The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zim academic held
03/08/2004 21:35  - (SA)

Harare - Zimbabwean police on Tuesday arrested a leader of a teachers' union
at a university in the eastern city of Mutare for allegedly addressing
students without police clearance, a lawyer said.

Alec Muchadehama said Raymond Majongwe, secretary general of the Progressive
Teachers Union of Zimbabwe, was arrested at Africa University in Mutare,
near the border with Mozambique and about 250km east of Harare.

"He was addressing students at Africa University when he was picked up," he

Majongwe was trying to promote unionism among students, the lawyer said,
adding that police were questioning him but had not pressed any charges yet.

Police in the Harare could not confirm the arrest.

Labour meeting

Meanwhile, police broke up a labour meeting being addressed by the leader of
the country's largest workers representative, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) in the southern city of Masvingo, 300km from Harare.

Secretary general Wellington Chibebe said he was briefing labour leaders on
the outcome of a recent International Labour Organisation meeting he
attended on labour standards when police ordered him to call it off.

He said he complied "for the safety of our officials," he said.

Zimbabwe's security laws make it mandatory for most public meetings to be
cleared by police.

ZCTU says it has a high court order which exempts police permission for
labour meetings.
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From The Daily News Online Edition, 2 August

NCA to campaign for election boycott

The National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) has begun a rural outreach
programme to campaign for a boycott of parliamentary elections set for March
next year, the organisation has said. Earnest Mudzengi, the NCA information
and advocacy officer told the Daily News Online yesterday that the coalition
group wanted the public to boycott next year's legislative polls unless the
government made "meaningful" and sweeping changes to the constitution.
Mudzengi said the campaign kicked off in Manicaland and had also covered
Gutu, Zaka, Chiredzi and Chivi in Masvingo province over the past month.
"The rural areas are our primary target because this is where Zanu PF has
sought to entrench itself. We want both the urban and rural population to
form the critical mass from where the NCA will derive power to make sure
that the elections do not proceed under the current electoral set up and
constitution," said Mudzengi. The NCA, a coalition of civic groups, churches
and the student movement fighting for a new constitution, says the current
constitution is flawed and gives an unfair electoral advantage to the
incumbent government over the opposition.

President Robert Mugabe has however, said that the government would
introduce reforms to the electoral process before next year's elections.
According to reports, the reforms would include the setting up of an
electoral commission to take over the running of elections from the
registrar-general. But the opposition and civic groups have dismissed the
proposed reforms as a window dresser, arguing that Mugabe could still
manipulate the electoral body since he would appoint members of the
commission. "The changes proposed by Mugabe are cosmetic. They do not go far
enough in addressing the flawed electoral process. We need a genuinely
independent commission, an environment that makes it possible for other
candidates to campaign freely without intimidation and harassment and above
all, a democratic constitution," said Mudzengi. Movement for Democratic
Change President (MDC) Morgan Tsvangirai last week accused state security
agents of banning MDC rallies in several rural constituencies. Tsvangirai
said the move was meant to sabotage the opposition's election campaign.

If the government failed to make these reforms, Mudzengi said, the NCA would
ensure that the elections would not take place. "We will employ various
strategies and there are a number that we are mulling at the moment.
Boycotting the election is just one option. People can disturb the whole
purpose by deliberately spoiling ballot papers or just disrupt the whole
process so that it does not even take place. "But it will be a matter of
strategy. That is why we have stepped up our campaign because we want to
convince as many people as possible. We want to have reached all villages
and wards by election time and our structures are working hard on that. We
should have reached saturation levels by the March,' said Mudzengi.
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From ZWNEWS, 3 August

Zanu PF youths loot $4 million

An opposition official had his business looted and then forcibly closed on
the weekend, the MDC said yesterday. Claudious Marimo, national executive
member for Goromonzi, owned a grinding mill, bottle store and general dealer
shop at Svasvi business centre in the Musana area of Mashonaland Central. On
Saturday afternoon, the party reported, around 30 Zanu PF youths arrived at
the business centre, forced the businesses to close, and stole Z$4 million
from Marimo's wife. The mob claimed they were acting on the instructions of
the provincial governor, Ephraim Masawi, who had ordered them to close all
businesses owned by opposition supporters. A fortnight ago, Marimo was
summoned by local headmen acting on Masawi's orders and told to close his
businesses. The names of some of the members of the mob - Terence Jawaira,
Mind Jawaira, Sylvester Munemo and Israel Munemo - were passed to the local
police, but no arrests have been made.
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  Vesting of land, taking of materials and
  exercise of rights over land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of paragraph (iii) of subsection (1) of
section 8 of the Land Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President
has acquired compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for
resettlement purposes.

Minister of Special Affairs in the President's Office in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.

Collection of Section 8 Orders for lodgement of Section 5 Notice objection
letters can be effected at the following address which is not given in the

Block 2
Makombe Complex
cnr. Herbert Chitepo Street/Harare Street
See Mr. Pazavakombewa
1.  3664/95.  Hallingbury Farm (Private) Limited: Hartley: The
Remaining Extent of Hallingbury: 1208,1417 ha

 2.  5158/85.  A and A Farms (Private) Limited: Lomagundi: Abercorn:
1 880,4950 ha
 3.  6045/56.  Cango Farm P/L: Lomagundi: Cango of Nidd Valley of
Nidderdale: 742,4693 morgen
 4.  7215/89.  Dalston Estates P/L: Lomagundi: Chaosina: 577,7828
 5.  3192/76.  Patabac (Private) Limited: Lomagundi: Clonsilla
Portion of Trelawney Estate: 444,0599 ha
 6.  1241/77.  Dulwich Estate P/L: Lomagundi: Dulwich of Trelawney
Estate: 176,4426 ha
 7.  1241/77.  Dulwich Estate P/L: Lomagundi: Dulwich Extension of
Trelawney Estate: 1 131,8911 ha
 8.  4210/93.  Turner Estates (Pvt) Ltd: Lomagundi: R/E Glen Esk
Estate A: 744,0761 ha
 9.  2300/86.  Kingston Farm (Private) Limited: Lomagundi: Lot 1 of
Mowe Flats: 397,3826 ha
 10.  2129/60.  Becket Dallaway Creasy Wheeler: Lomagundi: Lot 1 of
Uitzigt: 999,9701 acres
 11.  417/89.  Gold Dust (Private) Limited: Lomagundi: Lot 2 of
Ayshire Annexe A: 669,500 ha
 12.  7821/90.  Mazwikadei Farm (Pvt) Ltd: Lomagundi: Lot 3 of
Ayshire Annexe A: 78,4497 ha
 13.  6942/86.  Brixton (Pvt) Ltd: Lomagundi: Monga Farm: 613,3540
 14.  10816/97.  Agro-Economic Consultants Africa (Private) Limited:
Lomagundi: Morton: 526,3303 ha
 15.  263/73> Mandara Farm P/L: Lomagundi: Pambili: 504,7632 ha
 16.  7216/89.  Dalston Estates P/L: Lomagundi: R/E Dalston: 1
223,3036 ha
 17.  1833/72.  Kilmacdaugh Estate: Lomagundi: R/E of Kilmacduagh
Estate: 7 999,1883 ha
 18.  1025/63.  Stephanus Francois Du Toit Le Roux: Lomagundi:
Remainder of Dunphalle: 866,2450 acres
 19.  1048/91.  Agtrak (Pvt) Ltd: Lomagundi: Remainder of Henley
Park: 188,4694 ha
 20.  203/61.  Philipus Jeremia Riekert De Beer: Lomagundi: Rukoba
Estate: 1 719,0718 acres
 21.  5553/90.  Trelawney Estate: Lomagundi: The Remainder of
Trelawney Estate: 2 314,9266 ha
 22.  1009/52.  Weston Park Estates: Lomagundi: York Estate:
424,3763 morgen
 23.  2114/92.  Chibuli Farm (Private) Limited: Lomagundi: Verblyden
of Dunphaile: 435,6789 ha

 24.  4353/76.  Pamwechete Farm (Private) Limited: Sipolilo: Lot 1 of
Yomba Extension: 911,7536 ha

 25.  2079/86.  P W Dawson (Private) Limited: Urungwe: Glendene
Estate: 489,3249 ha

 26.  1505/79.  Bernard George Rutter: Lomagundi: Montegomery:
2066,2431 ha


JAG Hotlines:
(091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
(011) 431 068
                                we're here to help!
263 4 799 410 Office Lines
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  Vesting of land, taking of materials and
  exercise of rights over land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of paragraph (iii) of subsection (1) of
section 8 of the Land Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President
has acquired compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for
resettlement purposes.

Minister of Special Affairs in the President's Office in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.
Collection of Section 8 Orders for lodgement of Section 5 Notice objection
letters can be effected at the following address which is not given in the

Block 2
Makombe Complex
cnr. Herbert Chitepo Street/Harare Street
See Mr. Pazavakombewa


JULY 2004

LOT 149 SECTION 5 23RD JULY 2004
71.  1003/90.  PVP P/L: Makoni: Remainder of Lesapedale: 329,6738
72.  5173/94.  Brookdale Estates P/L: Makoni: Devos: 1 388,000 ha
73.  6872/84.  FAR P/L: Makoni: Remaining Extent of Lesapi Cave: 1
062,7386 ha
74.  1205/40.  Government of Colony of S R Makoni: Mapopi of Falls:
472,2810 morgen
75.  1011/98.  Cotleigh Farm P/L: Makoni: Cotleigh Farm P/L:
1009,7391 ha


JAG Hotlines:
(091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
(011) 431 068
                                we're here to help!
263 4 799 410 Office Lines

