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by M.J. Smith 1 hour, 42 minutes ago
JOHANNESBURG (AFP) - South
African President Thabo Mbeki will visit Zimbabwe
this weekend to meet the
country's political rivals, his government said
Friday, amid signs
power-sharing talks have moved closer to a deal.
The trip by Mbeki,
who mediates in negotiations between President Robert
Mugabe's party and the
Zimbabwe opposition, comes after more than two weeks
of discussions in South
Africa between representatives of the rival sides.
"He's going Saturday
to meet the leaders of the political parties involved
in the SADC-mandated
talks facilitated by South Africa," foreign ministry
spokesman Ronnie
Mamoepa said, referring to the Southern African Development
Community
regional bloc.
Mbeki, who returns on Sunday, will meet Mugabe and
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai, as well
as the leader of a
smaller MDC faction, Arthur Mutambara, the spokesman
said.
It was unclear, however, whether the meetings would be held
separately or in
one session.
A spokesman for Mutambara told AFP that
all three Zimbabwean leaders would
meet soon in Harare. Edwin Mushoriwa said
negotiators were expected to
return home from South Africa on Friday and the
meeting would take place
afterwards.
South African newspaper Business
Day reported that Mugabe and Tsvangirai
will meet Sunday as the two sides
draw nearer to a power-sharing agreement.
Mbeki's trip comes ahead of
Zimbabwe's Heroes' Day on Monday, which
commemorates fighters who died in
the guerrilla war that led to independence
in 1980.
Mugabe himself
was seen as a liberation hero in the war and was propelled
into power
afterwards, where he has remained ever since.
The 84-year-old was
re-elected in a June 27 presidential run-off that was
widely condemned as a
sham after Tsvangirai dropped out of the race, citing
violence against his
supporters that had killed dozens and injured
thousands.
Tsvangirai
finished ahead of Mugabe in the March first round of the
election, and the
two sides entered power-sharing talks following a July 21
deal laying the
framework for negotiations.
In a sign the two sides were moving closer to
an agreement, the parties
issued a joint statement earlier this week calling
on their supporters to
halt political violence.
The main sticking
points in the talks are believed to involve what roles
Mugabe and Tsvangirai
would play in a power-sharing government.
Tsvangirai believes his
first-round total gives him the right to the lion's
share of power, but
sources in his party said previously that Mugabe's
negotiators had so far
only offered him one of several vice-presidential
posts.
The ruling
ZANU-PF party has insisted Mugabe must be recognised as president
as part of
any deal, since he won the June 27 vote.
But pressure, both
internationally and regionally, has built on Mugabe to
reach a deal,
analysts say, making it likely an accord is within reach.
The dire
economic situation could also force Mugabe's hand, with Zimbabwe
facing the
world's highest inflation rate and major food shortages.
"For ZANU-PF,
it's a matter of political survival," said Eldred Masunungure,
a political
scientist from the University of Zimbabwe.
"ZANU-PF has been put into a
corner by domestic and international pressure,
and that corner is
shrinking."
He added that "a settlement will be reached, but what remains
to be seen is
whether the agreement can be implemented ... A formula has to
be found to
mix oil and water".
Discussions have reportedly included
offers of amnesty from prosecution for
Mugabe if he agrees to take on a more
ceremonial role as president.
Human rights groups say the veteran leader
could face prosecution over a
host of issues ranging from the so-called
Gukurahundi killings of opposition
supporters in the 1980s to recent
political violence.
Olmo von Meijenfeldt of the Institute for Democracy
in South Africa said it
would likely be impossible to reach a deal without
Mugabe retaining some
political role since his hardline backers include
high-ranking military
members.
"A deal making Robert Mugabe a
ceremonial president and Morgan Tsvangirai a
prime minister is probably the
one and only way forward now in Zimbabwe," he
said.
"It will not be
realistic or feasible for now to leave Mugabe out completely
from the
political scene."
Reuters
Fri 8 Aug 2008,
15:11 GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE, Aug 8 (Reuters) - Even if
Zimbabwe's government and opposition reach
a power-sharing deal soon, real
progress in rebuilding the shattered economy
will depend on agreement from
both security chiefs and Western powers.
Although there is no
confirmation of press reports saying President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU-PF party
and the opposition MDC could sign a deal this
weekend, there are signs an
agreement may be close.
South African President Thabo Mbeki, who has
mediated the negotiations, is
expected in Harare on Saturday, apparently in
the hope of overseeing a deal.
But analysts say such an agreement would
not turn around the ruined economy
unless Western powers threw massive
financial backing behind it and the
powerful "securocrats" supporting Mugabe
were also on board.
The army and police chiefs are widely believed to
have strengthened Mugabe's
resolve after he lost a first round presidential
vote on March 29. Analysts
believe they will not support a power-sharing
deal unless they are given
immunity from international justice.
Human
rights groups and the opposition accuse them of leading a violent
campaign
to ensure Mugabe's re-election in a widely condemned second round
on June 27
that was boycotted by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai because of the
violence.
Although no details of the power-sharing talks have been
disclosed, several
Zimbabwe analysts believe Mugabe is only ready to
surrender some executive
powers and will try to retain control of crucial
state organs.
"I think those who expected Tsvangirai to be heading the
government, those
who want Mugabe out of the scene altogether will not be
happy with a
situation in which Mugabe retains significant power," said
political analyst
Eldred Masunungure.
WESTERN POWERS
"I
think quite a number of Western countries will want time to assess and
review the outcome before committing themselves, and will not simply listen
to ZANU-PF or the MDC's versions of events," he said.
"If they come
on board and give the process a chance, that will be good for
the economy,
but if they don't, Zimbabwe will still face problems
internationally," said
Masunungure, a political science professor at the
University of
Zimbabwe.
Key Western powers, led by the United States and Zimbabwe's
former colonial
master Britain, have frozen financial aid and imposed
sanctions on Mugabe's
closest allies because of alleged human rights abuses
and vote-rigging.
Analysts say assistance from these countries, and from the
IMF and World
Bank, is crucial to reversing years of economic decline in a
country
battling with the world's highest inflation of over 2.2 million
percent, a
crumbling infrastructure, massive unemployment and food
shortages.
Mugabe blames the economic meltdown -- which has forced a
quarter of
Zimbabwe's 13 million people abroad and left the rest struggling
with
chronic shortages of food, fuel and foreign currency -- on opponents
trying
to oust his government.
Mugabe's party ring-fenced as
"non-negotiable" a number of issues ahead of
the talks, including his
presidency, his land reforms and what it called
Zimbabwe's political
sovereignty.
Analysts say this was a clear pointer that Mugabe was not
going to give up
control over agriculture and the security forces, crucial
to his hold on
power.
John Makumbe, a political commentator and
Mugabe critic, said a political
deal that left Mugabe with key powers could
split the opposition.
"Mugabe has been the problem, and if he is allowed
to have overwhelming
power and allowed to dominate, there may be others in
the MDC who will find
that unacceptable and will break away (from
Tsvangirai's leadership)," he
said.
"It will be a difficult scenario,
but there are people who are wary about
being cheated by Mugabe," he
added.
Critics accuse the 84-year-old former guerrilla leader of ruining
the once
prosperous southern African state with policies including his
seizures of
white-owned farms for redistribution to inexperienced black
farmers
struggling to produce food.
But Mugabe -- who led the country
to independence in 1980 after a seven-year
bush war -- says the land
seizures and lately his plans to nationalise
foreign companies, including
mines and banks, are part of a drive to empower
blacks impoverished by the
white settler community.
John Robertson, a leading economic commentator,
said Zimbabwe would be in
for more pain if the power-sharing deal failed to
win international
endorsement.
"The economy is on its knees, and
while a political deal is important, the
crucial question is, are we are
going to see a change in the policies that
got us into this mess?" he
said.
"That is the crux of the matter." (Editing by Barry Moody; Harare
Newsroom:
+2634- 799-112-5; cris.chinaka@reuters.com)
The Telegraph
President Robert Mugabe is insisting on retaining substantial
power in any
coalition government that may emerge from a deal to end
Zimbabwe's crisis, a
senior source in Harare has said.
