
PRETORIA (AFP) - South African officials were locked in
separate
negotiations with Zimbabwe's political rivals on Friday in a bid to
kickstart stalled power-sharing talks to resolve a ruinous political
crisis.
"They (the talks) started this morning," the spokesman for
South African
mediator, President Thabo Mbeki, told AFP.
The deputy
leader of the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), Tendai
Biti, flew to Pretoria for a meeting with Mbeki's officials
but would not
hold direct discussions with representatives of President
Robert Mugabe's
ZANU-PF party, the MDC said.
South Africa's Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz
Pahad said earlier Friday that
talks would resume on Friday "to finalise all
outstanding matters".
But MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa, reached by phone
by AFP, made it clear
that a resumption of full power-sharing negotiations
was still some way off.
"Our good understanding is that there are no
talks," said Chamisa.
"There is some kind of engagement to have some
understanding ... of where we
are, because it's not clear whether the talks
have collapsed or are still
on.
"The mediator has to help us
appreciate where we are in terms of locating a
way forward," he
explained.
"We are trying with Mbeki to get ZANU-PF to be flexible,
because there has
not been any indication of movement, of flexibility on the
part of ZANU-PF,"
he added.
He said the MDC delegation were
negotiating "just with the South African
mediators, there is no
ZANU-PF."
South Africa's Mbeki is mediating the negotiations, under the
auspices of
the regional bloc, the Southern African Development Community
(SADC).
Pahad told journalists in Pretoria: "We hope the talks can lead
to the
finalisation of the political and outstanding matters so that we can
start
with a normalisation of the political, economic and humanitarian
situation
in Zimbabwe."
Harare later announced it was lifting a ban
it imposed in early June on
foreign aid and humanitarian organisations,
after it accused some of them of
siding with the opposition ahead of a
run-off presidential election.
Relations have soured between Zimbabwe's
political rivals since the talks
stalled on August 17 at the end of a SADC
summit in South Africa that sought
to wrap them up.
Mugabe, whose
ruling ZANU-PF party lost its majority in March elections, was
jeered and
heckled during his speech to the opening of parliament on Monday.
And the
veteran leader has insisted on forming a government without the
opposition,
because of a lack of progress in the talks.
Divisions remain over how
Mugabe, 84, and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai,
would share power in a
national unity government, including what authority
they would have as
president and prime minister.
Analysts believe Mugabe is reluctant to
yield responsibility for sensitive
security ministries like the army, police
and intelligence, given that
Zimbabwe's military are strong backers of the
veteran president.
The parties are also divided over how long a
transitional government would
remain in place, according to a South African
official.
The MDC wants a clause in the agreement stating that elections
be held
within 90 days of either of the parties pulling out of the unity
government,
the official said, speaking before the talks
stalled.
"Unless there is a political solution we don't have the
necessary framework
to deal with the economic recovery package for Zimbabwe
and the humanitarian
crisis," Pahad told journalists on Friday.
He
said that no deadline has been set for the completion of the talks.
"It
will be determined by the progress made. They will continue until all
parties feel they have covered sufficient ground," he added.
The
talks began after both sides signed a memorandum of understanding on
July
21.
Mugabe won the June 27 run-off election after the first-round winner
Tsvangirai withdrew from the vote in protest at widespread election
violence.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Aug 29,
2008, 9:31 GMT
Johannesburg - Negotiators from Zimbabwe President
Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF
and Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) resumed talks
on a power-sharing government in South Africa on
Friday, a South African
official confirmed.
Foreign affairs
spokesman Ronnie Mamoepa told SAPA news agency the talks
between Zanu-PF and
the two MDCs - one led by Tsvangirai and another smaller
faction led by
Arthur Mutambara - had resumed more than two weeks after they
reached
deadlock.
Mamoepa would not say whether South African President Thabo
Mbeki would be
meeting with the parties' negotiators, or whether he was
leaving this round
of mediation to his representatives.
The new talks
follow threats by Mugabe this week to form a government
without Tsvangirai,
despite Tsvangirai's MDC having a majority in
parliament.
Tsvangirai's faction has said such a move would mean the
death of the talks.
Mutambara's faction has also said it is opposed to
forming a government
without Tsvangirai. The document setting out the ground
rules for the talks
also stipulates that no party should form a government,
save by consensus.
Mugabe revealed his plans to defy the African Union's
calls for a
powersharing government in Zimbabwe on Tuesday after being
humiliated by
heckling MDC deputies when he officially opened
parliament.
The MDC had opposed the act because it does not recognize
Mugabe as
president.
Zimbabweans are counting on a negotiated
settlement to end nearly a decade
of hardship and political repression under
an increasingly autocratic
Mugabe, 84.
Talks between the three
parties ground to a halt in Harare earlier this
month when Tsvangirai, 56,
baulked at a draft deal that would seen Mugabe
retain much of his
powers.
Tsvangirai took the most votes in the last credible presidential
election on
March 29. Mugabe won the second round of voting on June 27, but
only after
Tsvangirai withdrew over a spate of killings of MDC supporters by
Mugabe
supporters.
http://www.canada.com
Jonathan Manthorpe, Vancouver
Sun
Published: Friday, August 29, 2008
It is uncertain if Zimbabwe's
Robert Mugabe is a free agent or merely a tool
of his security services as
he moves to form a new government in defiance of
a floundering power-sharing
agreement with the opposition.
What is not in doubt is that Mugabe, 84,
to remain president, is now utterly
dependent on the support of the
seven-member Joint Operations Command of
senior officers in the country's
security services.
The JOC's importance to Mugabe has increased as the
president's authority
and Zimbabwe's economy and social order have collapsed
28 years after he
came to the leadership.
Some regional analysts and
intelligence services contend Zimbabwe is now a
military state with Mugabe
as no more than a front man for the JOC junta.
This is a reasonable
contention, but it is also evident that Mugabe and the
JOC have common
reasons for clinging to power. If they fall, all face being
called to
account for their abuses of human rights going back to the
massacre of tens
of thousands of suspected opposition supporters in
Zimbabwe's southwestern
Matabeleland in the early 1980s.
And it was by violence and intimidation
of voters that Mugabe was able claim
victory in the lopsided race against
Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), in
June.
Tsvangirai withdrew from the run-off because of the violence after
he beat
Mugabe -- but did not a win a clear victory -- in March elections
when the
MDC won parallel parliamentary elections.
The campaign of
violence between March and June in which scores of people
were killed was
orchestrated by the JOC, some of whose members said publicly
they would not
allow Tsvangirai or the MDC to take power, whatever the
election results.
The JOC is also known to have objected to the introduction
of a government
of national unity, with Mugabe and Tsvangirai sharing power,
and urged the
president not to even engage in talks.