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Often Zimbabwean women show a deep level of mistrust over their exclusion in key decision-making processes, in politics, in public administration, in management and in the allocation of national resources.
The issue is rooted in our history. It is true that women have been denied their space, by customary laws, tradition and patriarchy, by colonialism and exploitation, through political oppression and by certain biased practices in our African culture. It is true that they lead a life characterized by obstacles which demand serious attention and long term solutions.
Because of the absence of a visible gender revolution, we are still to come to grips with these legitimate concerns. Zimbabwean women have yet to realize their real dreams, to taste their freedom and to access their basic rights.
I understand that as long as such a large and active portion of our population nurses a fundamental grievance, there can never be peace and security in our nation. Men must accept that the concerns of women are genuine. The concerns will never disappear, unless we address them sincerely and openly.
The majority of the MDC members are women. Without the women’s vote, the MDC would never have been where it is today. Yet, debate rages within the party on women’s participation and contribution to an equal opportunity society under an MDC government.
We have to accept the challenge, with the guidance, direction and help of the women themselves. We must ready ourselves for a major cultural, attitudinal and social test in a conservative society still steeped in a distorted, traditional patriarchy.
We need to transform our entire political culture to include everybody in the administration and governance of our nation. As a party, we are determined to act against all forms of prejudice. I am aware that women are always on their guard in our discussions, in our analysis of our structures, when we select or appoint representatives and candidates for public office, and when we allocate finances for specific projects.
The liberation struggle held a lot of promise for the total emancipation of women. Sadly, nothing came out of it. The mainly male traditionalist leadership seized the national project – they “masculinised” the struggle, lowered the status of women and discouraged any meaningful shift towards gender equality.
Those who dared ask questions about equity and opportunity for women were harshly reminded that the main objective of the struggle was to rid the country of colonialism. Everything else, including debate on gender, was to be postponed to an unknown time and date.
After independence, the Zanu PF regime was never serious about the question of equality and women’s participation. The least regime did was to establish a token Ministry of Women’s Affairs. That ministry concentrated its efforts on mobilizing women to perform mundane and, sometimes, humiliating chores.
Women were supposed to go down on your knees on the tarmac at Harare International Airport cheering Robert Mugabe as he left and returned home from his numerous trips abroad.  The media was also awash with stories of donations of sewing machines to various women’s groups in what the regime thought was a form of empowerment for the women.
Further, the political leadership of the women was mainly imposed upon them by the ruling party, thus widening the gulf between those in the leadership of the so-called Women’s League and the ordinary Zimbabwean woman, whether a peasant or a professional. There were no role models and gender reforms were excluded from the national agenda.
The MDC, as a party, and an MDC government seek to reverse that unfortunate situation. We cannot allow women to be elbowed out simply because they are seen to be weak. Solidarity is one of our core values. We believe the strong must support the weak. Men have a responsibility to support women in a visible way.
We must move beyond rhetoric and show our revulsion with all forms of intolerance and the political abuse of women. Women should be leaders, not just praise-singers and passive followers.
We seek to create conditions for, and direct resources towards, equal opportunities for women in line with our public pronouncements.
An MDC government aims to change, in a radical way, all the negative attitudes, perceptions and practices which impede the development of women as a national resource. The process begins with an introspection and cross-examination of ourselves as change agents in order to connect gender integration with all spheres of our activity. The place of a woman is our society today is a cross-cutting issue, straddling across education, economic security, freedom and the question of human rights.
We seek to transform our institutions to ensure that they facilitate the inclusion, political participation and leadership of women from the community to national level. Our public pronouncements as politicians and as a party on the subject of women’s empowerment and advancement will remain meaningless unless the women see the change. Zimbabwean women must feel the change.
We need to increase the representation of women in the leadership of the party, in the national executive and in Parliament. If the process is right, the result will benefit all. Right now, there are 66 elected parliamentary seats occupied by Zanu PF, mostly men.
We are persuading our party structures to work towards the realization of the MDC quota system for women parliamentarians. We must match our pronouncements with our deeds. Our party’s Women’s Assembly has already begun to select suitable candidates. We particularly encourage capable women to present themselves for these positions.
I must accept though that despite the party’s commitment, there exist some shortcomings in the MDC. Total success in the struggle for women’s emancipation depends on a major shift in the nation’s attitude, supported by advances in confidence and in the economic security of women.
In times of crisis and in situations of poverty, women tend to scatter around for personal safety, ending up in male bondage. As they defend themselves against exploitation and disadvantage, they are easily taken in as informal refuges of men – further weakening themselves to a point where they see no benefit in supporting other women.
I am happy to note that in the MDC, women taking part in critical national debates, making key decisions on the party’s welfare, representation and growth. We have to increase the numbers in leadership positions to help our nation to recognize the ability and effectiveness of women leaders.  We must reverse the demobilization of women of the past three decades.
Women should never allow men to dismiss them casually. As President, I encourage the women to come out openly to claim their space. Resist attempts to elbow you out.
Your constituency is so large, so influential and so powerful that any political system that ignores this reality is bound to fail.
As a social liberation movement, our government will be underpinned by a strong social agenda.  In this movement, we must strive for total peace and security in our homes, in our villages and in our communities. We need complete freedom and change at every level.
The MDC is determined to tackle structural inequalities and to deal with historical service backlogs in a more programmed and systematic manner. We are a young party with a new generation of leaders who are determined to restore the dignity of all in line with the ideals of the liberation struggle.
I must make it clear that I am against the concept of separate development. I do not believe separate development or reckless empowerment programmes can lead to equality. Normal societies must discourage it. Empowerment projects must be inclusive to enable our society to move together.
The gender debate must occupy our minds and our policy initiatives because it is a cross-cutting subject. It touches and influences all aspects of our lives.
Together, we shall win.
Morgan Tsvangirai
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The Circus versus the WOZA Whistle-blowers
By Jenni Williams 3rd August 2004

Dear Friends,
I think I have recovered my intellect enough to write you all. Having spent
over 4 hours being questioned about WHISTLES, I became depressed and friends
heard it in my voice. What depressed me? NO it was not my being arrested, I
expected and planned for that. NO it was not the fact that they raided my
mother's house saying they were looking for 'inflammatory materials, weapons
and explosives'. Instead they confiscated thousands of WOZA scarves,
Valentine Cards and WOZA MOYA newsletters - all are not weapons of mass
destruction! NO the fact that they arrested the blackboard did not trouble
me much as I was sure it would not talk under torture. I was pleased to hear
that Police mounted a 24-hour guard under freezing conditions outside my
company's offices, as people need more money to survive! Neither was it the
fact that Police also confiscated 2000 whistles made of plastic with no
exploding parts? No I had to face up to a personal deficiency - I realised
that I was not clever enough to be stupid and that depressed me!

On Monday 2nd August I was in Remand Court with 10 of my colleagues when we
noticed Police officers, we estimated about 20, in attendance. After court
was concluded I was asked to accompany the officers to Police Central alone.
Of course I was in the company of about 20 WOZA women who were not going to
miss out on the action. They accompanied me to the gate and two of them
voluntarily allowed them to be arrested and interrogated with me. After an
afternoon of interrogation our benevolent Investigating officer said he
would allow us to go home to sleep in our own beds and clear the confusion
from our heads about the name and address of the person who donated 2000
whistles to WOZA. We duly went home but instead went to our beds feeling
stupid for having spent a whole afternoon talking about whistles. Of course
having gone to bed in that frame of mind, no names and addresses came into
our heads by osmosis and instead we reported back as instructed at 8:30 am
ready to restore our intellect. By mid morning it was apparent that no
progress was being made. We had spent hours the day before without access to
water or toilet facilities and did not fancy a second day, so we stepped up
the pressure! We had bad luck, as our lawyers were too busy to attend when
we needed them, so for the second day we had to go into interrogation
without counsel.

As the interview began the opening remark was that a barter exchange was to
be brokered. We would be given our freedom if we divulged where the whistles
came from. We could go home never to be arrested again as long as we stayed
off the streets of course!! However if we refused this barter deal, the next
time we are arrested we would have to go to the High Court in order to make
bail or would never make bail.

I think it was at this point that we remembered the phrase on the WOZA
scarves - 'Enough is enough' and announced that further conversation was not
necessary. He could take us to his police cells, to court or release us. We
walked out of his office and went to sit in the corridor to stress this
point. After 15 minutes he came and said he was releasing us but would I
'consent' to him calling me through my lawyer in the future? As a just law
abiding citizen I agreed and departed. After cooling off and at least 10
cups of tea my intellect is restored. Sometime tomorrow I shall probably
find my sense of humour again.
I would like to thank you all for the incredible support phone calls, text
messages and emails. I have been critical in the past of the lack of support
when I have been in state accommodations but I can say that is in the past.
Thank you for supporting me! Things looked pretty grim when I heard they
were searching for weapons and that 2 warrants of arrest had been issued on
me. I had moments when I questioned my sanity in coming back to Zimbabwe to
face the music having been visiting my sick mother. There is always a reward
for doing the right thing and my reward has been in receiving words of
encouragement from you all!

Please could I request those of you resident in our Zimbabwe help us
replenish our supply of whistles as they are obviously an 'item' and we will
need to incorporate them in our peaceful demonstrations as suggested by our
police 'advisors'. These can be found at any children's toy store and posted
to P. O. Box FM 701 Famona, Bulawayo. Please do not post more than 20
whistles per packet so we avoid congesting our letterbox. Thos is diaspora
could have whistling sessions outside Zimbabwean Embassies!

Aluta Continua


P.s By the way 46 of us are currently on trial for 'blocking the pavement'.
The trial resumes on Friday 6 August.
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New Zimbabwe

Herald rocked by female abuse scandal

By Tawanda Majoni
Last updated: 08/03/2004 21:22:37
ZIMPAPERS employees at Herald House in Harare on Monday went on a sit-in,
protesting against the sexual abuse of female staffers by senior managers,
gross mismanagement, nepotism and unilateral salary hikes.

An on-the-spot survey by this paper indicated that most of the staff in
non-managerial positions in all the departments partook in the industrial
action, characterised by a floor-by-floor demonstration in which some of the
protesters waved placards that denounced the harassment of female employees.

Even though Zimpapers employees outside Harare have not yet joined the
strike, the workers committee chairman, Samuel Kabasa said they were
expected to down tools from today.

The protesters reportedly besieged the office of one of the senior
employees, who is an editor of one of the Zimpapers publications.