By Peta
Thornycroft in Harare
Last Updated: 6:49PM BST 08 Aug 2008
Mr Mugabe's
stance could paralyse the talks between his Zanu-PF party and
the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, despite speculation that a
settlement is
imminent.
A source close to the negotiations said that the key question
of dividing
executive power between Mr Mugabe and his key opponent, Morgan
Tsvangirai,
in any new government had yet to be settled.
"Zanu-PF
launched murder and blood to protect executive power," he said. "If
anyone
thinks they are going to go to an air-conditioned room to surrender
executive power they are dreaming."
Mr Mugabe will seek to keep
enough power to be the dominant figure in a
government of national unity
which would include - and perhaps neutralise -
Mr Tsvangirai.
When
the two men shook hands on July 21, they signed a "memorandum of
understanding" promising to end all political violence. But mobs loyal to Mr
Mugabe have murdered at least three people since that
occasion.
Zanu-PF thugs are still roaming parts of the country,
assaulting suspected
opposition supporters, imposing curfews and refusing to
allow villagers who
have fled the violence to return home.
The three
who are known to have been killed include one policeman. The MDC
believes
that Zanu-PF still has 55 bases across Zimbabwe, manned by its
hired gangs,
where opposition supporters are taken for beatings and torture.
The
president also promised to lift the ban on distributing humanitarian
aid.
But relief agencies remain barred from operating in hungry rural areas
and
cannot give food to anyone with the exception of those with HIV-Aids.
"We
cannot go out there, that is fact. Until we receive a letter undoing the
ban
preventing us from doing field work, we are stuck in Harare," said the
country director of a large emergency feeding project who says many
Zimbabweans need food now as the summer's crops were probably the worst
ever.
Trevor Gifford, director of the Commercial Farmers' Union, said
the last
handful of white farmers were still facing threats and violence.
"We wonder
if this escalation in the last week is connected to negotiations
as some
ministers are not going to survive into a new administration so they
are
making good now."
IOL
August 08 2008 at
10:32AM
By Nelson Banya
Harare - Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe and opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai will hold a
make-or-break meeting in Harare on Sunday
aimed at finalising a
power-sharing deal, a South African newspaper reported
on
Friday.
It is understood the two are not "too far apart", although
the central
issues remain unresolved, Business Day reported, citing unnamed
sources.
Mugabe said on Thursday that the talks were going well,
but dismissed
media reports about a draft agreement as
nonsense.
South African President Thabo Mbeki, lead regional
mediator in
Zimbabwe, was expected to fly to Harare on Saturday or Sunday
for the talks,
said Business Day.
Mugabe's Zanu-PF and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) began talking more than two
weeks ago to defuse a crisis that came to
a head after Mugabe was re-elected
in a widely condemned June poll boycotted
by the opposition.
Business Day said Mugabe, in power since 1980, and old foe Tsvangirai
are
said to have been in contact several times while the talks continued to
seek
common ground on the delicate issue of power and positions, the
newspaper
said.
The two sides are under heavy international pressure,
including from
within Africa, to resolve a crisis that has ruined the once
prosperous
economy and flooded neighbouring states with millions of
refugees.
Under a draft settlement reported in South Africa's Star
newspaper on
Wednesday, Tsvangirai would run the country while Mugabe would
become
ceremonial president.
A settlement could be a political
coup for Mbeki, who has come under
intense domestic and international
criticism for not taking a tough line
with Mugabe, a strategy he says would
only undermine efforts to end the
turmoil.
Mbeki will host a
summit of regional leaders in South Africa on August
16. It could give him a
high-profile opportunity to showcase a hard-fought
deal.
IOL
Hans
Pienaar
August 08 2008 at 01:53PM
Human rights experts
and activists have joined Justice Richard
Goldstone in expressing their
alarm about a proposal for blanket amnesty to
perpetrators of human rights
abuses to resolve the Zimbabwe impasse.
Christof Heyns, University
of Pretoria faculty of law dean, said the
mooted amnesty "worries me a
lot".
This would steer the pursuit of international justice in a
"whole new
direction", sending the signal that "you could do just what you
liked and
then earn praise as the founding father of your
nation".
Part of one proposal for a political settlement is that
President
Robert Mugabe would be hailed as founding father of the Zimbabwe
nation and
retain a ceremonial presidential role, while opposition leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai would be made executive prime minister. Another version
gives
Mugabe an executive presidency.
Heyns said this might be
a short-term solution, but "somewhere one had
to draw the line" in
accommodating perpetrators of crimes against humanity
and human rights
abuses.
On Wednesday, Justice Goldstone told a Wits University
audience that
the ruling party elite would sooner or later have to face
international
justice, even if there is a deal and Zimbabwe is not yet a
signatory to the
Rome Statute, which launched the International Criminal
Court (ICC).
Mugabe, 84, will probably be saved by his age from
standing trial, but
younger generals in the Zimbabwe armed forces will not
be so lucky.
Justice Goldstone, who shot to fame as chair of the
Goldstone
Commission into apartheid human rights abuses, was speaking on the
future of
international criminal justice.
He pointed out that
Zimbabwe had not yet ratified the Rome Statute of
1998 instituting the
ICC.
Only the Security Council of the United Nations or Mugabe's
own
government could start with his prosecution on war crimes committed
during
the notorious Gukurahundi campaign in the early 1980s.
Both are unlikely, as it would either be vetoed or a political
settlement in
the Zimbabwe crisis would avoid dealing with it.
But, said Justice
Goldstone, while he, like everybody, wants to see
peace and prosperity
return to Zimbabwe, the country "at some point will
become
democratic".
Amnesty and other measures agreed upon to facilitate a
new
dispensation could easily be set aside by a future government, he
added.
"Mugabe is safe mainly because of his age, but generals who
are in
their thirties and forties" could stand trial, he said.
Justice Goldstone compared Mugabe to Slobodan Milosevic, the
Yugoslavian
dictator, who thought he was immune from prosecution if he
stayed
home.
He did not reckon with a revolution in his own country, which
delivered him to justice before the ICC's tribunal for Yugoslavia, where
Justice Goldstone was the chief prosecutor.
He conceded that
critics of the ICC's indictment of Sudanese President
Omar al-Bashir might
have a point that it could have an effect on peace
negotiations with rebels
in Darfur.
This was cited by South Africa as the main reason for
its strong
opposition to the ICC move, despite it being one of the ICC's
strongest
proponents under ex-president Nelson Mandela.
But, he
said, "the global community has to ask: Are we a better world
for
withdrawing immunity from war criminals?".
He believed that this
was the case and asked whether a delayed peace
process was not an
appropriate price to pay for international justice.
This
article was originally published on page 7 of The Star on August
08,
2008
Business Day
08 August 2008
Dumisani Muleya
Blocked visit is likely to raise tensions
between Harare and the world body
Harare
Correspondent
DESPITE negotiations on a power-sharing deal progressing
well, Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe has barred a United Nations (UN)
envoy from visiting
the country to assess the talks between Zanu (PF) and
the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
The blocking
of the visit this week by UN assistant secretary-general for
political
affairs Haile Menkerios is likely to heighten tensions between
Harare and
the world body.
Menkerios, an experienced Eritrean diplomat, flew to SA
on Tuesday to
monitor the talks, UN spokeswoman Michele Montas said this
week.
He was recently appointed part of President Thabo Mbeki's three-man
"reference group" on the talks which was set up as a condition for continued
participation by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who had accused Mbeki of not
being an impartial mediator.
Last night the MDC could not be reached
for comment.
Yesterday, Zimbabwe's permanent representative to the UN,
Boniface
Chidyausiku, confirmed that Menkerios was blocked from visiting
Harare.
"The talks have now reached a delicate stage and we don't want
any
interference. Why does he want to engage in a parallel process?" he
said.
Diplomatic sources said Menkerios - who was due in Harare today
- was told
by Zimbabwean authorities he was "not welcome" and there was no
need for him
to visit the country since the reference group worked with
Mbeki, not
Mugabe. He was told that even if he arrived there, no official
would meet
him and his visit would not be regarded as
authorised.