The idea of a unity government has
been promoted by South African President
Thabo Mbeki, in concert with the
heads of neighbouring countries, as a way
out of the Zimbabwean political
impasse.
But when, at the end of July, Mbeki persuaded Mugabe and
Tsvangirai to
negotiate a compromise, there was little hope it would come to
fruition.
So it proved. Mugabe was willing to see Tsvangirai appointed
prime minister,
but rejected transferring any real authority to govern to
the MDC leader.
Tsvangirai walked out of the talks and it is unlikely
they can be revived.
MDC officials say there can be no further
discussions if Mugabe forms a new
government that does not include MDC
members wielding real administrative
authority.
But Mugabe's
officials say he intends to go ahead and form a government
without
Tsvangirai or the MDC.
Quite apart from pressure from the JOC to take
this course, Mugabe will be
driven by what happened in parliament this week.
On Monday the MDC used its
parliamentary majority to elect one of its
members Speaker of the house. It
was the first time Mugabe's Zanu-PF party
has lost a parliamentary vote in
28 years.
And when Mugabe spoke to
parliament on Wednesday he suffered the indignity
of being jeered and
heckled, a humiliation broadcast live on television.
Mugabe may try to
give some thin but ultimately unconvincing semblance of
legitimacy to
forming a new government by enticing Arthur Mutambara, leader
of a small but
purchasable breakaway faction of the MDC, to join.
The JOC would probably
agree to that, knowing Mutambara would have no real
power.
In theory
the head of the JOC is senior Zanu-PF member Emmerson Mnangagwa.
But several
foreign intelligence services believe the real power in the JOC
and Zimbabwe
is Gen. Constantine Chiwenga, commander of the defence forces.
Another
member is air force commander Air Marshal Perence Shiri, who
orchestrated
the 1980s killings in Matabeleland. Then there are army
commander Lt.-Gen.
Philip Sibanda and Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri.
Like Chihuri
and Chiwenga, the head of the prison service, Maj.-Gen.
Paradzayi Zimondi,
publicly instructed his officers to vote for Mugabe in
the last
election.
And finally, there's the surprisingly chatty Happyton
Bonyongwe, head of the
much-feared Central Intelligence
Organization.
jmanthorpe@vancouversun.com
International Herald Tribune
ReutersPublished: August 29,
2008
HARARE, Zimbabwe: In a sign of the growing desperation
in Zimbabwe, the
government of President Robert Mugabe lifted a ban on aid
groups that
provide food and humanitarian assistance.
They were
banned before the recent national election, accused by Mugabe of
helping the
opposition.
South Africa said power-sharing talks between Mugabe's
government and
opposition leaders would resume Friday although Mugabe's top
negotiator said
there was no need for further discussions.
Mugabe and
the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai have failed to reach
agreement in
more than one month of talks since Mugabe's unopposed
re-election in a
ballot boycotted by Tsvangirai and condemned around the
world.
All
parties would participate in the resumed negotiations in South Africa
and no
deadline for an end to the talks was set, said the South African
deputy
minister of foreign affairs, Aziz Pahad.
"We do hope that these talks can
lead to the finalization of all outstanding
matters, so that we can start
with normalising the economic, political and
social situation in Zimbabwe,"
he said.
It was not immediately clear whether the talks had
resumed.
Zimbabwe's state-owned Herald newspaper earlier quoted Justice
Minister
Patrick Chinamasa, chief negotiator for the ruling ZANU-PF party,
as saying:
"There was no need for more talks since there was a deal already
on the
table that was waiting to be signed."
But Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change said it would not sign the
deal in its
current form, although it remained committed to talks.
"ZANU-PF has dug a
hole for itself," said an opposition spokesman, Nelson
Chamisa. "It is a
tragedy that they want to continue to dig."
Mugabe, who reopened
Parliament this week in defiance of opposition
objections, has said he will
soon form a new government without the
opposition. Chamisa said his party
would not cooperate with Mugabe until
talks were concluded.
Reuters
Fri 29 Aug
2008, 7:47 GMT
HARARE, Aug 29 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition MDC
said on Friday it
would not sign a power-sharing deal with the ruling
ZANU-PF in its current
form.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa said it was
"ridiculous" for the ruling ZANU-PF
to insist on MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai's signature without addressing
"deficiencies" in the proposed
agreement in terms of executive powers.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, August 29 2008 - Zanu PF is plotting to
embark on a violent
terror campaign aimed at revenging the humiliation its
leader, President
Robert Mugabe, suffered at parliament building on
Tuesday.
Mugabe was humiliated as he arrived to officially
open the seventh
parliamentary session, when opposition MDC supporters
started singing songs
denouncing his government and continued stay in
power.
Mugabe's woes were worsened inside the August house when
MDC
parliamentarians, who continuously interjected as he delivered his
speech to
officially open parliament, subjected him to further
humiliation.
Addressing Zanu PF supporters at the party's
headquarters in Harare
Thursday, party secretary for administration, Didymus
Mutasa said there was
need for the party supporters to hit back following
the "punishment" that
the party president had been subjected
to.
"We thank-you for being at parliament on Tuesday to support
your
leadership. Had you not been there, it would have been a bad day in the
office for the President because of the behavior of those MDC hooligans and
mischief-riddled people.
"We were pained by the way they
treated the party, the president and
the entire leadership of this country.
This should never happen again. What
we are working on now is a strategy
that will see us revenging that episode.
It should not be let alone for so
long," Mutasa said, much to the excitement
of the hungry supporters who had
spent the morning singing and chanting.
Addressing the same
gathering, Zanu PF national political commissar,
Elliot Manyika said Zanu PF
would not support the speaker of parliament
should the opposition continue
with its unruly behavior.
"If they continue like they did on
Tuesday, we will simply not support
them . Otherwise, we no longer want
their speaker, Lovemore Moyo," Manyika
said.
Yahoo News
1 hour, 19 minutes
ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) - Tanzania President Jakaya Kikwete said Friday that
US
President George W. Bush had done more for Africa than any of his
predecessors and thanked him for his help on crises in Zimbabwe and
Darfur.
"You have done so much for Africa, so much for Tanzania. When
you compare,
no US president has done so much for Africa and for Tanzania as
you have
done," Kikwete told Bush as they held talks at the White
House.
The Tanzanian leader cited US aid to battle malaria, which he said
had been
nearly "eliminated" on Zanzibar, and fight HIV/AIDS, as well as
build up
African infrastructure, and praised Bush's stand on two of the
continent's
conflicts.
"Zimbabwe is a common problem. Darfur is a
common problem. We are in the
front line. And, of course, those of us who
are in the front line always
look to the rear to continue to support us," he
added.
"And there has been such extraordinary support, support of us in
the
continent. We continue to work together," said the Tanzanian
leader.