The editor (name supplied) is being accused of having attempted to rape a
female journalism student on attachment with the Herald last weekend but
The named editor, who is a single father, reportedly stalked the student to
Chitungwiza where she had gone to cover a musical show, offered her a lift
back home but instead drove her to a friend's place where he attempted to
rape her.

he woman however refused and insisted on being taken home but on the way, he
allegedly drove to a secluded place where he again attempted in vain to rape

The intern has since compiled a complaint, copies of which sources say have
been availed to the human resources manager, Dilfern Moyo and the Herald
editor, Pikirayi Deketeke.

Moyo however insisted that there was no sit-in at Herald House, refusing to
further respond to questions posed to him. The named editor, it has been
established, did not report for duty last week immediately after the
complaint, over which a decision is yet to be made, was compiled.

He was however at work yesterday but was spotted driving away by the Daily
Mirror after his office had been stormed. Already, two managers at Zimpapers
have been fired for abusing female staffers, some of them married women.

"This is only the tip of the iceberg. On a daily basis, we hear women here
at Herald House complaining that so and so harassed them sexually, by
touching them indecently, making suggestive phone calls, attempting to have
sex with them and making unsolicited moves.

"What makes the situation even sadder is that a significant number of these
victims are married women but the perverts never seem to bother. These women
are in a fix because they feel that if they report the sexual harassment,
they will be exposed socially, a situation that can easily lead to strained
marriages," said one female journalist.

The industrial action has been precipitated by a number of factors reflected
in communication the workers, through their representatives and among them a
petition signed by more than 300 employees, sent to management.

Standing high on the list of grievances is an alleged vehicle scheme which,
it is being charged, senior management abused. In correspondence dated July
12 2004 and addressed to the Zimpapers board chairman, Herbert Nkala, the
workers committee highlighted that management had "embarked on a luxury
vehicle scheme solely for their benefit".

The communication was copied to President Robert Mugabe, the Minister of
Information and Publicity, Jonathan Moyo and the group chief executive,
Justin Mutasa.

The executives are being accused of replacing state of the art vehicles they
were bought less than two years ago with expensive luxury cars of the latest
makes and types, among them ML Mercedes Benz, Kompressors and Nissan Wolfs.

This, the workers said, is in spite of the fact that the Zimpapers policy
stipulates that executives' vehicles might be replaced after five years,
after which they can be sold at book value.

"What eats into the employees most is that these executives can afford to
replace their own vehicles with expensive luxury cars.yet the company's
fleet for (the) day to day running of business is depleted," the workers

They described as scandalous the alleged practice whereby the book value of
the vehicles being sold off to the executives was grossly understated,
saying a Nissan Hardbody was being disposed of at a mere $800 000 and a
Prado at $2 million, when real values were far higher than that.

In contrast, they said, a "ramshackle" Mazda B1600 (registration number
620-044K) was being sold to employees at $16 million, adding that the
allocation for the luxury vehicles had claimed a whopping $2.7 billion
"resulting in a bank overdraft of $400 million" which attracted an interest
rate of 200 percent per annum.

The purchase of the vehicles, they added, was approved despite the fact that
Zimpapers was failing to pay Mutare Board and Paper Mills-who supply them
with newsprint-in addition to other creditors, while the company is
allegedly failing to buy spares for the printing press.

The employees charge that management is acting in bad faith by imposing a
meager salary increment on them. Mutasa recently announced that he would be
giving the workers a 25 percent salary increment, saying Zimpapers could not
afford more.

"What riles us is that in December, we agreed on sensible quarterly reviews,
yet Mutasa went ahead and declared that paltry increase even though
month-on-month inflation stands at 35 percent. And these guys (management)
have the temerity to go on a shopping orgy," said one workers' committee
He accused Mutasa of lying in the Herald of July 15, when he said the lowest
paid worker was grossing $1.3 million a month when in fact it was far less
than that.

There is widespread nepotism at the largest media house in Zimbabwe, workers
said, whereby senior management impose their relatives on the company and
award them hefty salaries ahead of their seniors.

They cited the case of one Simon Mutasa, who they said was believed to be
the younger brother of the CEO, saying the elder Mutasa unprocedurally made
him general manager at Natprint, one of Zimpapers' subsidiary concerns.

The younger Mutasa has since quit the company, following allegations of the
misappropriation of funds.

"Recruitment of key positions is being done in a corrupt manner as relatives
and friends of top management mainly occupy these positions. E.g. (sic) the
Former General Manager of Natprint (Simon Mutasa) was co -opted to Zimpapers
as an Advertising Manager and in less than 6 months he was elevated to
General Manager, Natprint," read the document addressed to Nkala.

On July 14, management wrote to Kabasa, saying he had misplaced himself by
writing to the board chairman without first bringing the workers' grievances
to the general manager, the CEO and the Works Council.

What riled the workers further was that Mutasa on July 15 dismissed their
grievances as a "figment of your imagination" and described them as the
"epitome of malice and wickedness" and instituted a lawsuit against them,
saying their document was libelous.

His lawyers denied that he had improperly engaged and promoted the younger
Mutasa or corruptly approved the vehicle scheme. They demanded $180 million
from the workers who had signed the document.

The matter was then referred to Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare
ministry and was supposed to be heard on July 29.

However, the hearing was aborted because Mutasa failed to show cause,
resulting in the workers resolving to go on strike. The matter will be heard
today, after Mutasa's lawyers finally managed to file their papers showing
cause. Follow-up comments could not be obtained from Mutasa, Deketeke or
Nkala as they could not be reached on their phones.
Daily Mirror

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New Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe's private schools see red over fees imposition

By Agencies
Last updated: 08/03/2004 19:46:32
GOVERNMENT-ordered fee cuts are bankrupting Zimbabwe private schools, once
among the southern Africa's best, officials at one non-profit institution
said today.

Eaglesvale School, which teaches 1,000 students in western Harare, filed for
provisional liquidation.

The near 100-year-old school will be forced to close for good unless it can
raise £135,000 in the coming weeks, school officials said.

"We are living on a knife edge," school board chairman Deon Theron said.

Police and education authorities briefly shut down 45 private schools in
May, including Eaglesvale, in a dispute over children's fees.

The Education Ministry alleged the schools, which cater mainly to the nation
's ruling and wealthy elite, raised their fees without government approval,
and ordered them to cut back costs.

Private schools argue they were forced to impose the increases to meet
escalating costs due to Zimbabwe's spiralling inflation and soaring land
tax, power and water costs.

Zimbabwe is suffering its worst economic crisis since independence in 1980,
with acute shortages of petrol, food and key imports.

The often violent redistribution of white-owned farms to black Zimbabweans,
coupled with erratic rains, has crippled the agriculture-based economy.
Inflation is approaching 390%, the highest rate in the world.

Eaglesvale, which began in 1911 as an orphanage for the children of early
white settlers, was forced to halve its fees to about £130 a child for a
12-week term, Theron said.

The government suggested the school cut costs by reducing the number of
teachers and enlarging the size of its classes, which average 30 pupils,
compared to about 60 in state schools.

"That wasn't really an option. We would need to build bigger classrooms,"
Theron said.

Parents also demanded that the school not "drop standards," he said.

Theron denied government claims that private schools gave preferential
treatment to white children. Nearly 80% of Eaglesvale's pupils are black.

"What is also sad is that we are one of the few privately run schools that
take children with learning difficulties," Theron said.

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New Zimbabwe

Police logbook vanishes as Chiyangwa trial opens

By Takunda Maodza
Last updated: 08/03/2004 20:02:46
THE trial of Chinhoyi Member of Parliament and businessman Phillip Chiyangwa
opened in Harare on Monday with a diary of police investigations known as
the logbook missing in the docket.

The defence led by Advocate Chris Anderson had requested the State to
produce the book saying it was of significance to their case.

Chrispen Machingura, assisted by Mercy Dube said the police had indicated to
them that the book was in the docket yet it was nowhere to be found.

"I asked the investigating officer about the logbook and he said he placed
it in the record, as to where it has gone now l don't know and I cannot
speculate," Machingura said.

Meanwhile, Chiyangwa who stands accused of attempting to defeat or obstruct
the course of justice, contempt of court and perjury has pleaded not guilty
to the charges when he appeared before magistrate Judith Tsamba.

The State is alleging that Chiyangwa attempted to defeat the course of
justice when he allegedly tried to hide some of the cars belonging to the
directors of the now defunct ENG Asset Management, Nyasha Watyoka and
Gilbert Muponda.

Muponda and Watyoka were arrested by police on December 31 last year for
allegedly defrauding investors which included Century Holdings, First Mutual
Asset Management among others of a staggering $61 billion.

Machingura said information gathered by the police during the course of
investigations revealed that the youthful directors had bought buildings and
luxury vehicles using the investor funds.

Asked where the vehicles that they had bought were, Watyoka and Muponda are
said to have indicated that some were with Chiyangwa.

On January 2 this year, police visited Chiyangwa's house number 11 Crowhill
road Borrowdale and recovered a BMWZ4 vehicle grey in colour and
registration numbers 837-109A.

The police recovered the vehicle from Chiyangwa's son. When the police
visited the accused's house Chiyangwa allegedly denied knowledge of a
Mercedes Benz Kompressor grey in colour and a green BMW.

However, when they re-interrogated Muponda and Watyoka on the whereabouts of
the vehicle, they allegedly indicated that Chiyangwa had the two vehicles.
Chiyangwa allegedly adamantly continued to show ignorance on the whereabouts
of the vehicles after the police interviewed him for the second time.
On January 12 this year, acting on a tip off police recovered a Kompressor
Mercedes Benz grey in colour and a green BMW X5 at number 11 Plew Crescent
Cotsworld, where Chiyangwa's acquaintance resides.

The State is arguing that Chiyangwa had not disclosed the two vehicles to
the police although he had been earlier on warned to declare and surrender
all properties belonging to ENG.

Machingura said one of the vehicles that were recovered belonged to Muponda
while another to Amalgated Health Services, a company allegedly owned by the
two directors.

Chiyangwa also attempted to defeat or obstruct the administration of justice
when he allegedly threatened to take unspecified action against a detective
inspector Mangwenzi, an investigating officer in the ENG case, who was
testifying in court on January 8 this year.