"Menkerios was to have meetings with Mugabe, government
officials and
opposition leaders. "But government told him he was not
welcome because the
mediator was in Pretoria," a senior diplomat
said.
UN spokesman Farahan Haq said yesterday Menkerios was in Pretoria
and
"arrangements are still being made for his visit" to
Zimbabwe.
UN representative in Harare Agostinho Zacarias is expected
to travel to
Pretoria today to meet Menkerios.
The fallout from
Harare's decision could give ammunition to the US and UK,
which are keen to
impose UN-backed sanctions on Mugabe and his cronies in
response to disputed
elections, political violence and killings. The two,
together with the
European Union, recently stepped up sanctions, although
they failed at the
UN when Russia and China vetoed a US draft resolution.
The resolution,
which called for an arms embargo and financial and travel
restrictions on
Mugabe and 13 officials, was backed by nine nations but
foundered on the
vetoes.
Reuters
Fri 8 Aug 2008,
14:01 GMT
By Mica Rosenberg
MEXICO CITY (Reuters) - More than 50
women, some as young as 13 and others
as old as 60, have been gang raped and
tortured by government-backed
militias in Zimbabwe because of their support
for the opposition, rights
groups and victims say.
"They came to my
house singing political songs, they stole everything in my
house ... raped
me and killed four people in my neighbor's house," said a 53
year-old
Zimbabwean widow too fearful of reprisals to give her name.
A
supporter of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, or MDC, she
spoke through tears in her native Shona language at an international AIDS
conference in Mexico.
She said her daughter and granddaughter were
also raped in the attack, after
her house was looted by hundreds of youth
militia members in a town near the
capital Harare in June.
Activists
fear the women, who were refused treatment by government doctors,
are at
risk of contracting AIDS, since over 15 percent of the country is
infected.
Women's rights organizations are working with international
human rights
lawyers to document hundreds of cases of alleged rape by youth
militias
backed by the ruling ZANU-PF party of President Robert
Mugabe.
The MDC says more than 120 of its supporters were killed by
pro-Mugabe
militia in political violence since disputed elections in March.
Mugabe
blames the violence on the opposition.
The two sides earlier
this week called on their supporters to end violence.
ZANU-PF and MDC
negotiators, under heavy international pressure to reach a
deal to end
Zimbabwe's economic and political crisis, began power-sharing
talks two
weeks ago mediated by South Africa.
Local newspaper reports say they are
close to an agreement but that has not
been confirmed by
officials.
AIDS FEAR
Rights workers said there have been 53 cases
of rape since mid-April in
heavy violence between two rounds of a
presidential election. Around 13 of
the women have been tested for AIDS but
it is too early to say if any have
been infected from the rapes, the workers
say.
One 60-year old woman said she was raped by 18 militia members who
told her
they wanted her to have a ZANU-PF baby, others have had pesticides
forced
into them for failing to reveal the location of opposition leaders,
Zimbabwean human rights activist Betty Makoni told a news
conference.
A 13-year-old girl told how she was abducted from her home in
exchange for a
goat and held in a youth militia camp where she was
repeatedly raped and
beaten, said Makoni, who heads a network of support
groups for girls across
the country.
"We are in a situation where the
pain and the trauma is beyond
comprehension, I am here talking for women
with wounded genital organs who
cannot even sit on a chair to talk," said
Makoni, who herself was raped as a
child.
Opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai won the first round of the presidential
election on March 29 but
fell short of the absolute majority needed for
outright victory. He pulled
out of the June 27 second round because of
attacks on MDC supporters and
Mugabe won the widely condemned poll.
"The accounts of politically
motivated gang rape, severing of limbs and
practices of sexual slavery ...
are not individual offenses, these are
crimes against humanity," said Noah
Novogrodsky, the legal director of
U.S.-based advocacy group AIDS-Free
World.
"We believe that the members of Mugabe's inner circle who turned
the ZANU-PF
youth militia into rapists and killers are responsible," said
Novagrodsky,
adding that a team of lawyers will be collecting evidence
against the
perpetrators for eventual criminal prosecution.
Women who
have been raped are at higher risk of contracting AIDS, a serious
danger in
Zimbabwe where between 1.6 million and 1.9 million people are
infected,
according to the United Nations.
"Women have told me 'When you are raped
by 18 men you are already dead, so
what is the use of keeping quiet, I must
break the silence,'" said Makoni.
http://www.bloomberg.com
By Brian Latham
Aug. 8
(Bloomberg) -- Zimbabwe, which has an official inflation rate of 2.2
million
percent, will hold its first auction by barter, enabling
cash-strapped
consumers to purchase cars, household appliances and furniture
using fuel
coupons.
The sale today will be managed by Hammer and Tongues
Auctioneers, according
to a statement on the Harare-based company's Web
site. Assets will be valued
in liters of fuel.
``Hammer and Tongues
is encouraging you to take this opportunity to convert
your assets into
something that will assist you survive these very trying
times,'' the
company said.
Zimbabwe has faced shortages of basic commodities such as
flour and sugar
since 2001, a year after President Robert Mugabe began
seizing white-owned
commercial farms for redistribution to black farmers
deprived of land under
colonial rule. While inflation is estimated at 2.2
million percent by the
central bank, local lenders put the rate at between
10 million and 15
million percent.
Last month, the central bank
lopped 10 zeroes off its currency, revaluing
the 100 billion Zimbabwe dollar
note to 10 Zimbabwe dollars. Retailers in
the country prefer using coupons
instead of the local currency because of
the pace of inflation, said Mike
Stone, who owns a gas station in Harare.
``If someone pays with local
currency, then I have to spend it immediately
before it loses value,'' Stone
said in a telephone interview. ``If someone
pays by check, then I must add a
further 80 percent to the total because
that's how much it'll devalue by in
the time the bank takes to clear it.''
Fuel for School
Schools in
Zimbabwe have also begun asking that fees be paid in fuel
coupons, the
Harare-based Herald reported today.
The coupons are acquired using
foreign exchange and are sold by companies
including London-based
mukuru.com. The company uses a voucher system that
enables people outside
Zimbabwe to buy groceries, mobile-phone airtime and
fuel for residents, who
redeem the goods using a code sent by mobile-phone
text
message.
About a quarter of Zimbabwe's 12 million people live
abroad.
Zimbabwe has been gripped by political turmoil since March 29
elections, in
which the opposition won control of the lower house of
parliament. Mugabe
extended his 28-year rule in a June 27 presidential
runoff ballot in which
he was the sole candidate. Morgan Tsvangirai, leader
of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, withdrew from that vote,
citing the
persecution of his supporters.
Both sides are holding
talks in neighboring South Africa aimed at ending the
dispute.
Last Updated: August 8, 2008 08:26 EDT
SABC
August 08, 2008,
18:45
John Nyashanu, Harare
Zimbabwe's bank note crisis is worsening.
This is despite last week's
increase on withdrawal limits by 2 000% by the
country's central bank.
Yesterday, the monetary authorities increased the
limit by a further 50%.
However, analysts say this does not solve the
crisis as depositors continue
spending entire nights in queues. Barter
trading is now taking root owing to
the unavailability of cash and
spiralling inflation.
ATMs are cashless and withdrawing the equivalent of
just R80 a day is
laborious. Even schools are now accepting commodities like
fuel and
groceries as fees.
A political settlement, which some
pundits are predicting could be as early
as this weekend, could raise
Zimbabwe from its economic doldrums.
HARARE, 8 August 2008 (IRIN) - Another
diarrhoea outbreak in the middle-class suburbs of Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, is
leading to growing calls for water treatment to revert to local authorities,
after a decree a few years ago gave central government the responsibility.
Photo:
IRIN
Water
provision
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has made Zimbabwe's
urban areas bastions of support in the past few years, and it was this shift in
political loyalties that led President Robert Mugabe's government to create the
Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA), which took away bulk water treatment
and distribution from city councils.
Critics of the policy maintain that
control of water treatment and awarding contracts for the supply of chemicals
provides lucrative kickbacks for the politically connected.