"I also am looking forward to continuing our discussions on
issues like
Zimbabwe or Darfur. These are issues that the president is most
familiar
with, issues in which he has got good judgment about how to
proceed," said
Bush.
The US president, who visited Tanzania in
February, also assured the US
public that "your money is being spent wisely
and compassionately in
Tanzania. And a lot of it has to do with the
leadership of the president."
Bush decided not to send troops to end what
he called "genocide" in Sudan's
Darfur province, but has pressed the
international community to deploy a
UN-African Union hybrid peacekeeping
force.
On Zimbabwe, Bush has expanded sanctions on what he branded in
July Robert
Mugabe's "illegitimate" government and offered support to
opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Friday, 29
August 2008 17:22
"Tanzania must help end Zimbabwe's military
dictatorship", Francois
Grignon in The East African
25 August
2008
The East African
Since the year 2000 and his defeat in a
referendum destined to
reinforce his presidential powers, Robert Mugabe has
been at war with his
opposition and his regime has become the equivalent of
a military
dictatorship. Dismantling the military structure's control over
the
country's politics, economy and civilian administration is crucial for
the
country's future. But this will only be possible if real executive
powers
are handed over to opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai in the
on-going
talks.
This is precisely where the biggest sticking
point remains in the
negotiations between Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party and
Tsvangirai's
opposition Movement for Democratic Change. The talks, destined
to end the
two months-long post-electoral crisis, are deadlocked over the
issue of
power-sharing. Although he beat Mugabe in the first round of the
presidential elections and was forced out the second by a wave of terror
against its supporters, Tsvangirai has agreed to give up the presidential
seat to leave Mugabe as head of state and "founding father of the
nation".
The deal on offer was also that Mugabe would co-chair the
Cabinet and
make some key appointments in consultation with the prime
minister. While
Tsvangirai has accepted such compromises, Mugabe still
refuses to budge,
offering Tsvangirai a ceremonial position in his
government and no cabinet
positions with real powers.
Over the
past years, Zimbabwe's ruling party has increasingly relied
on the military
establishment to guarantee its survival. In the run-off to
the June
elections, war veterans, military and paramilitary forces were
again
responsible for a campaign of violence. Last week, Mugabe rewarded its
leaders with promotions to higher military ranks.
The security
structure is a major reason why Mugabe cannot keep
important executive
powers. Removing Mugabe from power is not just about
him: it is about
freeing the country from its military straightjacket.
Tsvangirai received a
mandate from the Zimbabwean people to pull the country
out of the economic
and political crisis, and he cannot accept the state
structure remains the
same and the main reason behind the country's decay is
not
tackled.
To put an end to the military dictatorship, Tsvangirai has
insisted
that the infamous Joint Operation Command (JOC), Mugabe's kitchen
cabinet
and real decision-maker in the country, be dismantled and replaced
with a
National Security Council that they would co-chair. This new body
would be
completely de-linked from ZANU-PF and would be truly at the service
of the
country's security, not of a violent clique. Mugabe refused this
outright
and argues that the JOC should be retained as it is.
Tsvangirai's most important trump card to get rid of the military
dictatorship is his unique potential to end the economic meltdown. ZANU-PF
can not pay its supporters and the rank and file of the security apparatus
are increasingly conscious of the need for radical change. They cannot even
pay their children's school fees and satisfy their basic needs. Zimbabwe
desperately needs hard currency, which foreign donors will only provide if a
genuine power-sharing occurs.
There is also a role for African
leaders. Until now, and apart from a
few exceptions such as Kenya's Prime
Minister Raila Odinga, or the late
President Levi Mwanawasa of Zambia,
Mugabe has not been subjected to much
criticism or pressure from continental
leaders. Chief mediator Thabo Mbeki
has been appallingly soft on him, going
as far as implying that Tsvangirai
is the one holding up the talks. Hopes
had been raised last week-end that a
deal could be reached during the
Southern African Development Community
(SADC) summit. But a great
opportunity was missed and these hopes were
dashed when it clearly appeared
that Southern African states would not
pressure Mugabe more than
Mbeki.
Jakaya Kikwete, Chairperson of the African Union, now needs
to get
seriously involved in the negotiation process and step up the
pressure on
Mugabe and the generals. It is Kikwete who provided the push to
close the 28
February Kenya deal. Zimbabweans needs him to step in. He
should voice very
clearly that a genuine executive power-sharing and a clear
reform agenda
that includes the dismantling of the security structure are
absolute
requirements for a settlement of the crisis and that the AU will
not accept
any deal short of that.
Kikwete and willing SADC
member states such as Botswana and Zambia,
can also approach China to
contribute to the pressure on ZANU-PF generals
and close Mugabe's option to
go east for his salvation. Incentives might
also be necessary. These could
include giving Mugabe and other ZANU-PF
officials immunity for their crimes
and guaranteed security to them and
their families. These would be
controversial concessions, but if power can
shifted from a military
dictatorship to a civilian democracy, this is
probably a price worth
paying.
Francois Grignon is Africa Program Director of the
International
Crisis Group
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, August 29 2008 -
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader,
Morgan Tsvangirai, on Thursday
met and briefed over twenty leaders of the
country's influential civic
society in Harare, on the current power sharing
negotiations
impasse.
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa, said Tsvangirai
updated civic society
leaders on the MDC's position in the talks, and what
the party's decision
was with regards to the way forward.
Chamisa said Tsvangirai re-affirmed his commitment to the talks and
that his
party's leadership would continue to engage ZANU-PF, in an effort
to save
the country from the agonizing political and economic crisis.
However, Tsvangirai expressed concern over Zanu PF's insincerity,
shown by
its leader Robert Mugabe's decision to unilaterally convene
Parliament and
to appoint governors in clear violation of the Memorandum of
Understanding,
signed last month.
"President Tsvangirai told the civic
organisations that any genuine
dialogue process must be premised on the will
of the people, as expressed on
29 March 2008. Anything else would be a
betrayal of the sovereign will of
the people," said
Chamisa.
Tsvangirai, Chamisa said, believes that a transitional
authority,
which would govern for up to two years, after which fresh
elections would be
held under a new, people-driven Constitution, is the only
way to break the
country's current impasse.
Meanwhile,
Tsvangirai has written to Public Service, Labour and Social
Welfare
Minister, Nicholas Goche, requesting him to lift a ban imposed on
aid
agencies' operations.
"The situation in the country is now
critical. We are receiving
reports of rampant starvation throughout the
country. If the situation
continues unaddressed, deaths will occur," read
part of Tsvangirai's letter,
which was copied, to Southern African
Development Community (SADC) chairman
and the facilitator of the power
sharing talks, Thabo Mbeki.