Machingura said Chiyangwa refused to withdraw his remarks when he was asked
to do so by Mishrod Guvamombe, the magistrate who was presiding over the

"His conduct was becoming unacceptable in a court of law and contemptuous.
"This was calculated to intimidate and frighten the investigating officer
who was in court," added Machingura.

The third allegation leveled against Chiyangwa is that on January 8 this
year, Chiyangwa misled the court when while testifying in court under oath
he said that Muponda asked for food when he phoned him using a detective
Tongogara's mobile phone.

"In truth and fact Muponda had informed the accused person to avail to the
police the outstanding vehicle, a Cyanne porche," allege the State adding
that in so doing, Chiyangwa misled the court.

Chiyangwa through his counsel advocate Anderson said the vehicles namely a
Mercedes Benz Kompressor and BMW X5, were in his custody pursuant to a
mandate to negotiate with ENG creditors and the need to secure its assets
against creditors who wished to seize them unlawfully.

"The accused will deny that prior to January 12, 2004 he was asked about the
whereabouts of the two vehicles or that he made any statement to the police
misdirecting them as to their whereabouts," argued Anderson.

He said on that day Chiyangwa was asked for the keys to the vehicles, which
he immediately provided to the police. Anderson added that Chiyangwa
co-operated with the police during their investigations contrary to
assertions that he had also supplied them with share certificates belonging
to ENG and Century Holdings valued of $140 million.

The defence said on January 10, 2004 Chiyangwa was arrested and detained on
a different charge of attempting to defeat the course of justice in respect
of a Cayenne Porsche 4x4, a charge that has now been abandoned by the State.
Adding, Anderson said prior to Chiyangwa's arrest, false allegations were
made that he had concealed the whereabouts of Muponda, Watyoka and three
vehicles different from those referred to in the charge sheet namely a BMW
X4, BMW Z4 and Cayenne Porsche 4x4.

"The accused person was in possession of the first two vehicles, which he
surrendered to the police and denied that he was in possession of the
 third," argued Anderson.
Daily Mirror

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Invite me home
Evaline Tsumba
August 02, 2004

I was one of the first in my class to leave the country. Of course others
had left before me, but they had emigrated with their families, either drawn
out by money or pushed out by fear. I was the first to leave on my own. I
was going to university in the United States.

Since I left my Zimbabwe in August 2002, I have been lucky enough to come
home four times. I pray that I will continue to be able to return so often,
and I fear that even this may not be often enough. Over the past two years,
since I moved to the United States, I have already begun to feel a rift. Is
it possible to find fuel these days? How much money do I need to take when I
go grocery shopping? What do you do at a road block? How much is an
appropriate tip in a restaurant? How much do I give the guy who was watching
my car? Is it safe to go out at night? My homeland and I are growing in
different directions.

Earlier this year I attended a lecture by Malian author Manthia Diawara. He
discussed an event that took place when he was a student, an incident in
which he described his experience as an immigrant in the United States and
his worry about becoming too American, to his uncle. Diwara's uncle replied
to him saying, "no matter how long a log stays in the water, it will not
turn into a crocodile." The problem faced by myself, and other young
Zimbabweans today, is that although we might someday be taken out of the
water, we will be rotten and it will be too late for us to re-sprout roots.
Basic things that have changed so rapidly in Zimbabwe, that we have not been
able to keep up.

Each homecoming has been a different experience for me, and I have begun to
know what to expect based on what I see when I arrive at the airport. On my
first arrival home, as I was passing through immigration, I looked up at the
cyclopean glass window that exhibits the arrivals area to the upstairs cafe.
I saw my parents and three friends jumping and waving frantically. There
were two friends on my second arrival and one on my third. On my most recent
return home, none of my friends were there to welcome me. This is a positive
thing for the individual friends. They have moved away, as I did, in order
to improve their minds, and increase their opportunities. But an important
question to ask is, what does this mean for Zimbabwe? How many of these
young minds will return home?

During the first few weeks of my time at home I would go out to the few
remaining bars and clubs with a handful of friends who are still in Zim.
Harare's night scene felt like a ghost town. Everything was familiar, in
terms of architecture and decor, but it wasn't quite right. In the two years
that I had been away, the city had aged twenty. I felt detached and
bewildered, as if I was having a strange dream. I was confused, most of the
haunts of my teen years were either deserted, or had been taken over by my
former teachers.

As June rolled around there was a sudden and refreshing change. Music was
louder, laughter was heavier, conversation was lighter. Bars and night clubs
were teaming with youth. While the South African universities were on vac, a
breath of dynamism had infiltrated the gray and beige bars that we knew
existed only because of the stale smell of cigarette smoke. The brilliance
and energy of the 18-25 age group returned to Harare. Only to disappear just
as suddenly. After a month, music was muted, laughter became shy, and the
gray walls of the night spots were no longer obscured behind colourful,
shiny, spandex.

And although the city will be reminded of the existence of youth at regular
intervals, it will not forget the young people who have left and cannot
afford to come home. Many of them will not be allowed to reenter the country
by the time they have saved enough money to return. They will gain training,
earn degrees and enter into the workplace elsewhere, all the while, wishing
that they could spend their skills in Zimbabwe. But we will lose them, and
everything that we have invested in them.

Those who can afford to return home, I am sure, will continue to do so. They
love Zimbabwe, her sunshine, her people, her 'perfection'. But most of them
will never live here again. They will come back for two weeks every year and
wish that it could be longer. We will lose them, and everything that we have
invested in them.

When you consider the fact that Zimbabwean family life recognises, and is
based upon, the importance of children both for their economic contribution
while their parents are alive, as well as the foundation upon which the
future will be built; it is ironic that the environment has become so
hostile and discouraging to the youth.

Forty years ago my father moved to the United States for the purpose of
furthering his education. My mother sometimes tells me stories about that
time. There was a large community of young Africans in Washington, where my
parents lived. My mother says that there was always a very noticeable
difference between the way in which Zimbabweans and the other Africans
talked about home. It was clear that the Zimbabweans would return. They were
there so that they could return. They had hope, and a unifying dream of
going back to something great.

My generation of Zimbabweans abroad is jaded. In February of this year, I
attended the sixth annual Harvard Business School, African Business
Conference. One of the major themes discussed at this panel was the issue of
the 'Brain Drain.' All over the continent of Africa, countries are losing
their best educated citizens to higher paying jobs elsewhere. We are losing
our future leaders! This phenomenon is impeding the continent's economic and
social development. Many of the people at the conference had big plans of
returning home and starting businesses, making their fortunes at the same
time as improving their countries of origin. Unfortunately, very few of
these young entrepreneurs were Zimbabwean. Young Zimbabweans no longer dream
of something great that they will come home to, rather, they mourn for
something great that they have been denied.

Make Zimbabwe great once again. Invite the young people home.

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Justice Delayed is Justice Denied
International Bar Association (IBA)
IBA Weekly Column on Zimbabwe - No 043
August 02, 2004

Visit the IBA website at

Like every developing country that still relies largely on a manual system,
Zimbabwe experiences delays in its justice delivery system. Such delays can
be attributed to human error, absence of urgency in the prosecution of the
case by the lawyers, a failure to properly co-ordinate witnesses, in
criminal cases, and a host of other reasons.

However, of late the delays have increasingly come from the bench after a
case has been argued or prosecuted. This alarming trend has become of grave
concern to litigants and the legal profession, particularly as the delays in
passing judgment have become endemic in the Superior Courts such as the High
Court and the Supreme Court, which also doubles as a Constitutional Court.
It is no longer unusual for litigants to wait for more than six months for a
judgment that does not involve complex issues of law. Indeed, even
applications that are heard on an urgent basis can have judgment passed many
months afterwards and long after the feared harm has occurred. It has also
become normal practice that applications determined in the High Court on an
urgent basis receive no urgent attention in the Supreme Court if an appeal
is lodged.

The Law Society of Zimbabwe has raised the issue of delays at the highest
possible level in the hierarchy in the Judiciary. Although the Chief Justice
acknowledged the delays, he attributed these to the inexperience of both the
High Court and Supreme Court judges following the forced departure of more
experienced judges. The Judge President in the High Court has directed his
judges to deliver judgments within six months of hearing argument, unless
the matter is particularly complex, in which event the parties and his
office must be informed.

There is general skepticism surrounding the reasons given for delays as
these have, in the main, been cases that involve the Government and in which
a delayed result would suit it. The recent revelation by Judge Michael
Majuru that the Minister of Justice had asked him to delay the Daily News
case for at least three months gives credence to the belief that certain
delays are deliberately engineered in order to favour one of the litigants,
usually the Government or its agents, and to inflict maximum harm or damage
on any litigants that are perceived to be anti-government. A look at the
Daily News cases will show that although the High Court and the
Administrative Court heard the cases fairly urgently, the appeals in the
Supreme Court have moved at a snail's pace. The Constitutional challenge
filed in January, 2003 still awaits determination. Although argument on the
Constitutional challenge, which the court had already looked at when it made
the startling 'dirty hands' judgment was heard in March 2004 judgment is yet
to be delivered. The effect of this is that the Daily News remains in limbo
and the general belief that this delay will persist until after next year's
general election cannot be discounted as fiction.

The contempt of court application against the Immigration Officers who
unlawfully deported Andrew Meldrum was argued in the High Court in August,
2003. Yet as at the end of July 2004, no judgment had been delivered. The
election petitions that were heard mainly in 2001 and 2002 still remain
unresolved as not one appeal has had judgment delivered. With the looming
general elections in the first half of 2004, there can be no question that
the entire exercise has been rendered academic as Parliament is now in its
final session before the next elections.

The failure to timeously deliver judgments has of course spread to virtually
all kinds of litigation, including mundane issues dealing with normal family
law disputes and normal commercial litigation. This is a spin off of the
general decay in the judiciary where litigants no longer take center stage.
The delays have also become endemic in the general day to day operations of
the courts as time is no longer an important consideration. In the
Magistrates Court, although the courts are supposed to sit at 0830hours,
litigants and accused persons are told to be at court by 0800hours. However,
virtually no court sits at the starting time of 0830hours and cases are
unlikely to be called before 1000hours.