ZINWA's
track record is widely viewed as disastrous, even by The Herald, the
government-controlled daily newspaper. "Today, as we fast approach a decade of
ZINWA's existence, the plans [for service delivery] remain in boardrooms and all
the nation gets are frequent updates of the challenges facing the authority,"
said an editorial this week.
"Today, water shortages persist, and if
everyone is to be honest with themselves, ZINWA is merely giving the same
excuses for non-delivery that local authorities gave when they failed to fulfil
their statutory responsibilities," the paper said.
Under ZINWA's tenure
raw sewerage has been discharged into Lake Chivero, Harare's main reservoir,
while raw sewerage routinely overflows into township streets. The capital has
experienced several outbreaks of cholera, dysentery and diarrhoea in the last
few years. The water authority claims the lack of foreign exchange makes it
unable to undertake routine repairs and maintenance.
The outbreak of
waterborne diseases has also been exacerbated by the failure of ZANU-PF
appointed commissioners to ensure refuse collection. Harare's city health
services director, Stanley Mungofa, announced this week that the eastern parts
of the capital had been hit by another diarrhoea outbreak, but did not provide
statistics.
"The city is currently experiencing pockets of high
incidence of diarrhoeal diseases which could be attributed to the current water
crisis, but no deaths have been recorded," Mungofa told the Herald.
"Water shortages in homes, schools, churches, beerhalls and other public
places are of grave concern to the city, as the hygiene in those places and the
health of people is severely compromised," he said.
Harare's recently
elected non-executive mayor, Muchadeyi Masunda, said reclaiming bulk water
treatment and distribution from the government was a priority.
"Quality
water provision is one of the items topping my agenda. Indications are that all
is not well at ZINWA in terms of meeting their mandate of providing quality
water."
Farai Mangodza, chief executive officer of the Combined Harare
Residents Association, said the residents had "consistently called upon the
government to reverse the ZINWA takeover and return the responsibility to manage
water supply to the city council."
"We condemn the government for
failing to appreciate that the residents are suffering as a result of its
arrogant decision to manage water supply," he said.
[ENDS]
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
By Alex
Bell
08 August 2008
The international community said in a statement on
Friday it was "deeply
concerned" about the Zimbabwean government's ban on
humanitarian aid access,
which is "denying vulnerable Zimbabweans essential
and life-saving
support" - and said it holds Zimbabwean ministers and
officials responsible.
The joint statement was issued in Harare by the
governments of Australia,
Canada, France, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands,
Norway, Sweden, the United
Kingdom and the United States on Friday - who
have collectively called for
the "immediate and unconditional lifting of the
suspension on all NGO field
operations".
The governments also called
for the harassment of NGO's to cease
immediately - a day after the Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition offices in Harare
were raided by police on
Thursday.
The June 4 suspension of humanitarian operations, combined with
critical
food and currency shortages, has left millions of Zimbabweans
facing
starvation. The statement said without the "immediate resumption of
food aid
across the country, widespread hunger and worsening malnutrition
are
unavoidable". The Red Cross this week also issued an urgent food
security
appeal, citing that the lives of millions more people in Zimbabwe
were at
risk, if the harvest projections are accurate.
The joint
government statement reads: "We feel a sense of responsibility to
sound the
warning about the coming emergency. Because the Government has not
responded
to our July 29 diplomatic appeal for full, safe and unhindered
humanitarian
access and restored humanitarian space, we fell we must now
raise the
profile of this issue publicly".
The Memorandum of Understanding, signed
on 21 July between Zimbabwe's
political parties, states that they "will work
together to ensure .that
humanitarian and social welfare organisations are
enabled to render such
assistance as might be required." Friday's statement
said the international
governments are concerned that "more than two weeks
after the signing of the
MOU, and despite our diplomatic appeals, we have
seen no concrete steps
taken to carry out this commitment".
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Lance Guma
08 August
2008
Zimbabwean activists in the United Kingdom on Friday teamed up with
protesters from Burma, Tibet and Sudan to demonstrate at the Chinese embassy
in London. Zimbabwe, Sudan and Burma have all suffered human rights abuses
at the hands of dictators, supported by China. The people of Tibet meanwhile
are fighting for their independence from China which invaded the territory
in the fifties. Many died in that conflict.
While the opening
ceremony of the Olympics in China was being played out in
Beijing the
marchers raised the various flags of the oppressed countries and
their
national anthems were played. British MP Kate Hoey, who chairs the
All-Party
Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe, gave a speech at the
demonstration. Over 40
policemen formed a protective wall around the
embassy, standing behind metal
fences that were erected.
The Zimbabwean activists were protesting
China's continued support for the
Mugabe regime, including it's use of a
veto last month to block a resolution
at the United Nations Security Council
calling for targeted sanctions
against the regime. The resolution would have
also seen a UN arms embargo
being slapped on the country. The Chinese
instead have been supplying arms
to the Mugabe regime, despite international
condemnation and arguments that
there was no legitimate government in
place.
The demonstrators put together a presentation featuring look-alike
dictators
from Zimbabwe, Burma and Sudan, bowing to a figure representing
China. A
black coffin was on display to represent the people who have died
in the
various countries while fighting for freedom. There was a lot of
drumming at
the venue, while banners were held aloft calling for a 'Free
Tibet' and
demands for China to stop it's support of the brutal military
junta in
Burma.
Radical campaigner Peter Tatchell told journalists
'We are here to remind
China and the world that the Olympics show may
proceed but we have not
forgotten the millions of people who are the victims
of the tyranny of the
regime in Beijing, the political prisoners, the
suppressed trade unionists
and the persecuted minorities like the Tibetans.
He said there could be no
normal sporting relations 'with the abnormal
oppressive regime in Beijing.'
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
africasia
GABORONE, Aug 8 (AFP)
Botswana authorities detained Friday a Zimbabwean on the EU's
sanctions list
aimed at people connected to President Robert Mugabe's regime
and plans to
deport him, a government official said.
Caesar Zvayi, a
former political columnist for the state-owned Herald
newspaper in Zimbabwe,
was to be deported, said the permanent secretary in
the home affairs
ministry, Segakweng Tsiane
Zvayi had been employed by the University of
Botswana as a print journalism
lecturer.
He and Munyaradzi Huni,
political editor of Zimbabwe's state-owned Sunday
Mail, have been accused of
inciting violence through their writings in their
respective
papers.
Plainclothes police swooped on Zvayi late Friday and loaded his
belongings
into a truck before driving him away.
Zimbabwe citizens in
Botswana have been writing letters to local newspapers,
urging the
government to deport Zvayi and criticising the Botswana
government for
allowing him to teach.
By Alex Bell
08 August
2008
Mozambique's main opposition leader on Friday slammed the power
sharing
talks between Zimbabwe's main political parties and called Robert
Mugabe a
"political criminal".
Alfonso Dhlakama, head of the Renamo
party, was quoted as saying "Mugabe
used to be my hero, but I now consider
him as a political criminal to the
Zimbabweans who were denied the result of
their choice in the recent
elections".
Mozambique is traditionally an
ally of Mugabe, but the farcical run-off
election that saw the dictator
snatch back power in June has seen many
former allies turn their back on
Mugabe and his regime.
Dhlakama said the power sharing negotiations "were
done in bad faith" and
echoed the wide spread sentiment that the talks are
"a bad example to
African and the whole world". He said it "encourages
African leaders who
lose elections to resort to robbing elections and rely
on the solutions of
their friends to continue to cling to
power".
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Via an MDC Press Release:
From Ready to Govern to Preparing to Govern
The Movement for Democratic Change is and remains a people’s project, with the strategic objective of completing the business of the struggle for national liberation. Over the next few days, we will provide the various policy position of the party, indicative of our readiness and preparedness to govern in accordance with the best interests of the majority of our people. Our struggle is not merely a struggle against, but it is most importantly a struggle for an ideal.
This this alert, we provide our policy position on the Land Question in Zimbabwe and also provide how we will attend to the issue.
In this alert please find our Lands and Agrarian Reform Policy and our Agricultural Recovery Strategy.