The Herald (Harare)
Published by the government of Zimbabwe
29 August 2008
Posted to the
web 29 August 2008
Harare
Over 10 000 people from all over the
world are visiting the eastern border
town of Mutare every month for illegal
activities involving diamonds,
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono
said Wednesday.
Gono told a conference of exporters that there were over
2 000 syndicates in
the town that were smuggling diamonds out of the
country.
"The syndicates are depriving the country of billions in
foreign currency,"
he said.
"Zimbabwe is too rich to be poor," he
said.
Gono said the country had a lot of diamonds, platinum and other
minerals to
exploit.
He said illegal activities such as the smuggling
of diamonds and gold were
affecting national development.
"There are
over 2 000 syndicates smuggling diamond out of the country and
the town has
slowly become more common with foreigners than locals.
Gono urged the
Government and all relevant stakeholders to curb the illegal
activities to
ensure the country benefited from its natural resources. --
New Ziana.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, August 29 2008 - Anti riot police,
led by Inspector Mwenje of
Rhodesville Police Station, disrupted a Crisis in
Zimbabwe coalition Annual
General Meeting Thursday, in another assault on
human rights defenders.
The police said they were acting in
their capacity as the regulating
authority, under the Public Order and
Security Act (POSA).
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
(ZLHR) said police stormed the
meeting threatening the participants and even
their lawyers with arrest, in
violation of POSA.
The police
have since advised the conveners of the meeting, that they
must give notice
of four days (4) required under POSA for convening "public
meetings".
But ZLHR said the police had misinterpreted
the law.
The organisation said that POSA expressly exempts
internal meetings of
organizations where the public is not
invited.
ZLHR said the provision of POSA relating to private
meetings was
judicially interpreted in the High Court case involving the
Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) and the Officer Commanding Zimbabwe
Republic
Police Harare District.
The High Court ruled that
organisations whose activities are not of a
political nature and not open to
the public, need not notify the regulatory
authority in terms of
POSA.
"The police continue to deliberately misinterpret the
provisions of
POSA,"
"ZLHR deplores this illegal conduct of
the police, which is tantamount
to legislating, thereby usurping the role of
the legislature and the
judiciary."
Cape Argus
August 29, 2008
Edition 2
Eleven South Africans and Zimbabweans are in detention in
Beit Bridge,
facing trial in connection with wire theft across hundreds of
kilometres of
Zimbabwe's national grid and disintegrating landline telephone
network.
They appeared in court in Beit Bridge this week.
Wire
theft has paralysed vast tracts of southern Zimbabwe, already hit by
debilitating power cuts, as the bankrupt Zimbabwe Electricity Supply
Authority (Zesa) battles to meet industrial, agricultural and consumer
needs.
The thefts have been going on for most of this year. No sooner
is the wire
replaced, than it is removed.
According to users along
the section of the grid from Beit Bridge to Rutenga
and east towards the
Mozambique border, several suspects have been
repeatedly arrested only to be
released together with their vehicles loaded
with wire.
The last
group to be arrested and released without charge had 30 tonnes of
copper in
their vehicles. They and their loaded trucks were freed a day
later.
Businessmen in the area claim their dockets were tampered with
by some local
policemen in Beit Bridge.
A team of private detectives,
employed by a range of businessmen in the
district, helped track down the
alleged team of thieves which arrived across
the border last
week.
Among those arrested are Patshasani Nkala, Richard Ndlovu, Artony
Mumba,
Nomusa Kanyeja, Felix Ndlovu, Christopher Takuvinga, Njodzi Mbudonga,
Victor
Sibanda and Tongai Muzenda.
Some are believed to be South
Africans and some Zimbabweans with fake travel
documents. At least one
vehicle, a red Toyota JNT 90463, is being held.
Ongoing theft of wire
prompted Zesa to demand that consumers replace the
cables themselves, which
spurred interested parties to hire private
detectives in a dangerous project
to try and catch the thieves.
Independent Newspapers has seen seven
receipts for various quantities of
extremely pure copper wire and aluminium
bought by a Johannesburg firm.
The Herald (Harare) Published by
the government of Zimbabwe
29 August 2008
Posted to the web 29 August
2008
Harare
The current cash shortages have dampened the mood at
the ongoing Harare
Agricultural Show with only 10 531 people visiting the
Exhibition Park
yesterday.
The figure is almost a quarter of the 40
000 who passed through the gates on
the same day last
year.
Zimbabwe Agricultural Society spokesperson Ms Heather Madom-bwe
yesterday
said attendance brought the total number of visitors since the
show opened
on Monday to 21 861.
Last year, about 150 000 people had
visited the show by Thursday compared to
21 861 this year.
Ms
Madombwe attributed the low turnout to the current cash shortages and
economic challenges.
"The low attendance is mainly because of the
cash shortages and the economic
challenges the country is facing. Most
people are spending days in queues at
banks and once they get the money,
it's not even enough for bus fare. So you
should not expect that person to
come to the show," Ms Madombwe said.
Despite the low turnout, those who
managed to attend the show were treated
to top-class entertainment including
displays by the Zim-babwe National
Army, traditional music by the Zimbabwe
Republic Police Band, the Mufakose
Mbira Troop, Barbara Nyika Mbira Group,
amateur athletics and displays by
the Zimbabwe Prison
Service.
President Mugabe is expected to officially open the 98th edition
of the
Harare Agricultural Show today.
http://en.afrik.com/article14373.html
Doctors at Zimbabwe's impoverished
government hospitals are on strike over
pay and teachers have threatened to
also begin a work stoppage.
Friday 29 August 2008, by Bruce
Sibanda
"We are demanding viable salaries," said Amon Siveregi, president
of the
Zimbabwe Medical Doctors Association [...] What we are getting right
now is
not enough. I can't go into details because I sit on a board that
bars me
from revealing doctors' salaries.
"We have informed the
government about the strike and they are aware of our
demands, which are not
unreasonable".
Crisis in Zimbabwe, a coalition of Harare-based
humanitarian organizations,
described Zimbabwe's hospitals as "death halls''
in a report earlier this
month.
It blamed poor salaries for health
professionals and "acute shortages'' of
drugs and equipment for the
problem.
This is a testimony of things to come if ZANU-PF refuses to
share power with
the MDC, observers say.
The strike by doctors may be
followed by another by teachers, the
Progressive Teachers' Union of Zimbabwe
said today.
"The 448 percent increase on basic salary and the 900 percent
transport-allowance increase are basically a high sounding nothing,'' the
union's spokesman Takavafira Zhou said "It falls far short of our demands
for the equivalent of $800 U.S.''
"Sad faces were the order of the
day today as teachers learnt that the
goverment is continuing to pretend to
pay teachers when in reality they are
starving them."
Zhou said
teachers have resolved to demonstrate their anger and poverty when
schools
open on Tuesday.