In the High Court, the judges generally regulate their commencement times
although the normal starting time is 1000hours for trials and 0900hours for
applications. While there is a small number of judges in the High Court that
still have respect for time, the majority simply do not care for time. One
judge who lives many kilometers away in a farm allocated to him through the
fast track land reform routinely starts his court long after the time he
would have advised to the parties. Regrettably, very little is being done
about this as those tasked with ensuring the smooth running of the Judiciary
are as guilty of these delays as their juniors. The net effect of these
deliberate delays in the administration of justice is that unnecessary
bottlenecks are created. Once one case or judgment is delayed, a ripple
effect is created and an unnecessary backlog is created.

There can be no question that these delays are extremely prejudicial to the
litigants as their rights are not timeously determined. The financial
prejudice in these cases that involve money assume proportions that could
lead to bankruptcy, particularly in a country with the high inflation that
Zimbabwe has. And of course, the general populace loses confidence in a
judiciary that fails to determine litigants' rights in a speedy manner. But
however adverse the situation, the judiciary can redeem itself from the
general belief that these delays are deliberate by ensuring that judgments
are delivered in a timely way.

Urgent and stern measures are needed to correct this development, but if the
delays are deliberate and meant to serve certain purposes, Zimbabweans will
continue with the charade of a functioning judiciary until the political
will to change things returns to those responsible for the present decay.

The adage that justice delayed is justice denied is no longer a cliché in
the Zimbabwean legal system, but a grim reality.

The International Bar Association is an organisation that represents the Law
Societies and Bar Associations around the world, and works to uphold the
rule of law. For further information, visit the website

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The Herald

Robbers, police exchange fire

Herald Reporter
DARING armed robbers exchanged fire with police detectives at a house in
Marlborough and used one of the occupants at the house as a human shield
against a hail of bullets as they tried to escape on Friday night.

A team of detectives, who had received a call that armed robbers had broken
into the house, arrived at the scene of crime at around 8pm when the four
armed robbers were ordering the family around.

Unaware of the presence of the police, the gang force-marched the owner of
the house, who is aged 60, and another family member upstairs, after which
they demanded all the money in the house.

Police officers followed upstairs with a plan to order the robbers to

The assailants presumably became suspicious when they heard footsteps and
hid in different places within the house.

The police, who sensed that their presence had been detected following an
abrupt silence, shouted orders for the men to surrender.

But the robbers fired several shots towards the entrance.

Police spokesperson Assistant Inspector Memory Pamire yesterday said the
shots were fired from various angles to mislead the detectives into assuming
that all the robbers were armed.

"The detectives fired back until they realised that the firing could not
have been done by more than one person," Asst Insp Pamire said.

One detective stealthily crawled into the room to the surprise of one of the
robbers, who hastily grabbed an elderly woman and threatened to harm her if
the detective got anywhere near him.

"The suspect, Noah Ngoma, who is aged 26, managed to escape while the other
three were arrested," Asst Insp Pamire said.

One of the suspects arrested was a gardener who worked at the house and had
his face covered at the time when they broke into his employer's house.

The other two suspects are also domestic workers in the area, but are
Dzivaresekwa residents.

Police managed to recover a pellet shotgun, a weapon that is suspected to
have been stolen during an earlier robbery after which it was used in
several armed robberies in Marlborough.

Also recovered were two mobile phones, two sim cards, a gold wristwatch and
a colour television set worth over $5 million.

Police in Marlborough have introduced cycle patrols to curb such crimes as
housebreaking and theft.

Last year a Marlborough couple was attacked and killed by domestic workers
who had worked for them for several years.

The former employees then burnt the bodies to ashes to conceal the murder.

Advertisements were flighted in several newspapers appealing for information
on the the whereabouts of the couple, who were presumed missing until the
gruesome discovery.

However, police eventually established that the domestic workers had moved
into the main house and were disposing of the household property, leading to
their arrest.
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Saraki Defies the Odds, Brings in White Farmers

Vanguard (Lagos)

August 1, 2004
Posted to the web August 2, 2004

Wale Akinola and Demola Akinyemi

Despite opposition from many quarters, some of the white farmers ejected
from Zimbabwe lands are now in Nigeria for a multi-million Naira project
that may bail

Nigeria out of her inadequate food production problem.

Farmers contribute more than 40 percent of the Gross

Domestic Product (GDP) in Zambabwe. 75 of those displaced by the land
problem in the country (Zimbabwe) have moved to Zambia. Very soon, Zambia
will export maize to Zimbabwe. We are very positive that we can work in
Nigeria. Irrigation is central to what we will do here". With these words,
Mr. Alan Jack explained the credentials of the white farmers group of six
members who last April came into Nigeria under the auspices of Zimbabwe
Farmers Council.

The visit had been undertaken to Nigeria by the white farmers following
their ejection from their lands by the Mugabe administration in Zimbabwe
under the guise that they had taken over most of the lands in the country.

The white farmers, whose ejection from the lands made their relocation from
Zimbabwe inevitable with some moving to places as far as Australia and New
Zealand, did not come without prompting. The visit was at the behest of
Kwara State Government whose Governor Bukola Saraki must have been impressed
by the agriculture revolution the white farmers had carried out in Zimbabwe.

If the input of the white farmers had significantly contributed more than 40
percent to the GDP of Zimbabwe as explained by Jack while reeling out the
credentials of the Southern African white farmers, Saraki must have reasoned
that it did not amount to over-reaching oneself to bring these farmers to
Nigeria to reverse the dwindling fortunes of agriculture. Agriculture had
done well in the period preceding the oil boom in Nigeria such that it was
the mainstay of the national economy with cocoa abundantly produced in the
west, groundnut and cotton in the north and oil palm in the east. Today, the
nation cannot feed itself not to talk of exporting any agricultural produce.
The vast majority of the people is on the hot chase of petro-dollar.

But the grim reality that sooner than later, the nation's oil deposits would
be exhausted has forced the government, especially at the centre, to look
inwards, the result of which is the decision that the people should return
to the farm. It is against the backdrop of this scenario that the Saraki
administration extended invitation to the Zimbabwe farmers so that now that
the government of that country had dispensed with their services, they could
avail the people of Nigeria the technology they had used in Zimbabwe to turn
around the nation's fortunes in farming.

The problem with agriculture in the country is not so much with the
unwillingness of the people to go into the profession, but with the lack of
technology to embark on large scale farming especially since the prevailing
situation has reduced the Nigerian to a subsistent farmer. Closely
associated with this is the problem of funding in a society where lending
rates are prohibitive. These are the problems the Saraki administration
believed would be solved with the white farmers involvement in the nation's
agriculture with a view to putting the people on acceptable pedestal in food

Aside the inflow of foreign investments the initiators of the project
believed it would engender, it was also thought that the white farmers
involvement would supply the confidence needed to get the local banking
process to augment agriculture funding. On the latter, they have not been
wrong as no fewer than five banks are already involved in the white farmers

The move to change the face of agriculture in the country was consummate
last week when the government of Kwara State signed a memorandum of
understanding (MOU) with the white farmers. Significantly, the brains behind
this initiative have not pushed the project to this stage of acceptance
without stirring a controversy.

The controversy had largely bordered on the fear that the problem that sent
the white farmers packing from Zimbabwe may re-occur here. The critics
grouse was predicated on the grounds that the white farmers, if allowed in
Nigeria, would in a matter of time, appropriate Nigerian lands.

Even the presidential backing the initiative got with President Olusegun
Obasanjo explaining that the nation had sufficient laws to take care of
whatever lapses that may result from the Zimbabwean experience appeared
inadequate to calm the critics.

Some National Assembly members in fact joined the fray. The chairman of the
House of Representatives Committee on Agriculture, Dr. Ahmed Lawan, however,
clarified the position of the House when he said that although the (white
farmers) investment proposal was in order, the farmers must fulfil some
conditions before they would be allowed to begin business.

His statement captured the stand of the opposition. "Having people bringing
money into our country by way of investment is a welcome idea. If there are
people who are willing to come, we should welcome them, but it should be on
some conditions", he said. One of the conditions, according to him, is for
the farmers to specify how long they would use the land.

This was ostensibly to prevent the Zimbabwean experience from occurring
here. Ahmed said the lawmakers would insist that the land should be used for
crops of national priority. One other things that would determine allocation
of land to the white farmers, he stressed, was the issue of remittance.

In this regard, he was of the view that the Federal Government should be
entitled to a certain percentage of the proceeds from the farm.

According to the chairman, the law to be made on the issue will ensure that
indigenous farming activities are not jeopardized by the foreign farmers.

With the signing last Tuesday of the MOU between the government and the
white farmers, the grey areas have apparently been resolved.

For instance, on the fear that the Zimbabwean problem would resurface in
Nigeria, an argument that forced the chairman of the House of
Representatives Committee on Agriculture to demand that the white farmers
should specify how long they would use the Nigerian land, Governor Bukola
Saraki, who signed the MOU on behalf of his government, said land leasehold
to the farmers would last for only 25 years, saying however that the
leasehold is renewable. "What we have done is to limit the lease to 25 years
and renew it after that period.

Initially, we talked about longer lease but when we took into consideration
people's contributions and the issue of truth, we arrived at 25 years,
renewable after 25 years", the governor said. But the point we should also
appreciate is the value we believe the land would bring.

We have land and most of the lands are expensive to government in terms of
clearing for agricultural purposes. The main objective is making our land
productive and reassure the royal fathers and seek their participation. I
have reassured them and series of meetings have been held with members of
the communities to allay their fears".

Saraki, in a nutshell, explained what the white farmers project will
achieve. His words: "Food production would improve and increase. We hope to
see improvement in beds practices, we hope to see an increase in yield per
hectare which has always been a problem of agricultural production in
Nigeria, where farmers after all the hard work produce yields of just one
hectare or one tonne per hectare. Meanwhile in many other places (countries)
you could get about 5 to 8 tonnes per hectare.