LANDS AND AGRARIAN REFORM POLICY
Resolving the land question once and for all to ensure that no Zimbabwean will ever go hungry again
Vision
A New Zimbabwe where the land conflict is resolved once and for all and land as a finite economic development resource, is equitably distributed and productively utilized making Zimbabwe the regional bread-basket in land use and agricultural production.
Values for MDC Land Reform Policy
The MDC’s core values on land reform are:
The MDC Land Policy
The MDC’s Land Reform Programme will be based on the matrix that recognizes the country’s unfortunate colonial history of plunder and wastage and the need to deal with historical injustices. In this regard, the MDC takes note of the acquisitions of land that have been done by the Zanu PF regime between 2000 and 2006. That land reform was chaotic and outside the rule of law.
That being the case, the MDC must rationalize the situation by ensuring that there will be no return to the pre-2000 status nor will the present regime of wastage, corruption, under utilization and multi-ownership be preserved.
To undertake this rationalization, the MDC will through an Act of Parliament establish a Land Commission whose mandate is to:
Agro-Industrial Transformation
The MDC recognizes the fact that the acquisition of land is not an end in itself and therefore recognizes that the ultimate economic liberation of Zimbabwe will only occur after the destruction of the dual enclave economy and the transition of our country into a modern industrial State.
Thus fundamental to our land policy is the need to free the country from direct reliance on land and agriculture but an industry and technology and software. In short, the complete transformation of our country to a New Zimbabwe.
Agrarian Reform
While Land Reform is regarded as a programme for the transfer of control, ownership and tenure of agricultural land, agrarian reform necessarily has much broader scope, seeking to restructure the entire agricultural sector and industrialize the rural areas to make them productive and wealth generating.
Agricultural Institutions
The MDC Government will:
Compensation
The MDC government recognizes that there should be just and equitable compensation to all farmers whose land was acquired since the year 2000. However, the Zimbabwean economy does not have the capacity to offer the just and equitable compensation while at the same time driving the economy forward.
In this regard, the MDC government will internationalize the issue of compensation so that multilateral institutions and bilateral countries inextricably connected to the Zimbabwe crisis will bring in their resources to adequately compensate the erstwhile land owners. It is important to note that the international community has previously made binding understandings as far as such support is concerned.
Land Tenure
Zimbabwe has a varied tenure system covering four main areas: -
The MDC recognizes this reality on the ground and therefore takes land tenure reform as a continuous and ongoing process not as a once off activity. The MDC Land Commission will investigate the situation in respect of farmland, communal lands, forestry, and all commercial land holdings and recommend a reform process in all areas of the country including land tenure systems. However land under the MDC government will be held under one law for all forms of ownership, state, communal and private with some government protection for communal farmers. The MDC will ensure that there is comprehensive land legislation in place that allows both for private ownership of land secured through title deeds.
Agricultural Recovery Programme
The MDC has developed an Agricultural Recovery Program to ensure a rapid recovery of the agricultural sector as in as short a period as possible. Key elements of the program are: -
Agricultural Institutions
Realizing that a sophisticated agricultural industry is achieved only by a supportive institutional infrastructure, the MDC government will invest resources to rehabilitate and reform public marketing agencies, research and teaching institutions and public agro-based financing institutions.
Research
The MDC government will maintain the Agricultural Research Council as an independent, non-political body. The Council will advise government on all aspects relating to agricultural research (new breeds, seed varieties, GMOs etc, will recommend the provision of grants for research by central government, and will also solicit grants from agriculture associations and development partners. Government grants would be tied to agricultural research to benefit the small-scale resettled farmers who may not be able to afford research output of their own.
Training
All agricultural training institutions will be placed under independent councils selected from the agriculture industry. These institutions will be expanded in order to ensure that there are adequate numbers of trained personnel to take the many opportunities to be created in the farming sector by the land and agriculture programmes. Government will support agricultural training through the same facilities that are available to students at universities and colleges. These activities will be the responsibility of the Ministry of Agriculture.
Extension Services
The MDC government will provide basic extension services to all farming communities through a system of extension agents who will work with local farm communities and research establishments. Particular regard will be paid to extension services in small-scale resettlement and communal farming areas. Private sector firms with interests in the agriculture industry will be encouraged to support extension services to commercial farmers.
Marketing Services
The Grain Marketing Board will remain a part of central government but will be required to operate on commercial principles and will no longer hold a statutory monopoly over grain and oilseed marketing. However, the GMB will be required to maintain a network of depots throughout the country and to act as residual buyer of food grains and oil seeds. It will also be required to maintain strategic stocks of basic foods and to provide storage facilities to the private sector.
Local, regional and international commodity trading plays a crucial role in triggering socio-economic development and wealth creation in Zimbabwe. The MDC government will play a non-interventionist, regulatory role in ensuring a competitive pricing environment that creates conditions conducive to investment in the sector, putting in place, however, mechanisms that will protect vulnerable groups.
AGRICULTURAL RECOVERY, ZIMBABWE 2008-2013
Guidelines for the Recovery Strategy
Introduction
Agriculture is the backbone of the economy of Zimbabwe. Exports of tobacco, beef, cotton, horticulture and sugar have always provided the much need foreign currency that supported the rapid economic growth in the first 15 years of independence. The industry food and textile relied heavily on agriculture for inputs. Further, agriculture relied on a well managed and effective agricultural input program that was based on a self sustaining retail system enabling most farmers to access inputs on time.
Strategy
Zimbabwe’s agriculture would need a two fold strategic plan that could stabilize the agricultural sector in the first year (2008/09) and subsequent 5 years (2009-2013).
I. Review of the current general state of agriculture in Zimbabwe, crop, livestock and horticultural production in both rural and resettlement areas
1. Review the current input delivery system to both rural and resettled farmers in former commercial farmland. The input delivery system is currently dominated by government.
2. Review the current commodity marketing systems especially the role of government and the Grain Marketing Board and impact on productivity of the sector.
3. Review the state of agricultural research and extension. These were key to technology generation and dissemination that supported growth and development of the sector.
4. Review the current rural retail network for sustainable distribution of inputs to farm communities
5. Review the state of agricultural infrastructure such as irrigation and tobacco processing units and horticultural greenhouses
6. Identify solutions and make recommendations for adoption and implementation by the new government
II. Recovery:
Two parallel strategies would need to be implemented, a) short and, b) medium to long term for agricultural recovery.
II. a. The short term strategy would be for the 2008/09 season. The current season (2007/08) failed due lack of inputs and drought. This creates a need for immediate revival of production and stabilization of the sector in the 2008/09 cropping season.
The objective is to ensure that farmers have access to inputs of required quantities and quality at the correct timing. The main objectives are however as follows:
1. Liaise with input suppliers and establish their capacities to produce and supply adequate quantities of seeds and agrochemicals
2. Review and identify key input retail networks that increase access farmers’ access to inputs.
3. Review and identify effective distribution networks that will deliver inputs to retail networks by mid to end September 2008.
4. Develop an input marketing and distribution monitoring system to ensure inputs do not find their way to the informal markets.
5. Develop a subsidized input pricing system that enables every farmer to access inputs through the retail system. No free inputs. Farmers could pay a subsidized price supported by donor. 20% of the current donor food aid could provide such subsidy.
6. Institute a land preparation support scheme to ensure that land is adequately prepared in time for the farming season.
7. Identify and support areas for irrigation schemes to ensure agricultural productivity all year.
8. Identify and recommend collaboration between NGOs and the extension service to provide immediate support to farmers in the immediate season
9. Develop immediate modalities for support of horticultural and tobacco production
10. Recommend a commodity pricing system that is consistent with world markets.
II. b. Medium to long term, (5 year strategic plan) that also looks at land reform and support for the agricultural input industry.
The objective is to ensure sustainability of productivity in the next 5 years. The main objectives are:
1. Review the current land reform and its long term impact of agricultural productivity and social security.
2. Review and recommend a need for a land commission that will over see the land rationalization of land ownership in Zimbabwe
3. Develop and recommend guidelines to a sustainable land tenure system that is acceptable to all Zimbabweans to do away with current dual production system of rural and commercial farming.