This morning doctors in Harare said the government
should act urgently to
improve their salaries and allowances, citing
galloping inflation, which on
Tuesday was officially estimated at 11,27
million percent.
Doctors say it is difficult for them to practice proper
medicine as even
basic drugs are not available.
"There is nothing,
not even painkillers. Not one doctor has been going to
work since Tuesday
and the situation will remain so until our grievances are
addressed."
In February this year the health ministry teamed up with
the Global Fund to
pay the salaries of 132 doctors, pharmacists and
laboratory scientists in
foreign currency.
In the run-up to the March
elections, the government acquired 200 vehicles
valued at US$4 million for
senior health workers and doctors in a bid to
improve working conditions and
boost morale.
The health sector is among those hardest hit by the skills
flight and the
government has resorted to bonding newly qualified
professionals to stem the
exodus.
Zimbabwe trains an estimated 4 500
nurses and 149 doctors every year but
three quarters of these find their way
into the private sector or leave the
country immediately upon the expiry of
the mandatory bonding period.
http://www.africanews.com/site/list_messages/20227
Posted
on Friday 29 August 2008
Munyaradzi Mugadza, AfricaNews reporter in Harare, Zimbabwe
The
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) has called on Zimbabwe's
rival
parties in the negotiating parties to quickly finalise the talks to
find a
long lasting solution to the political and economic standstill as
this had
triggered a further business decline in the country.
CZI, president
Callisto Jokonya said in a weekly newspaper that the
economy has continued
to plunge deeper in an abyss since the talks were
adjourned.
Since
the collapse of the talks this month, the prices of basic foodstuffs
and
services have escalated beyond the reach of many while companies and
industries continue to register low capacity of production.
"Business is concerned with the delay of the talks and is appealing to
politicians to consider the life of the 13 million people ahead of personal
gains," Jokonya said.
Jokonya bemoaned the economic sanctions
slapped on Zimbabwe by Western
countries and her allies adding that the
power sharing talks should be
finalized as a matter of urgency and end the
country's woes.
The Central Statistics Office (CSO) this week said the
official inflation
figures are estimated to be more than 11 million percent
but the economic
analysts revealed that the figure is estimated to be
between 15 million and
20 million percent.
The talks were suspended
when opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai refused
to sign the document saying
he needed time to reflect.
Zimbabweans from all sectors expressed
happiness when Robert Mugabe of
Zanu PF, Morgan Tsvangirai MDC and Arthur
Mutambara of the breakaway MDC
signed a Memorandum of Understanding hoping
to bring normalcy to a
devastated economy.
The CZI said there will
never be a solution without the two parties
sitting down and finding a
lasting economic and political solution". He said
the only hope for
Zimbabweans was pinned on the outcome of the power sharing
talks.
Former Deputy of Information and Publicity Bright Matonga said on
Wednesday
that the opposition MDC is not serious about hammering an
agreement on the
on going talks.
Meanwhile the talks which were adjourned on the SADC
heads of state in
South Africa are expected to resume on Friday but Morgan
Tsvangirai's party
wants to petition SADC mediator Thabo Mbeki over the
breach of Memorandum of
Understanding by Robert Mugabe.
Mugabe
convened the 7th session of parliament without the consent of other
leaders
and is expected to announce his cabinet soon.
Reuters
Fri 29 Aug
2008, 15:32 GMT
HARARE, Aug 29 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe on Friday handed
the country's only Olympic medallist in Beijing a
$100,000 cash reward for
her performance at the games.
Swimmer Kirsty
Coventry smashed the world record to win gold in the women's
200 metres
backstroke. She also captured three silver medals.
Mugabe handed the
U.S-based swimmer the cash at a ceremony in Harare carried
live on state
television.
"Our national spirit must exude joy and pleasure and say you
have done well,
daughter of Zimbabwe. We are proud of you, we wish you well.
She's our
golden girl ... take care of her," he said at the
ceremony.
The U.S. dollars, scarce in a country struggling with an
economic crisis
marked by a severe shortage of foreign currency, were
carried in a briefcase
by Zimbabwe's central bank governor.
Other
members of Zimbabwe's Olympic team received between $2,000 and $10,000
each.
(Reporting by Nelson Banya; Editing by MacDonald Dzirutwe)
http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/editorial/5972974.html
Zimbabwe's legitimate leader must use caution in any power
arrangement with
tyrant Robert Mugabe
Copyright 2008 Houston
Chronicle
Aug. 28, 2008, 11:09PM
Morgan Tsvangirai, the man recognized
at home and abroad as the legitimate
winner of Zimbawe's presidential
elections, is fighting to hold the
country's despotic leader, Robert Mugabe,
to a power-sharing agreement, one
Mugabe is determined to disregard.
Tsvangirai should remember the last time
Mugabe agreed to form a government
with a rival political party - and
proceed with extreme
caution.
Mugabe, 84, promised in July to begin talks on integrating
Tsvangirai and
members of his Movement for Democratic Change into the ruling
ZANU-PF
government that Mugabe has headed in one form or another for most of
his 28
years at the helm of this once-prosperous African
nation.
Tsvangirai can challenge Mugabe's longstanding rule because he
finished
first in March elections, though with too few votes to win the
election
outright. Tsvangirai removed his name from the June runoff ballot
to protest
the violence Mugabe's forces unleashed on MDC supporters, leaving
Mugabe to
win the one-man contest.
Mugabe then agreed to form a
government with Tsvangirai, but talks were
suspended in August when the two
couldn't agree on how to divide executive
functions. Mugabe, not
surprisingly, insisted on maintaining his control
over the entire Cabinet
and Zimbabwe's dreaded security forces. Human rights
groups claim the
ruthless enforcers have killed between 100 and 200 MDC
supporters since
March.
At least 2,000 rank-and-file opposition activists have been jailed
for
months at Mugabe's behest, thousands more were beaten in the elections'
immediate aftermath and tens of thousands driven from their homes. In recent
days, Mugabe's force also arrested several top opposition leaders on false
charges of "political violence."
Now Mugabe has opened parliament in
defiance of his pledge to work out a
power-sharing deal with Tsvangirai.
Although this is a major setback for
Mugabe's rival, history shows that
sharing power with the ruthless Mugabe
can be its own vale of
tears.
When Zimbawe, formerly Rhodesia, gained independence from Britain
in 1980,
Mugabe was faced with a similar challenge to his authority. Back
then, he
dealt with Joshua Nkomo and his opposition ZAPU party by turning a
North
Korean-trained police force on Nkomo's supporters. An estimated 10,000
were
executed and dumped in mass graves between 1982 and 1987.