Those are the key issues, if that can be one of the things we can achieve,
showing the techniques at the farm bases, based on research taking
cognisance of temperature, recording sunlight, soil test among others to
determine the best type of seedlings for the area, this kind of technology
could be passed on to our farmers. The most important thing is
agro-allied -- every thing processed goes into agro-allied (e.g) dairy
products for mill processing, rice production, flow export and vegetables

Asked why the choice of the white Zimbabwean farmers among others options,
the governor said: "They are the best farmers today in Africa. An
alternative is the South Africans. The best farmers we have today with the
best practices are the Zimbabwean farmers, who presently today due to their
predicament are looking for alternative, and they want to stay in Africa,
some of them have moved to New Zealand or Australia but some of them believe
they have been here now as the fifth generation, so they want to stay in

They have the best practice, hence, we want the values transmitted here". He
continued: "By this action, processing is no longer the problem of
government . The farmers would sell their produce somewhere. Majority of
these farmers are commercial farmers, as they are producing, they are
thinking of the processing, people are already thinking about setting up
processing plants.

Tangible result

My concern is to discard the idea of government spoon feeding with huge
amounts without any tangible result at the end of the day even with the good
intention. If you look at how much we have spent, and I keep on making
example with tractors, if you look at what each state military administrator
spent on tractors, we should have no problem with agriculture in Nigeria.
But that is not the case. So what we are doing now is finding the private
sector to take the initiatives, and if they are successful, terms could

The first farmers are getting this concession because they are the pioneer,
we need the support of everybody. And I keep on saying it, how many of them,
10 to 15 compared to a state of population of 2.2 people million. I don"t
think they can take over land, let us look at it from that angle and give
the required support in the interest of our own people.

We made it clear to them, maximum of years they must develop the land fully,
the banks need to come and support the programme for the abundant benefit to
the people". Expectations are high that with the white farmers programme on
stream, the nation would, in the not distant future, not only be self
sufficient in food production but have extra to export.
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The Private Sector, Political Elites and Underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan

South African Institute of International Affairs (Johannesburg)

August 2, 2004
Posted to the web August 2, 2004

Moeletsi Mbeki

Why are most Africans in Sub-Saharan Africa poor and why are they getting
poorer while most people in the rest of the world are becoming better off?
The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund who have become
Sub-Saharan Africa's fairy godmother and godfather respectively, every year
churn out statistics that tell the same tale - Africans are poor and in many
instances have fallen so far down it is difficult to imagine them getting
poorer. With poverty and growing impoverishment go conflicts over scarce and
shrinking resources. Hence Sub-Saharan Africa's apparently never ending
cycle of violent conflicts.

In its seminal study, Can African Claim the 21st Century?, the World Bank
made the following observations about Sub-Saharan Africa (1): "Despite gains
in the second half of the 1990s, Sub-Saharan Africa (Africa) enters the 21st
century with many of the world's poorest countries. Average per capita
income is lower than at the end of the 1960s. Incomes, assets, and access to
essential services are unequally distributed. And the region contains a
growing share of the world's absolute poor, who have little power to
influence the allocation of resources."

The World Bank's observations are collaborated by other researchers. This
was how the prestigious (US) National Bureau of Economic Research summarised
the living condition of Africans (2): "Thirty six percent of the region's
population lives in economies that in 1995 had not regained the per capita
income levels first achieved before 1960. Another six percent are below
levels first achieved by 1970, 41% below 1980 levels and 11% below 1990
levels. Only 35 million people reside in nations that had higher incomes in
1995 than they had ever reached before."

Key to economic development

All modern schools of political thought, from Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin
on the left to Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman on the rights are agreed
on at least one thing; the private sector is the driver of modern economic

In a quest for greater security and comfort, the theory goes, private
individuals and their households are driven to seek more and more material
wealth. This process in turn compels these private individuals to produce
more and more and exchange what they produce with other individuals who are
also seeking greater security and comfort. The sum total of these acts of
production, exchange and consumption constitute the modern capitalist
economy. The capitalist economy is therefore inherently driven to produce
more and more so that its denizens may get greater and greater security and

For the private individuals to produce more and better, they must generate
savings that they plough back into the production process as new and
improved techniques, processes and products. This enables these private
individuals to constantly produce more products, better products and more
diverse products that are capable of exchange with other private individuals
who are doing the same.

This is the inexorable logic of capital accumulation. The more you produce
the more you must produce, the cheaper you must produce and the better
products you must produce because if you do not, others who are seeking
greater security and comfort will displace you in the marketplace and you
will therefore suffer reduced security and comfort. The key words of this
system are therefore production, exchange, markets, savings, improved
techniques (research & development), medium of exchange (money), and
economic growth.

Africans are of course no different from other human beings in that they
also want security and comfort. What is happening however is that the great
majority of Africans are today experiencing the opposite; less security and
comfort and in many instance they face hunger, homelessness, threats of
violence and actual violence, and starvation on a daily basis.

Africa however has arguably one of the largest private sectors in the world
today. Most Africans live and work in private households that populate the
African countryside, see Table 1. Theoretically, if we refer to the model
described above, Africa should be a hive of economic activity and growth
driven by the logic of these private individuals and households attempting
to maximize their security and comfort. What has gone wrong?

In the model described above the underlying assumption is that private
individuals are free to pursue their search for security and comfort and
they therefore own and control the means of achieving their objectives. They
are assumed to be free to exchange what they produce without let or
hindrance and that where they are able to make savings, they are free to
retain those savings and plough them back in improved techniques or in other
investment avenues as they may wish.

This is not the case with the private sector in Sub-Saharan Africa. Africa's
private sector is predominantly made up of peasants and secondly, of
subsidiaries of foreign-owned multinational corporations. Neither of these
two groups have the complete freedom to operate in the market place because
they are both politically dominated by others - non-producers who control
the state. Herein lay the weakness of the private sector in Africa that
explains its inability to become the engine of economic development.
Africa's private sector lacks political power and is therefore not free to
operate to maximize its objectives. Above all, it is not free to decide what
happens to its savings. Let us start with the situation of Africa's

Peasants vulnerability

According to Marx, peasants are not able to form an independent political
force that can represent their interests; they are therefore open to
exploitation by other social groups that dominate them politically.

In one of the famous passages from his classic analysis of French society in
the 19th century, Marx had this to say about the powerlessness and therefore
vulnerability of peasants (3): "The small-holding peasants form a vast mass,
the members of which live in similar conditions but without entering into
manifold relations with one another. Their mode of production isolates them
from one another instead of bringing them into a mutual intercourse. Each
family is almost self-sufficient; it itself directly produces the major part
of its consumption and thus acquires its means of life more through exchange
with nature than in intercourse with society. A smallholding, a peasant and
his family; along side them another peasant and another family. A few score
of these make up a village, and a few score of villages make up a
Department . In so far as millions of families live under economic
conditions of existence that separate their mode of life, their interests
and their culture from those of the other classes, and put them in a hostile
position to the latter, they form a class. In so far as there is merely a
local interconnection among these small holding peasants, and the identity
of their interests begets no community, no national bond and no political
organization among them, they do not form a class. They are consequently
incapable of enforcing their class interests in their own name, whether
through a parliament of through a convention. They cannot represent
themselves, they must be represented."

But who represents the interests of the peasants in Africa today? The answer
is nobody. The one African politician who claims to act in the interests of
peasants, Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, has reduced the once proud and almost
self-sufficient Zimbabwean peasants to paupers who now have to be fed by the
United Nations' World Food Programme. Africa's peasants are therefore prey
to the forces that have the ability to form political organization and
therefore control the state. The way that peasants are preyed upon by the
controllers of the state - the political elite - has been studied
extensively not least by the World Bank itself.(4)

Fundamentally, the political elite uses its control of the state to extract
the surplus or savings that if the peasant were free to retain they would
have invested in improving their production techniques or to diversify into
other economic activities. Through marketing boards, taxation systems and
the like, the political elite diverts these savings to finance its own
consumption and the strengthening of the repressive instruments of the
state. A great deal of what Africa's political elites consume and what the
African state consumes, is however not produced locally but is rather
imported. Elite and state consumption therefore does not create a
significant market for African producers but instead acts as a major drain
of national savings that would otherwise have gone into productive
investment in Africa.

This is the secret to Africa's growing impoverishment despite its large
private sector. The more the African political elites consolidate their
power, the more they strengthen their hold over the state, the more the
peasants are likely to become poorer, and the more the African economies are
likely to regress or at best, to mark time.

One of the most striking illustrations of this phenomenon is Nigeria.
According to a study of Nigeria prepared by the Centre for the Study of
African Economies at Oxford University, over the period from 1980 to 2000
per capita GDP (in $1996 purchasing power parity terms) fell from US$1215 to
US$706. The authors point out that growth and poverty are very closely
related and that the 40% drop in purchasing power parity understates the
size of Nigeria's problem. "First the fall in real per capita consumption
was very much greater while the available evidence suggests that inequality
rose. This combination of a very large fall in per capita consumption
combined with increasing inequality implies a large rise in poverty." (5)
According to another source, the number of Nigerians living below the
poverty line increased from 19 million in 1970 to 90 million in 2000. This
was accompanied by a massive rise in inequality. In 1970 the top 2% of the
population earned the same income as the bottom 17% but by 2000, the income
of the top 2% was equal to that of the bottom 55%.(6)

The most graphic illustrations of this iron law of African underdevelopment
is the role the oil industry plays in Africa. Oil revenues make it possible
for the political elite to literally become detached from the local
population and economy and therefore to live in an oasis. When this happens
there is therefore no need for the political elite and the state it controls
to invest in mass education, health care, housing and transportation
infrastructure that the population at large needs. Everything thus goes into
a state of decay except of course for the welfare of the political elite and
the repressive machinery of the state.