4. Develop and recommend a system of input subsidy that is phased out over a period of 5 years.
5. Develop and recommend systems and ways to increase farm productivity in rural areas.
6. Review the current capacity of inputs suppliers, seed producers, fertilizer manufacturers and wholesale and retailers in providing a permanent and sustainable supply of such inputs.
7. Recommend measures of support to inputs industry to increase capacity
http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/ZimCivic080808.htm
ZIMBABWE CRISIS TALKS
Locating
the role of civic society in Zimbabwe's power sharing talks
Zimbabwe's power
sharing talks cannot include civic society. Their role is
to monitor, and
facilitate transition and to shape it.
The negotiations between
Zimbabwe's major political parties are said to be
progressing well. In fact,
reports from various media say they have reached
an agreement on a draft
deal which they are now taking back to their
principals. The details of this
draft have been subject to vociferous
speculation amongst individuals, civic
society and the political parties
themselves. Otherwise it's a wait and see
game, and no one no knows when,
what and who will take what. However, there
has been great debate in other
fora and the media, about civil society's
demand for inclusion in the
ongoing talks. Are they entitled a seat? Should
they be included? Who is
civic society? Do they have a mandate? What would
be their added value to
these negotiations?
Civic society leaders
have dismissed the talks in SA as leading to an elite
pact, a power sharing
deal which negates the real issues that need urgent
attention. In a
statement, civic society had called for a transitional
authority led by an
independent figure. This didn't go well with their
partners in the
opposition who felt they had been given a mandate by the
people to govern
and they deserved that role, even in a transitional
authority. When the
negotiations finally kicked off, and they included the
only three parties
given the mandate by the people to represent them in
parliament, civic
society cried foul and demanded inclusion in the talks.
Zimbabwe has one
of the biggest ranges of civic society organizations,
ranging from workers,
students, youths, women, governance pressure groups,
professionals (lawyers,
doctors, and intellectuals), humanitarian, and
churches. Whilst I have
grouped these groups into sectors, there are a
multiple organizations in
these sectors with others being more prominent and
mass based than others.
However, who would have represented the civil
society in the talks? Let's
assume that's a group of individuals would have
been picked from these
organizations, they might have numbered up to 10 at
least. Fare enough,
isn't this another elite group of individuals? Isn't
doing this an elite way
of aggregating the interests of the different groups
they
represent?
A friend of mine proposed in one of the fora we interact that
we should
follow the "national conference" style that took place in Benin.
Or
inclusion as the CODESSA was involved in SA. However, I believe that
given
the desperateness the Zimbabwe situation is, there is need for these
talks
between Zimbabwe's major political parties so as to freshen up the air
before such national re-engagement, national conferences can be engaged in.
In any case, they are mandated by the people to do so.. The civic society,
as suggested by others, should do a comprehensive paper and have it
considered at the talks if they so wish. In any case one might think that
they have already made their position clear when they said they did not want
a transitional authority led by either Tsvangirai or
Mugabe.
Generally, civic society has a traditional role as a watchdog,
this role
they have played well up until now. They should continue
monitoring the
talks, demand that their constituencies be informed of the
progress, monitor
the outcome and decide whether it's in the best interests
of the people they
represent, as none of them represent the whole spectrum
of the Zimbabwean
society, this is done by MDC and ZANU PF and
Independent/s. If a deal is
reached, civic society has an important role to
play; probably more
important than they hoped to play at the talks.they
should facilitate
transition. Act as information source of the developments
to their
respective constituencies and monitor progress in important areas
such as
peace, economy, rehabilitation and re-engagement.
Whilst we
have one of the most vibrant civil societies in our region it has
suffered a
lot of suppression, oppression, violence and intimidation that it
also needs
rejuvenation, rehabilitation and realignment in terms of their
goals,
interests and capacities. Those interested in taking the political
route
should do so.
Collen chibango is a former student and youth leader in
Zimbabwe, now
studying in the Netherlands. He writes for a Zimbabwe watch
website column.
www.zimbabwewatch.org
Collen
Chibango
University College of Maastricht
P.O Box 616
6200 MD,
Maastricht
The Netherlands
C.Chibango@student.unimaas.nl
+31634367579/+31645463729
SABC
August 08,
2008, 14:15
The media may have undermined the role of President Thabo
Mbeki's mediation
in the Zimbabwean political crisis, according to Electoral
Institute of
Southern Africa political analyst, Victor Shale.
This
comes amid reports that the SADC mandated talks aimed at finding a
settlement to Zimbabwe's political crisis, are nearing a positive end. Shale
says Mbeki's mediation was undermined by interested parties and media
reports that his efforts were biased. The South African Foreign Affairs
Department has confirmed that Mbeki will be in Zimbabwe tomorrow.
The
department has declined to comment on speculation that Mbeki's trip to
Harare tomorrow has been arranged to conclude a governing deal for Zimbabwe.
Mbeki is scheduled to meet with President Robert Mugabe and Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai in the Zimbabwe capital
before returning to South Africa on Sunday.
Foreign Affairs
Spokesperson, Ronnie Mamoepa says tomorrow's meeting is part
of
SADC-mandated power-sharing talks under the facilitation of Mbeki. Talks
between Zanu-PF and the MDC in South Africa are said to be progressing
'extremely well'.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/lfd080808.htm
Dear Friends.
I was amused to read this
comment by a Zimbabwean this week. "There are two
things Zimbabweans are
good at, one is laughter and the other is making a
plan." The truth of this
observation is something all Zimbabweans will
recognise and while it's
certainly true that laughter is the best medicine,
it is also true that the
ability to 'make a plan' to get round difficulties
has meant that
Zimbabweans often fail to grasp the nettle because they are
so busy trying
to negotiate a way round it. Robert Mugabe understands this
national
characteristic very well and exploits it to the advantage of the
ruling
party. No matter how repressive and unjust the measures he takes
against the
people, he knows that Zimbabweans very seldom get angry enough
to react.
Instead they find a way round obstacles; they simply 'make a plan'.
In
the midst of all the rumours and counter-rumours this week of an imminent
settlement between Zanu PF and the MDC, ordinary Zimbabweans have,
understandably, been too busy trying to get round the monetary chaos to pay
much attention to political goings on. With the cancellation of ten noughts
off the face value of notes and the reintroduction of coins, the
householder's
job was to locate the long discarded coins. There were
hilarious accounts of
people finding coins in the most unlikely places,
kids' toy boxes, rubbish
dumps, jam jars in pantry cupboards and then
rushing out to spend them at
supermarkets where harassed shop assistants
used to counting notes on neat
little note counters suddenly had to contend
with hundreds of heavy and very
grubby coins. 50c was apparently the lowest
acceptable denomination but if
the bill for just a few items, a loaf of
bread, a pkt of milk a dozen eggs
and a few tomatoes,(even supposing you
could get any of those things) came
to 124 trillion that had to be
calculated in 50 cent pieces! I can only
imagine the length of the queues at
the checkout, not to mention the weight
of the coins the shopper had to
carry. $200 in 50cent pieces weighs 2kgs
apparently! There were so many
stories to provoke laughter; I liked the one
about the man who had been
using his old coins in buckets as doorstops. The
story goes that he was able
to buy a satellite dish with his six or seven
buckets of coins. Another man,
a street vendor, had found enough coins to
buy him a houseful of new
furniture and even hire a truck to carry his
splendid new bedroom suite etc
home for him. Much laughter but, alas little
action or protest that this
absolute chaos had been brought down on the
populace by the Governor of the
Reserve Bank himself, the same man who had
paid billions to provide judges
with the latest state of the art Mercedes
and satellite dishes. Indeed the
initial reaction from the people was that
Gideon Gono had actually made life
easier for them. What they don't realise
is that this monetary honeymoon
will be very short and the nightmare of
noughts is already on the way back.
There is no sign of the new currency
notes and in a bizarre development fuel
tokens have become the latest
feature of the economy. Providing one has
forex to buy the tokens, it is now
possible to buy goods, pay utility bills
and even school fees with fuel
tokens worth US 1.50 a litre. That certainly
is laughable were it not so
tragic a sign of Zimbabwe's total collapse. The
truth is that Zimbabwe in
2008 has returned to a barter economy under Robert
Mugabe, the man who once
said no one could have managed the economy better
than he had.