Then
Mugabe offered Nkomo a power-sharing arrangement, the so-called Unity
Accord
of 1987. Nkomo accepted, and Mugabe's then-ZANU party merged with
ZAPU to
form today's ZANU-PF. Nkomo and his party were eliminated as an
opposition
threat, and Zimbabwe has been functionally a one-party state ever
since.
Tsvangirai must maneuver deftly to avoid Nkomo's fate. His
party already
controls the lower house of parliament. He is supported by a
majority of the
population of 12 million, a third of whom have fled the
country and its
hyperinflation of 11.2 million percent.
At last, a
Zimbabwean holds a rare opportunity to bring relief to a
long-suffering
people. Tsvangirai must play his hand shrewdly in this
dangerous game with
the infamous Mugabe.
MDC Press Statement-
The
victory of democracy in Parliament
The will of the people of Zimbabwe who
voted for change on 29 March today
reverberated in Parliament when elected
110 MPs from across the political
divide voted for MDC national chairman,
Lovemore Moyo, as the Speaker of the
7th Parliament of Zimbabwe.
This
historic occasion has taken five months to fulfil; with at least 200
Zimbabweans having lost their lives due to political violence while
thousands were brutalised or had their homes burnt.
Hon Moyo won
against Paul Themba Nyathi, who polled 98 votes. Nyathi's
candidature was
co-sponsored by the unholy alliance of Zanu PF and Mr
Welshman Ncube, Mr
Arthur Mutambara and Jonathan Moyo who tried in vain to
subvert the will of
the people.
The MDC extends its profound gratitude all the MPs who voted
for Hon Moyo,
including those from Zanu PF and from the other MDC who saw it
worthwhile to
reinforce the will of the people as expressed on 29 March.
They showed their
strength and desire to be true ambassadors of the people
of Zimbabwe. There
is no doubt that the people of Zimbabwe have expressed
themselves through
their elected representatives.
Some MPs braved
arrests, intimidation and violence to come to Parliament to
give meaning to
the people's wishes and aspirations as expressed on 29
March. Parliament has
now become a true deliberative platform; the bastion
of real democracy.
Today's voting pattern is a harbinger of good things to
come. With unity of
purpose, the seventh Parliament will become a vehicle of
bringing change and
a new culture in the way the people's affairs are
managed.
Today's
election shows that the nation is guaranteed of robust debate and a
new era
in which Parliament will cease to be a rubber-stamp of the whims of
the
executive but becomes a true deliberative platform of the people's
aspirations.
History has been made. The onus is now on Parliament to
deal with the
people's affairs taking into cognisance their basic needs of
food, jobs,
transport, better health care and education.
We believe
that the MPs will come up with a legislative agenda that
addresses the
people's needs.
God is on our side. The people are on our side. History
is on our side. The
people shall govern.
Hon Nelson Chamisa,
MP
Secretary for Information and Publicity
http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/outside290808.htm
OUTSIDE
LOOKING IN
Dear
Friends,
I have long believed that a politically compromised police force
is one of
the root causes of the collapse of law and order in Zimbabwe.
Without
impartial policing and an independent judiciary the citizen has
nowhere to
turn for protection. From 2000 onwards we have seen that the
so-called
forces of law and order are tilted in one direction only and that
is to
uphold the political imperatives of the ruling party. The white
farmers were
the first victims; as their properties were violently invaded
and they were
driven from their homes, the police refused to intervene on
the grounds that
it was 'political' and they could do nothing. Even when
there were violent
physical assaults and murder, the police failed to act
and, in many cases
actively supported the farm invaders. As Mugabe's
political fortunes began
to wane he resorted more and more to racist
rhetoric, "Our party must
continue to strike fear in the heart of the white
man, our real enemy," he
said at the time
I was living in Murehwa
when the first white farmer, David Stevens, was
murdered and five of his
fellow farmers brutally assaulted as they attempted
to rescue their friend.
It was April 2000 ( See Cathy Buckle's Beyond Tears
for an account; she
calls it 'The weekend from Hell') The news of that
murder went all round the
world; indeed I heard of it first on the World
Service of the BBC. Robert
Mugabe, of course, was quick to respond with his
now familiar accusation of
western racism. One white man is killed and the
western media goes into a
frenzy he claimed. On the ground in Murehwa we all
knew that it was the
police who had handed the white farmers over to the war
veterans. We knew
the names of the killers and as the days went by after the
incident we saw
those very men walking freely about the township. They had
acted with
complete impunity knowing that no policemen would dare to lay a
finger on
them. That was where it all began, the politicisation of the
Zimbabwe
Republic Police, a body of men and women who had once been a highly
trained
and disciplined force, trusted by the people as the guardians of law
and
order. Now, eight years later, the ZRP has become no better than an arm
of
the ruling party. Once called 'the dogs of Ian Smith' they serve a
different
master now but one no less ruthless and they carry out his bidding
with
complete disregard for human rights or considerations of justice and
the
law. This week we had another example of police complicity when they
stormed
a perfectly lawful AGM of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition at a
hotel in the
middle of Harare and with a truck full of armed cops disbanded
the meeting
on the grounds that it was an illegal gathering. Earlier in the
week the
police had arrested five democratically elected MDC MPs as they
were about
to enter the parliament building to attend the opening of the new
session.
In a blatant attempt to prevent MDC members from voting for a new
Speaker of
the House, the police had once again proved their total
partiality to Zanu
PF. The democratic will of the people means nothing to
them, the MOU means
nothing to them, they continue their blind allegiance to
Robert Mugabe and
his party of thugs and thieves while the country slides
further and further
into the abyss. With police and judges corrupted by
Mugabe's patronage and
croneyism, law and order collapses. Traditional
chiefs, once the upholders
of customary law in the rural areas have been
subverted too and there is
nowhere to turn for justice. Rural or urban,
black or white, it makes no
difference if you are opposed to Mugabe and Zanu
PF you are 'the enemy
within' and the police will deal with you accordingly.
Ironic then that
when Kirsty Coventry returned to Zimbabwe with her gold and
silver medals
this week she was treated as a heroine despite the colour of
her skin. There
was a victory parade through the streets of Harare and a
banquet in her
honour. Mugabe congratulated her 'most heartily on that
heroic performance'
Hypocrisy or just political expediency on the Old Man's
part? The truth is
that he is using Coventry's victory because he thinks it
reflects well on
him and his government; he fails to acknowledge that
Coventry went to the
hated US to train for her medals so utterly desperate
are conditions in her
own country.
Accompanied no doubt by a police escort the white Olympian is
honoured and
feted by a man who will do anything to prove that the country
is prospering
under his leadership despite the fact that he said only this
week after the
State Opening of Parliament that his cabinet was to be
restructured because,
in his own words, "This cabinet I had was the worst in
history - most of the
ministers were unreliable - incompetent and spent time
attending to their
own businesses. Many abused their power to deny people
food." (Rich, coming
from the man who has banned NGO's distributing food
aid!) Perhaps he has
forgotten that he appointed the cabinet in the first
place - the same way he
extended Police Commissioner Chihuri's term of
office three times thus
ensuring a sickeningly compliant police force whose
only concern appears to
be propping up Mugabe's rotten regime while the real
criminals stalk the
corridors of power. Will they ever be brought to
justice?