This was how The Economist (London, 25.01.2003 ) described the impact of oil
production on Equatorial Guinea and Gabon: "Equatorial Guinea now pumps more
oil per person than Saudi Arabia. Its economy, once negligible, has grown at
an incredible 40% annually since 1996, when the oil boom began. A few years
ago, the streets of the capital, Malabo, were as quiet as Sao Tome's are
today. Now, Malabo's pretty Spanish colonial architecture bristles with
satellite dishes, and the streets, bathed at night in an orange glow from
gas flared at a nearby methanol plant, are gaudy with sports cars, tropical
palaces and prostitutes who flutter in from nearby countries such as
Cameroon. And the tiny country's agriculture is blighted: cocoa and snail
farmers have rushed to the town to grab at the oil bonanza. Equatorial
Guinea was never well governed: Obiang Nguema, the president, seized power
by executing his uncle in 1979. But oil has made his regime increasingly
paranoid. Several members of the ruling family are thought to want a bigger
slurp at the oil barrel. Mr Obiang sees plots everywhere, and arranged
periodic crackdowns. Several opposition leaders were jailed last year after
a mass trial, to which many defendants turned up with broken arms and legs.
Mr Obiang scoffs at western notions of transparency, insisting that how much
money his government earns from oil is nobody's business. 'Oil has turned
him crazy,' says Celestino Bacale, a brave opposition politician.

"In next door Gabon, Omar Bongo has been in power since 1967. He is more
subtle than Mr Obiang. He does not torture his enemies but buys them off.
Decades of oil revenues have corrupted Gabonese society and eroded its work
ethic. Citizens aspire to soft billets in the civil service, and turn their
noses up at menial jobs like taxi driving and shop -keeping, which they
leave to immigrants from poorer places such as Togo and Mali. Agriculture in
Gabon, as in Equatorial Guinea, is all but dead."

Vulnerability of Multinational Corporations

European joint stock companies have operated in Africa since the dawn of the
capitalist era. They financed, insured and operated the ships that
transported the slaves to the New World. One of the most famous among them,
the Dutch East India Company, started the colonization of South Africa in
the mid-17the century. With the emergence of colonialism proper after the
1884 Berlin Conference, these companies followed close on the heels of the
colonialists' conquering armies and established agricultural plantations,
mines, railways, harbours and new cities. Later they diversified into making
consumer goods for the burgeoning African market, from soap and beer to
blankets, fishing nets, processing of raw materials etc.

When the colonialists retreated from the 1950s onwards, these colonial
subsidiaries lost their key protector, the colonial state. Before long they,
like the peasants, fell prey to the appetites and whims of the new African
political elites who controlled the newly independent African states. The
lucky ones were nationalized and their owners were therefore paid
compensation; the not so lucky ones were 'privatized'. Many survived as best
they could through corrupting the new elite or finding ways of ingratiating
themselves with the new masters.

What has been most striking about the political elites in Sub-Saharan Africa
has been their aversion to becoming involved in industry whether
manufacturing or mining. The private sector in these sectors is therefore
still dominated by foreign owned companies with parastatals increasingly
playing a minor role.

A recent study by the World Bank shows that the most productive companies
in, for example Nigeria, are those owned by Multinational Corporation or by
non-African industrialists - Indians, Chinese, Lebanese etc., see Table 2.
All these owners are easy targets as they are not represented within the
political elites. In common with the peasants, they are therefore subjected
to all sorts of official and unofficial taxes ranging from backhanders for
factory inspectors and customs officials through to artificially high
electricity tariffs, arbitrary municipal rates and the like.

This is another way that the African political elite contributes to
fostering Africa's underdevelopment. By obstructing the operations of
industry and diverting a large part of its profit to elite consumption,
Africa's manufacturing industries are unable to grow and therefore to create
employment for all grades of workers.

According to a Ghanaian researcher his country's economy was in "free fall"
before 1983 when the World Bank came to the rescue.(7) "Between 1970 and
1980 per capita GDP declined by a total of 19,7%; from 1980 to 1983 it
dropped by a further 21,3%. There was sharp decline in both domestic and
export production. The manufacturing index plunged from 100 in 1977 to 69,0
in 1980 and 63,3 in 1981, with average capacity utilisation in that year
estimated at only 24%." Even after a decade of the World Bank and other
donors trying to breathe life into Ghana's industry from 1983: "Overall
capacity utilization improved from 30% in 1983 to 40% in 1989 and appears to
have stagnated at around this level for much of industry in the 1990s." Not
surprisingly, Africa loses more than 20 000 graduates every year who
emigrate out of the continent.

The Peculiarity of South Africa Though part of Sub-Saharan Africa
geographically, South Africa has two features that distinguish it from the
rest of the region. Firstly, South Africa does not have a peasant social
class.(8) Secondly, its private sector is owned mainly by South African
citizens, one of the unintended consequences of sanctions and dis-investment
in the 1970s and 1980s. These two features have enormous implications for
governance in South Africa.

While South Africa is ruled by a political elite that has much the same
roots and characteristics as most of the political elites in the rest of
Sub-Saharan Africa, its room for manoeuvre is enormously constrained by the
fact that it does not have a passive peasantry to exploit. Instead it is
surrounded by a dynamic private sector that is owned by South African
citizens whose rights are entrenched constitutionally and are enforceable by
the propertied classes themselves through the franchise; through the
judiciary; and through the independent mass media that sees itself as the
watchdog over the rights of citizens.

Secondly, the political elite in South Africa was compelled in the struggle
against apartheid to enter into alliances with the black urban working
class. South Africa's urban working class is existentially the opposite of
peasant smallholders in that it is organized into independent social
movements, especially trade unions, which articulate and represent its
interests. Central to the interests of the black working class and private
sector owners is job creation for the former and profit maximisation for the
latter. Both these major social and political forces thus have a common
interest to promote economic growth and therefore to minimize the private
consumption of the political elite.

It is this that makes South Africa different from the rest of the region and
that accounts for its ability to grow its economy while the economies of the
rest of Sub-Saharan Africa are stymied by the dead weight of political elite

All this does not mean that the political elite in South Africa, like other
political elites in the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa, will not try to enrich
itself at the expense of private sector producers. Black Economic
Empowerment, BEE, in South Africa is in reality the flipside of the attempt
to siphon savings from private sector operators in an environment where
there are no peasants and where most of the private sector is locally owned.
The fact that BEE has proved to be a far more uphill battle for the
political elite in South Africa is due to the ability of the private sector
to resist dispossession. But these are early days. Time will tell who will
come out best from what could be a titanic struggle by the political elite
to 'privatise' the private wealth of South Africa's current private sector

Interestingly, the political elite in South Africa is being encouraged in
this venture - BEE- by elements of the super-rich who seek political favours
from the state to externalise their assets and to get the first bite of
government contracts and privatisation deals.

New Democracy for Sub-Saharan Africa

Can the New Partnership for Africa's Development, NEPAD, change the lethal
equation that afflicts Sub-Saharan Africa? While NEPAD may address some of
the worse excesses of the political elites through the African Peer Review
Mechanism it does not address the fundamental malaise, that is, the enormous
power imbalance between the political elite and key private sector

If the driving force behind Sub-Saharan Africa's underdevelopment is the
structural powerlessness of producers and therefore their inability to
retain and control their savings, it should be self-evident that until this
equation is reversed there will be no development in the sub-region. But how
is this to be reversed and by whom?

If Sub-Saharan Africa is to develop, it needs a new type of democracy, a
kind that will empower not just the political elite but that will empower
Sub-Saharan Africa's private sector producers as well. In the first
instance, it is necessary that peasants must become the real owners of their
primary asset, land. This is the only way that there can be land
improvements in Sub-Saharan Africa instead of what is happening at present,
that is, rampant deforestation and accelerating desertification. This means
freehold must be introduced and the so-called communal land tenure system
which in reality is state land ownership, must be abolished.

Secondly, peasant producers must gain direct access to world markets without
the political elite, through state corporations, acting as the go-between.
This means that cash crops must be auctioned by the producers themselves
rather than being sold first to state controlled marketing boards. This is
already the case with tobacco in Zimbabwe.

Another important innovation that is needed are new financial institutions
that are independent of the political elite that will address the financial
needs of not just peasants but also other small to medium scale producers.
These could be co-operatives, credit unions, savings banks etc. Besides
providing financial services these institutions would undertake all the
other technical services that are not being provided at present by the
political elite such as crop research, extension services, livestock
improvement, storage, transportation, distribution and many other services
that would contribute to make agriculture in Sub-Saharan Africa more

This is where foreign donors could play a more constructive role than they
are doing at present through their current efforts to sustain the political
elites and African states with budgetary support and the like. Donors could
support these independent institutions by providing the expertise to manage
them and to some extent help shield them from predators.

What socio-economic system would these changes bring about? Certainly not
socialism! These changes would for the first time bring into being in Africa
a capitalist market economy that answers to the needs of African producers
rather than what has happened in the past, to the needs of colonialists and
in more recent time, non-producers, who try to perpetuate the role cast for
Africa by colonialists as a primary producer.

An important lesson Sub-Saharan Africa could draw from are the agricultural
reforms that took place in China during the past 25 years or so. It was in
the first instance changes in the agricultural sector that made it possible
for China to embark on its current break-neck industrialization process.(9)

For labour statistics and tables click here.


1. World Bank, Washington DC, 2000, p.1

2. Richard B. Freeman & David L. Lindaner; Why not Africa?, NBER Working
Paper 6942, Cambridge MA, 1999

3. Karl Marx, The Eighteen Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte in Karl Marx &
Frederick Engels; Selected Works in One Volume, London 1970, pp.170-1

4. Can African Claim the 21st Century, Chap 6. See also World Bank,
Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa, Washington DC, 1981

5. Centre for the Study of African Economies; Sources of Growth in Nigeria:
An Initial Analysis, Oxford University, Oxford, April 2003 (unpublished)

6. Nancy Birdsall & Arvind Subramanian; Saving Iraq from Its Oil, Foreign
Affairs July-August 2004 pp. 77 - 89, New York 2004

7. Eboe Hutchful; Ghana's Adjustment Experience; The Paradox of Reform,
Oxford 2002, p.6 & pp. 81-2

8. Colin Bundy; The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry, London

9. Chen Xiwen; Reform of Economic Structure in China's Rural Areas, in Wang
Mengkui (ed), China's Economic Transformation over 20 Years, pp. 197-264,
Beijing 2000

*Moeletsi Mbeki is deputy chairman of the South African Institute of
International Affair, an independent think tank based at the University of
the Witwatersrand. This is an expanded version of a talk given to the Africa
Club at the London Business School in June 2004.
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Talk of dialogue over electoral reforms

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

VICTORIA FALLS, 3 Aug 2004 (IRIN) - Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF on Tuesday
called for the support of its opposition rival, the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), to amend the constitution to allow electoral reforms before
next year's parliamentary poll.