In the midst of all this chaos at home, Robert Mugabe went
off to Singapore.
It was reported that he had gone for a medical checkup but
the Sydney
Morning Herald picked up the story that he was in reality on his
way to Hong
Kong to be one of the 'World Leaders' attending the glamorous
opening of the
Olympics but - and this is the funny part - the Chinese
wouldn't let him in!
ITV here in the UK picked up the same story but in
Harare George Charamba,
the president's spokesman, said it was simply a
matter of Mugabe being
needed at home as the talks reached a crucial stage.
Later on in the week,
just yesterday the 7th August, George Charamba was
denying that there would
be face-to- face talks between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai to settle the final
details of a so-called deal between the
parties. And to give his denial some
semblance of truth he added that " the
president spent the day (when he was
supposed to be meeting Tsvangirai)
feeding chickens at his Norton farm." Now
that is funny! How many chickens
has he got for heavens sake? And are we
really supposed to believe that
Robert Mugabe feeds his own chickens - in
his Saville Row suit, no doubt?
The mind boggles. The pity is that he doesn't
give as much care to feeding
his own people. The food insecurity figures
were issued this week by the
Zimbabwe Red Cross and the picture is grim.
Millions of Zimbabweans face
present hunger and the real prospect of
starvation in the months ahead.
Still the NGO's are forbidden by Mugabe's
'government' to deliver food aid
and Mugabe's bully boys and thugs 'fine'
villagers returning home from their
hiding places by taking their chickens
and goats as punishment for voting
the wrong way. A good friend of mine who
has been in hiding since May went
back home to Murehwa this week to check
out the situation. He has been
separated from his wife and children for over
three months now and his kids
have missed school. It's still not safe for
them all to go home together he
says because the thugs come out at night to
beat up MDC activists whose
names are listed. 'This is where Shepherd Jani
was murdered' he reminds me,
as if I could forget. Despite the ongoing
'talks' nothing has changed on the
ground and the police continue to turn a
blind eye on blatant criminality
while hunger and despair haunt the land. I
heard the despair in my friend's
voice, such a brave activist he is, when he
said "Perhaps any settlement is
better than nothing?" and my heart sank. Who
am I from the relative comfort
of the diaspora to tell him otherwise? I am
not hungry and hunted down as an
'enemy of the state', unable to feed my
children or give them a roof over
their heads. But I fear for Zimbabwe. Will
Zimbabweans wake up one morning
soon to find the party and leader they
supported overwhelmingly back in May
swallowed up by Robert Mugabe and Zanu
PF in a Government of National Unity.
There will be no room for laughter
then, no 'making a plan, to get round
that obstacle, it will be too late.
Yours in the (continuing) struggle.
PH
http://www.hararetribune.com/index.php?news=196
Paul Mutuzu 07 August,
2008 08:57:00
When Mugabe was faced with fading populism and his party
increasingly
becoming irrelevant to the people of Zimbabwe, he
scapegoated...
When Mugabe was faced with fading populism and his party
increasingly
becoming irrelevant to the people of Zimbabwe, he scapegoated
by sponsoring
racial prejudice, a precursor to the violent farm seizures.
However there
are many people in Zimbabwe and outside, who consider the
scenes associated
with farmland pillaging and consequent pandemonium as
self-inflicted. T
he problem was that the colonial fiefdoms (both
physical and psychological)
that were built to discriminate against blacks
were not only preserved but
cultivated well after Independence. There still
remained a number of whites
who were determined to re-live Ian Smith's
phantasmagoric view that there
would never be black majority rule in 1000
years.
It was just before Independence on January 27, 1980 when upon
his return
from a five-year self-imposed exile, Robert Mugabe pleaded with
the whites
to "stay with us, please remain in this country and constitute a
nation
based on national unity."
Delivering his Independence message
on April 18, 1980, the conciliatory
Mugabe further extended the olive branch
reassuring white people that "it
could never be a correct justification
that, because the whites oppressed us
yesterday when they had power, that
the blacks must oppress them today
because they have power. if you were my
enemy, you are now my friend. If you
hated me, you cannot avoid the love
that binds me to you and you to me."
Contrast the above statements with
the following vituperative statements
uttered by the same Robert Mugabe
twenty years later: "Our party must
continue to strike fear in the heart of
the white man, our real enemy!" and
"the only white man you can trust is a
dead white man". In March 2003 in a
speech at the funeral of his former
Minister Swithun Mombeshora, Mugabe
declared that "This Hitler has only one
objective: justice for his people.
If that is Hitler, then let me be a
Hitler tenfold."
The trillion dollar question becomes: What went wrong?
Events that ensued
only served to dismiss reconciliation as a mere cynical
tokenism intended to
delude the world into believing the notion that Mugabe
was indeed one of the
greatest statesmen of international stature ever
hailed from Africa. The
strategy did pay dividends for a while given all the
accolades of knighthood
and honorary degrees.
By way of a disclaimer,
I hasten to point out that I am not a social
scientist but it does not take
an Einstein to figure out that race relations
in Zimbabwe had a role to play
in the build-up to Zimbabwe's political and
socio-economic implosion. Like
many other patriots, I realize that the
stakes are high and the issues
facing our country so intricately entwined
for any one of us to wait hoping
that social scientists will come out of
their hibernation some day and help
us put the Zimbabwe crisis into
perspective, a fundamental step towards
building a formidable new Zimbabwe.
A no-holds-barred discussion on a
contentious subject like race has to be
encouraged. In the process of doing
so, mindsets will to drastically change
for the better. Race relations are
not a tangential issue to the country's
crisis but are significant and
urgent, requiring collective redress by us a
nation..
Politics of
racial slandering by old warriors willing to do anything to win
votes should
have no place in Zimbabwe. It is the same pattern that the
skillful
power-freaks of Zanu PF led by Mugabe employed to win votes. When
Mugabe was
faced with fading populism and his party increasingly becoming
irrelevant to
the people of Zimbabwe, he scapegoated by sponsoring racial
prejudice, a
precursor to the violent farm seizures. That is not to say land
redistribution was not necessary, we all agree that it was a historic
blunder that needed correction.
I am sure the majority of
Zimbabweans out there will agree with me that the
whole process of land
redistribution was fraudulently bungled. The truth of
the matter is that it
was done expediently by a coterie of failed
politicians, a corrupt regime of
inept leaders, who were facing mass
evictions from power by the people.
Mugabe seized the moment to distract
people from confronting his corrupt
regime and inept leadership in order to
justify staying in power as he
declared that he would not go until the job
was done ( I guess to until he
dies). How clever! The slide of Zimbabwe into
a full-throttled dictatorship
became inexorable.
While it is justifiable to chastise Zanu PF together
with its architects of
Zimbabwe's misery, it is inadequate to end there if
we are to chart a new
direction for our country. We should therefore take a
moment to flip the
other side of the same coin. There are many people in
Zimbabwe and outside,
who consider the scenes associated with farmland
pillaging and consequent
pandemonium as self-inflicted. The natural starting
point is to deconstruct
unresolved legacies of racial superiority and the
historicity of white
supremacy, which indubitably are the progenitors of
racism.
The economic might of the white people (thanks to colonization)
extended
beyond 1980. However, that was not the problem. The problem was
that the
colonial fiefdoms (both physical and psychological) that were built
to
discriminate against blacks were not only preserved but cultivated well
after Independence. There still remained a number of whites who were
determined to re-live Ian Smith's phantasmagoric view that there would never
be black majority rule in 1000 years. The underhand unofficial segregation
intensified while unwritten policies of exclusivity flourished.
Just
like in the South Africa today, there existed all-white clubs (golf
clubs,
night clubs, etc), all-white churches, all-white schools and many
other
all-white social gatherings. Harare Club and the Exchange Bar in
Bulawayo
were the most salient vestigial symbols of neo-colonialism. The
bottom-line
is that our white counterparts still have some work to do as it
is
imperative for them to tear down some of those walls that serve as
neo-imperialistic symbols.