Yours in the (continuing) struggle. PH aka Pauline Henson author
of
Countdown a political detective story set in Zimbabwe and available on
lulu.com
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Friday, 29 August 2008
14:12
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) registers its concerns
on the
undesirable effects of the imposition of the punitive import duty on
foreign
newspapers and publications on the Zimbabwean media
landscape.
In June 2008, the government ordered foreign
publications including
newspapers, journals, magazines and periodicals to
pay an import duty after
unjustifiably classifying them as luxury goods. The
Permanent Secretary for
Information and Publicity in the President's Office,
George Charamba said
the imposition of the punitive tax was meant "to
protect and defend the
national media space."
As a
result of the imposition of the import duty some essential
publications have
fallen foul to the new tax regime. South African
newspapers that have
significant readership in Zimbabwe and the London-based
title, The
Zimbabwean, have been hit hard by the tax and forced to cut down
on copies
imported into the country. According to Wilf Mbanga, the publisher
and
editor of The Zimbabwean, a popular weekly newspaper, the punitive tax
has
resulted in the suspension of the publication of its sister newspaper,
The
Zimbabwean on Sunday and the slashing of the print run of The Zimbabwean
from 150 000 copies a week to 50 000 copies. ZLHR considers the imposition
of the exorbitant tax on externally published newspapers as an
administrative and legislative ploy of curbing access to information and an
infringement of freedom of expression. This promulgation by the government
has thus effectively silenced divergent sources of information from
circulating in the country, thereby limiting people's access to alternative
views. Under such impermissible circumstances it becomes impossible to
create political pluralism, as characterized by robust, vibrant and
independent exchange of ideas by the citizenry, especially in a country
without a diverse and independent public media system, such as ours. Indeed
a lack of media diversity and an independent press leads to lack of
political diversity.
The continued restrictions on
access to information through punitive
taxation constitutes a clear breach
of the right to freedom of the media and
expression, which is guaranteed
under the country's Constitution and by
numerous international conventions,
including the Windhoek Declaration and
the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. Article 19 of the Declaration
categorically states that "Everyone
has the right to freedom of opinion and
expression; this right includes the
freedom to hold opinions without
interference and to seek, receive and
impart information and ideas through
any media, regardless of frontiers."The
newspaper tax, together with the
Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public
Order and Security Act (POSA), the Criminal
Law (Codification Reform) Act,
the Official Secrets Act, the Broadcasting
Services Act and the Interception
of Communications Act, is in fundamental
conflict with access to information
the right to freedom of the media and
expression.
ZLHR strongly urges parties to the political
dialogue to
constructively discuss the media environment in the country and
urgently put
mechanisms in place for the speedy repeal (or amendment) of
laws that
infringe media freedom and freedom of expression, so as to comply
with
international and regional standards guaranteeing access to
information,
freedom of the media and expression.
August 29, 2008
Petina Gappah
Another tragicomedy in one act
The scene is the August chamber of Zimbabwe’s House of Assembly. Professor Ncube and Professor Mutambara step down from the public gallery where they have been observing proceedings. Professor Moyo waves to them to enter the now empty chamber. Professor Ncube passes a loving, longing, lingering hand over the white leather of the Speaker’s chair. Professor Mutambara crouches and begins to drum a gentle tattoo on the little drum beneath the horn to the right of the chair. Professor Ncube gives him a fierce look and he stops.
Prof. Moyo: So you saw how the Speaker election went down. I did what I could. Sylvester Mguni proposed a motion to elect Paul Themba Nyathi. I seconded the motion to elect Paul Themba Nyathi. I voted for Paul Themba Nyathi. Our comrades, 97 Zanu PF stalwarts, voted for Paul Themba Nyathi. Paul Themba Nyathi lost. There was not much to do after that.
Prof. Ncube: The main concern for us Prof, is how we can spin this to make our party look good.
Prof. Moyo: Well, Prof, I thought yours was the party of the master strategists?
Prof Mutambara: I am coming out of Oxford.
Prof. Ncube: Can you help at all?
Prof. Moyo: Well, at this point, all I can say is that you are on your own, boys. I mean Professors.
Prof. Ncube: Prof, you know that humility and I are strangers to each other, but I am wise enough to acknowledge a master. No one spins better than you. And remember Prof that your future is at stake here too, imagine if Tsvangirai assumes any real power. Do you think that he will trust you again after the way you shafted him?
Prof Mutambara: Morgan Richard Tsvangirai is an intellectual
midget.
Prof. Moyo: Is there any way of shutting this fellow up?
Prof. Ncube: It is pointless - we have tried but he seems to be on some sort of auto-pilot. And lately, he has taken to repeating things he has said in the past. We sometimes need to shake him out of it, but we have found it best to just ignore him. So, how do we spin this?
Prof. Moyo: Do what the opposition is famous for
doing.
Prof Ncube: Flip-flop?
Prof. Moyo: No, the other thing.
Prof Ncube: Boycott?
Prof Moyo: No I don’t mean that.
Prof Ncube: Run for cover to the Dutch embassy?
Prof. Moyo: I mean blame Zanu PF.
Prof. Ncube: But we have a common interest in ensuring that
Tsvangirai does not taste any power. How can we blame Zanu
PF?
Prof Mutambara: Over the past 27 years ZANU PF has developed a distinct socio-politico-economic culture and value system rooted in political illegitimacy, poor country governance, economic mismanagement, bad policies, corruption, patronage, incompetence, and disrespect for the rule of law. These traits are now deeply rooted within ZANU PF which is rotten to the core. Mugabe is the glue that keeps the rot together. A reformed Zanu PF as the panacea to the Zimbabwean crisis is not on the agenda.
(Professor Ncube moves to stand on the white leather footstool beneath the Speaker’s chair and shakes Professor Mutambara who stops speaking. Professor Ncube turns his attention back to Professor Moyo)
Prof. Moyo: You are assuming that Zanu PF is a monolithic
entity whereas …
Prof. Ncube: (with the gladsome cry of one who has seen the light) Whereas there are actually factions within factions within factions!
Prof. Moyo: So you divert attention to one
faction.
Prof. Ncube: That way, the President will still like us, we will still be relevant, and we can still do a deal!
Prof Mutambara: Those that govern must do so with the consent of the governed. The will of the people must be sovereign. The victor in a fraudulent vote will neither have the legitimacy to govern, nor receive recognition internally or externally.