"We only need four votes from the opposition to form a [two-thirds] majority
and then make constitutional amendments to enable us to implement the
electoral reforms, and we hope the MDC will join us in effecting the
reforms," ZANU-PF secretary for information and publicity, Nathan
Shamuyarira, said at a two-day conference in the resort town of Victoria
Falls on democratising Southern Africa's electoral laws.

Among the key revisions proposed by the government would be the appointment
of an independent electoral commission, combining the functions of four
controversial electoral bodies, which would require a constitutional
amendment. Under the plan, President Robert Mugabe would appoint the
chairman of the commission, while its five commissioners would be appointed
by parliament.

Other reforms Shamuyarira said the government intended to introduce before
the March 2005 poll include reducing the voting period to one day, the use
of visible indelible ink, the counting of ballots at polling stations and
more polling stations.

The revisions would comply with standards set by the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) parliamentary forum, and could help deflect
some of the criticism levelled at the management of previous elections in
Zimbabwe. Senior ZANU-PF officials remain under sanctions by the European
Union and United States over the violence surrounding the 2002 presidential
poll, and the country is still suspended from the Commonwealth.

But MDC secretary general Welshman Ncube suggested at the Victoria Falls
conference that far more needed to be done before Zimbabwe's electoral
process could be considered free and fair. This included the restoration of
the rule of law, suspension of political violence and the repeal of sections
of the controversial Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act, which limit freedoms of
association and expression.

"Having all those reforms would be very good, but as long as the environment
in which elections are held is not conducive to free and fair elections,
then there would be no point in having the reforms," Ncube said. He noted
that MDC campaign rallies were cancelled by the police, while ruling party
gatherings went on unimpeded.

Ncube complained that the ruling party had failed to consult on the proposed
amendments. "Strangely, they now want us to go and endorse reforms which
they refused to discuss with us". He said a decision on cooperation could
only be made by the MDC's national executive.

Shamuyarira responded that talks were needed between the two parties to find
areas of common understanding, and "I will definitely pursue that issue of
dialogue so that we map the way forward".

Constitutional law expert and chairman of the pro-democracy National
Constitutional Assembly, Lovemore Madhuku, said collaboration between
ZANU-PF and the MDC on electoral reform could expand into a wider dialogue,
which officially has been stalemated since 2002 over the MDC's refusal to
accept Mugabe's controversial poll victory.

"This could actually open opportunities for dialogue, which everybody has
been crying for, and the ball is in the MDC's court. Without the opposition,
the ruling party cannot amend the constitution, so it would be the only
chance for the opposition to attach conditions before supporting the
amendments," he told IRIN.

Political analyst Reginald Matchaba-Hove said the request by the ruling
party was an indication that the two parties needed each other. "Whatever
room there is should be exploited to introduce dialogue between the two
major political parties. If there are areas on which they agree, like
introducing electoral reforms, then that would be a good starting place," he

However, Brian Kagoro, chairman of the NGO umbrella group, Crisis Zimbabwe
Coalition, said he was concerned that talk of reform was "dangerously
deceptive". "The reforms do not sound genuine because there are no attempts
to normalise electoral issues, like the use of POSA in restricting the
opposition from holding rallies."

The two-day conference on Promoting Regional Initiatives on Electoral
Reforms in Southern Africa was co-hosted by the Electoral Institute of
Southern Africa and the Zimbabwe Election Support Network and attracted
parliamentarians from the SADC region.

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      ZIMBABWE  3/8/2004 17:14

      The Medicines Control Authority of Zimbabwe (MCAZ) has appealed to
Zimbabweans to help police by coming forward with all possible information
concerning the sale on the black market of anti-AIDS drugs. Speaking on
state television on Sunday evening, the director of the government agency
Mofios Dauramanzi stressed that the sale of unregistered anti-retroviral
(ARVs) drugs (which slow down the progression of HIV/AIDS) represents a
health risk for citizens as well as being illegal. Dauramanzi also explained
that an awareness-raising campaign is underway in conjunction with the
police to inform people of the risks involved in taking non-prescribed drubs
outside all medical supervision. The Zimbabwean authorities sounded the
alarm over the arrival of large quantities of counterfeit anti-AIDS drugs
from southern Africa, and which are sold on the domestic black market
without medical supervision. According to a health ministry spokesman,
Zimbabwe (and perhaps also other African countries) is the target of very
lucrative but equally dangerous illegal activities. In effect, a network of
unscrupulous salespersons has allegedly started to purchase batches of
anti-AIDS drugs from poor families in countries where governments have
already started distributing ARVs free of charge only to sell them at low
cost in those States where the cost of such treatment is still high.
According to the Zimbabwean health minister, the risks for patients are
extremely high, as the administration of ARVs requires regular contact
between doctor and patient in order to monitor the efficacy of the medicine
and to keep an eye on possible side effects. The experts stress that the
main risk arising from 'casual' treatment is that over time the body becomes
resistant to the drug, for now the only substance able to slow down the
development of the most devastating symptoms of HIV/AIDS. Zimbabwe is one of
the countries worst hit by the virus, with an average of 3.000 deaths a
week. In July 2003, the government published its own study showing that 24,6
% of the 11,6 million Zimbabweans carried HIV, the virus that causes AIDS.
According to a recent study by a non-governmental organisation published by
the Zimbabwean news agency 'New Ziana' recently, approximately 70 % of
people receiving hospital treatment in Zimbabwe are HIV positive or sick
with AIDS and "33% of pregnant women carry HIV". [LC]

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HIV/Aids Threatens Labour Force

The Herald (Harare)

August 3, 2004
Posted to the web August 3, 2004

Sifelani Tsiko

AN estimated 36,5 million people of working age now have HIV and by next
year the global labour force will have lost as many as 28 million workers
with the majority of them in Africa due to Aids since the start of the
epidemic, according to a new International Labour Organisation global report
released recently.

In the first global analysis of the impact of Aids on the world's labour
force, the ILO estimates that in the absence of increased access to
treatment, the number of workers lost due to HIV/Aids will have increased to
48 million by 2010 and 74 million by 2015.

This would make the disease one of the biggest causes of mortality in the
work world.

New findings in the new ILO report indicate that of the 35,7 million persons
between the ages of 15 and 49 estimated to be infected with HIV, 26 million
are workers, if others aged over 64, those in the informal sector are
included, the figure rises to 36,5 million.

"HIV/Aids is not only a human crisis, it is a threat to sustainable global,
social and economic development," says ILO director-general Juan Somavia.

"The loss of life and the debilitating effects of the illness will lead not
only to a reduced capacity to sustain production and employment, reduce
poverty and promote development, but will be a burden borne by all
societies - rich and poor alike."

The international labour agency estimates that in 2005, two million workers
globally will be unable to work - up from 500 000 in 1995 - and by 2015 the
number will double to four million people who are unable to work due to

As a result, other economically active workers will be forced to shoulder an
increased economic burden as their colleagues die of the pandemic.

Other adults in the household of a person with HIV/Aids will have to
shoulder an increased burden of care while adults in the working ages, too,
may have to drop economically productive activities to divert time to care
especially in developing countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the

The ILO says the indirect impact of care can double the indirect impact of
the illness where the burden of care is in the household and on the family.

"These effects of HIV/Aids on the labour force and on all person of working
age are measurable in their overall impact on economic growth and
development," says Franklyn Lisk, director of ILO Aids programme.

"By causing the illness and death of workers, the HIV/Aids epidemic reduces
the stock of skills and experience of the labour force.

"This loss in human capital is a direct threat to the Millennium Development
Goals of reducing poverty and promoting sustainable development," Lisk says.

The majority of countries affected by the epidemic are in Africa where the
regional average prevalence among the 15 to 49-year-olds is 7,7 percent.

According to ILO findings of 2000, the size of the labour force in some
African countries could be up to 35 percent smaller by the year 2020 than it
would have been without Aids.

Africa today is losing its prime labour force to the pandemic and most of
those infected are experienced and skilled workers in both blue and
white-collar jobs.

Development experts say workers at special risk on the continent include
miners, transport workers, security personnel, teachers, health workers and
seasonal or migrant workers in agricultural, construction and tourism

They say Aids is having an especially severe impact on agriculture in
Africa, in particular on women who perform most principal tasks in farming.

The World Health Organisation in 2003 reported that there were 3,5 million
new cases of HIV and Aids in Africa.

East and Southern Africa were the hardest hit regions on the continent
having 38 percent of 3,5 million cases on the continent.

The pandemic has claimed the lives of more than 17 million Africans and has
affected 25 million others living with disease.

Children, the ILO says, will suffer from a lack of parental care and
guidance or find themselves forced to abandon schooling and seek work that
not only threatens their physical well-being but will deprive them of
education, skills and training, threatening the twin goals of eliminating
child labour and sustainable development.

Latest UN figures show that the number of children around the world who have
lost one or both parents to Aids has reached 15 million and is expected to
rise to 18,4 million by the end of the decade. In sub-Saharan Africa, the
number of children orphaned by Aids increased from less than one million in
1990 to about 12 million in 2003.

Extended family members are caring for about 90 percent of children without

"The challenge for national policy is to address human capital issues and
develop means to sustain the supply and quality of public goods and
services," the new ILO report says.

To reach a critical mass of response to the epidemic, the labour agency
says, a supportive and enabling environment needs to be fostered with
specific focus on the legal framework, sustaining educational and employment
capacity and reduction of poverty.

But the workplace holds out extraordinary promise as part of the solution to
implement programmes to fight the epidemic.

"The workplace is an ideal medium for a comprehensive approach to HIV/Aids,"
the report says.

"Work provides a venue - the workp- lace - where talking about Aids is
especially relevant, where prevention skills can be directly transmitted and
where treatment can be exceptionally productive."

The study was carried out in countries in Africa, Latin America, Asia, the
Caribbean and in two developed regions.
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