Prof. Ncube: And if we can cut a deal with the regime, that
will weaken Morgan Tsvangirai.
Prof Mutambara: I introduced Morgan Tsvangirai to opposition
politics.
Prof. Moyo: So all you have to do is to make sure that you
identify the right faction to blame.
Prof. Ncube: We will blame Mujuru!
Prof. Moyo: Nah, too obvious. Everyone blames
Mujuru.
Prof. Ncube: Mnangagwa!
Prof. Moyo: You are reasoning like someone with a mere
Masters degree. Don’t you realise he is on the
ascendancy?
Prof. Ncube: John Nkomo!
Prof. Moyo: You really have to be more subtle than
that.
Prof. Ncube: Oh, oh, oh, I know. I know!
Mutasa!
Prof. Moyo: Jane Mutasa? Good one, blame a woman. Always a
smart move.
Prof. Ncube: No, I mean Didymus
Mutasa.
Prof. Moyo: Does he have a faction?
Prof. Ncube: Well if he doesn’t, he is the only one without
one; I mean, just look how many factions there are in Zanu
PF.
Prof. Moyo: There are as many factions as there are
journalists to write about factions.
(The two professors collapse into
loud guffaws of professorial laughter at this professorial witticism)
Prof Mutambara: I am the anti-senate President of the
pro-senate MDC.
Prof. Moyo: You want to get at someone with a little power
but obviously not too much power, someone like Sithembiso
Nyoni.
Prof. Ncube: Sithembiso Nyoni?
Prof. Moyo: She is the new Speaker’s
mother-in-law.
Prof. Ncube: And even better, she is a
woman!
Prof. Moyo: You said it, Prof, if you can get away with it,
you should always blame a woman.
Prof Mutambara: (As though waking from a trance) We
can make it a regional loyalty issue. This was just a case of people from
Matabeleland picking one of their own.
(The two professors look at him with perplexed
faces)
Prof. Mutambara: (Very slowly, as though
explaining to two four-year-olds) Lovemore Moyo is from
Matabeleland.
Prof. Moyo: (Equally slowly) Paul Themba Nyathi is
from Matabeleland.
Prof. Ncube: I am from
Matabeleland.
Prof. Moyo: And I am from
Matabeleland.
Prof. Ncube: All our elected MPs are from
Matabeleland.
Prof Mutambara: Right, yes, well, the experience of
Gukurahundi should be understood as a total negation of the heroic revolution we
exalt today.
Prof. Moyo: So that’s the strategy, blame a small,
unimportant faction in Zanu PF. It was them who voted for Moyo, not your
MPs.
Prof. Ncube: That is pure genius.
Prof. Moyo: What can I say, I am pure genius. Sometimes I
look at myself in the mirror, blow myself a little kiss and say, Jonathan, you
are ridiculously brilliant.
Prof. Mutambara: The time has come to execute an
inter-generational mandate. We will not recognise a national leadership produced
by a fraudulent process. We will not enter into any negotiations with such an
illegal regime. There will be absolutely no compromise, retreat or surrender on
this position. No one should force the Zimbabwean political parties, who won a
majority of the votes on March 29, into negotiations with an illegitimate ruler.
We hope that President Thabo Mbeki and other African leaders are listening
carefully and understand our disposition clearly. We mean what we are saying,
and we will walk the talk.
Prof. Moyo: What is he on about?
Prof. Ncube: I told you, everything he says is taken from a
previous speech or statement. What he has just said is taken from the speech he
made on 20 June 2008, just before the run-off. The problem is that he makes so
many conflicting speeches every week that his mind simply can’t keep up with
itself. The controls of his multi-sensor systems sometimes go a little haywire.
His computational intelligence has been affected.
Prof Moyo: Multi-sensor systems? Computational
intelligence?
Prof. Ncube: He wrote a book about it. You should check it
out, it’s on Amazon. Anyway, he just needs another good shake.
(Gives Mutambara another good shake)
Prof. Mutambara: We need effective implementation planning
and execution and not paralysis by analysis.
Prof. Ncube: So how about this for a statement: We are aware
that Zanu PF parliamentarians, particularly the Sithembiso Nyoni group were
canvassing and voted for Lovemore Moyo. We are more than certain that our MPs
voted for our candidate.
Prof .Moyo: Don’t be too grudging. Remember to congratulate
Lovemore Moyo. You never know when you might want to be his
friend.
Prof. Ncube: Good one, Prof.
Prof. Moyo: In fact, Prof, I think he and I are related. As
I recall, he is the first cousin once removed of my seventh cousin twice removed
on our father’s side. And his cousin’s mother-in-law is a schoolteacher in
Tsholotsho. It may be time to rediscover our common roots. I will send him a
message using the “we are related” application on Facebook, and take it from
there.
Prof. Ncube: You never cease to amaze me,
Prof.
Prof Moyo: And I never cease to amaze myself,
Prof.
Prof. Mutambara: We are standing on the shoulders of Nikita
Mangena.
(There is a gust of wind and suddenly, Rotina Mavhunga, the
diesel n’anga, hovers in the air before descending into the
chamber).
Rotina Mavhunga: (In the dulcet tones that charmed
Mugabe’s cabinet) Professor Ncube, Professor Moyo, and Professor Mutambara:
Changamire Dombo has taken advantage of supernatural high-speed wifi technology
to traverse across space and time and, using me as his medium, pass on this
message to Professor Mutambara. The message says, Dear Professor Mutambara, I
would be most appreciative if you could find somebody else’s shoulders to stand
on from now. You are a hefty chap, old boy, all those Sandton meals, don’t you
know, and the old shoulders are not what they were, getting a little creaky,
what. Very respectfully, and wishing you all the very best in your future
endeavours etcetera, etcetera and cheerio, the spirit of Nikita
Mangena.
(As she speaks, diesel suddenly starts to spew from the tips of two horns
framing the Speaker’s chair, and towards the three professors. The three are
thrown into turmoil, and, with distinctly unprofessorial screams of panic, they
unprofessorially run out of the chamber without looking back.
Rotina Mavhunga
gives a loud belch, and sits down in the speaker’s chair).
Rotina Mavhunga: (In Changamire Dombo’s deep but somnolent voice) Imported Chinese Leather. Top-quality stitching. Soft but firm seat. I could get used to this.
(He/she settles her/himself comfortably on the chair, and stretches her/his legs on the white leather footstool. S/he falls into a deep slumber, and in a matter of seconds, the chamber resonates with his/her snores. The little drums flanking the Speaker’s chair begin to beat loudly. The chamber is filled with voices singing Mhondoro dzinomwa muna Zambezi/ Mhondoro dzinomwa munaSave/ Mhondoro dzinomwa zuva rodoka/ Mhondoro dzinomwa wohiye).
And we fade to black.