When the violent confiscation of farms
gathered momentum, it resembled a
time of reckoning. Only a small number of
black Zimbabweans sympathized with
the plight that fellow white citizens
were disproportionally subjected to.
It was not uncommon to hear people in
the streets saying "regai mavheti
amboona moto' (literally translates to
"let the whites see fire"), the
equivalency of pay-back time.
When
the September 11 disaster struck in the US, I still recall being at a
Harare
hotel glued to a TV set as the harrowing news was breaking. I was
confounded
to hear some of the people in the room publicly expressing their
approval of
the carnage that had left about 3000 people dead. I confronted
them with
utmost disgust and they boldly defended their jubilation that
'whites in
Zimbabwe had caused them to dislike all white people regardless".
The
incident only served to show how race relations had become so polarized
twenty years after Independence, which had come complete with
reconciliation.
It reminds us of the American society that is still
suffocating from
after-shocks of the shackles of slavery, 300 years later
(after the
abolition of slavery). Race remains America's problem child and
has never
been more conspicuous than in today's presidential election that
is pitting
a black man and a white man, for the first time in history. The
older
generation, solidly behind John McCain, is squirming and wriggling
with
anger at the sight of even entertaining the idea of a black man
occupying
the highest office in the land while the younger generation and
the more
educated citizenry is overwhelmingly behind Barack Obama, a
candidate of
hope and change.
McCain has already run a dishonorable
campaign with clear racial
reverberations which were recently described by
the veteran political
analyst David Gergen (a man who worked for four US
Presidents) as smacking
of racism. The campaign is obsessed with portraying
Obama as an outsider who
is "not one of us". The code word: 'The One" was
used as the theme in John
McCain's newest TV commercial aimed at denigrating
Barack Obama as an
trespasser. The code word has its roots from America's
once-predominantly
racist southern states whose meaning closely resembles
'kaffir', an
antiquated racial slur used by unrepentant 'neo-apartheidists'
in modern
day South Africa.
In Zimbabwe, the seemingly combative and
bellicose farmers' Commercial
Farmers Union (CFU) only made things worse.
CFU was a powerful consortium of
white farmers that lacked representation
from the black farmers. In
response, the Zimbabwe Farmers Union came into
existence primarily to
counter the growing power of the CFU. The images of
rich white farmers
having their social gatherings and government-bashing
conferences
(understandably so) did not go down very well with the Mugabe's
government
whose venomous rhetoric was peaking. The same rhetoric was
strikingly
similar to the one George Bush used to justify the 'shock and
awe' that
flattened Baghdad. Certainly, that iota of the remaining
commercial farmers
will agree with me that things could have been done
differently. If they had
sought a more ameliorative path to the containing
the fermenting
confrontation, Mugabe could have been stopped. Instead he
declaring that
"Farmers are enemies of the state! Those farmers who resist
will die!"
South Africa's unanswered racial conundrum makes it a ticking
time bomb.
Racial inequality is evident in every aspect of South Africa's
economy. The
black South Africans are overwhelmingly immersed in poverty and
pose a
serious threat to whites' economic and power privileges. When those
xenophobic attacks occurred in South Africa, I do not think that they were
driven by hatred of Zimbabweans per se, but it was just a vengeful and
barbaric attack on defenseless Zimbabwe instead of their real targets. They
just had to unleash their frustrations some easy targets which came in handy
in form of Zimbabwe's homeless economic and political refugees, thanks to a
South African government that condones lawlessness and violent crime. I am
yet to read an article which points in that direction. Unfortunately South
Africa is not reading the signs of the times as it continues to tread on the
same path of racial intolerance and segregation that will come back to
destabilize the whole nation in the not-so-distant future unless radical
measures are taken to normalize race relations.
Our history is indeed
an oxymoron. There was somehow 'this' erroneous
assumption that white
people needed to go back where they came from hundred
years ago, yet they
had only one home which is Zimbabwe. If we apply the
same argument to
Zimbabwe's ethnic groups then what message are we telling
our Ndebele
brothers and sisters? That they should go back to South Africa
where they
came from? For readers out there who do not know Zimbabwe's
history, the
Ndebeles only came into Zimbabwe in the 1830's under the
leadership of
Mzlikazi having fled the wrath of Tshaka in South Africa. It
is fascinating
to note that approximately the same time whites were
beginning to test the
waters to settle across the Limpopo They eventually
did a few years later,
when Lobengula was artfully befooled into selling the
country to Cecil John
Rhodes in exchange of 100 pounds 'salary' per month,
1,000 rifles, 10,000
rounds of ammunition and a riverboat.
The white people in Zimbabwe are
no lesser Zimbabweans and they have to be
fully protected by the same law
that protects black people. They equally
have a bigger role to play in the
new Zimbabwe that we are anticipating. Let
us not forget that the change
whose optimism is keeping us awake throughout
the nights was not a result of
sacrifices by a few officials from MDC. It
was a coalition of everyone, both
black and white, rural and urban citizens,
preachers and teachers, who
rejected the tyranny of Mugabe and his cronies.
It was a concerted effort by
all those who love freedom, black and white who
realized that Zanu PF
leadership was deceptive, treacherous and entrenched
in enriching its
promoters at the expense of the masses who have been left
with nothing. With
a few exceptions, most of the wealthy individuals in the
Zimbabwean society
of today have their riches deeply rooted in Zanu PF's
loot. The so-called
economic empowerment programs were nothing more than
scandalous
state-sanctioned looting apparatus meant to benefit the regime's
few
henchmen, a situation similar to South Africa's ongoing futile
empowerment
that is leaving out the masses.
In conclusion, while it is a fact that
racism is still embedded in all
societies, as Zimbabweans we must all strive
to grow bigger in spirit as
citizens by embracing multi-culturalism, so that
more can be accomplished in
our lifetime. Now is the time for a paradigm
shift that calls for
transcending the confines of skin color and racial
insensitivities. The
bottom-line is that we all need each other in creating
a racially harmonious
Zimbabwe for our good and the good of the economy. We
cannot afford to
repeat the costly mistakes of the recent past.
Dr
Paul Mutuzu is the CEO of the US-based National Vision Institute
(http://nationalvision.wordpress.com).
NVI is an independent economic and
political strategy think-tank focusing on
Zimbabwe and the Southern Africa
Region. The Institute also advocates for
open exchange of views and ideas.
He can be contacted at nvinstitute@aol.com
By
Alex Bell
08 August 2008
Despite the power sharing talks, once again
civil society groups have become
victims of the government's continued
anti-activism clamp-down this week.
The period of the talks has seen
little change on the ground in Zimbabwe,
despite the signing the Memorandum
of Understanding that agreed to
facilitate peace and ease suffering. Reports
of violence have continued and
the government ban on humanitarian aid has
still not been lifted, leaving
millions of Zimbabweans in a daily battle to
survive.
Meanwhile, despite reports of progress at the talks, police in
Harare raided
the offices of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition on Thursday,
under the
pretence of investigating an illegal mining company. At the same
time, about
10 activists from various groups were deported from Zambia after
immigration
officials there claimed the group were trying to disrupt the
power-sharing
talks.
Macdonald Lewanika, a spokesman for the Crisis
Coalition, told Newsreel on
Friday that the police raid was "tantamount to
harassment" and "completely
unexpected in context of the dialogue taking
place". He said the police
officers used an excuse to conduct the raid and
added that the group has
since been ordered to "provide an explanation for
operating under the
government's directive for NGO's to cease
operations".
Lewanika was also part of the group of activists that was
deported on
Thursday. He said the group had travelled to Zambia for a
consultative
meeting with individuals from across Africa, who had gathered
to describe
"how government transitions were managed in their countries". He
explained
that while they were offered no explanation from the Zambian
government,
immigration authorities insisted that the meeting would be
"aiding renegades
who discuss things that are not in the spirit of the
dialogue".
Lewanika said the talks been undermined by the ongoing threat
to civic
society and the Zimbabwean people, and added that the process has
no
validity in the face of the continued clamp down on humanitarian efforts
and
the obvious suffering experienced by the people. But he added that civic
society has been given little choice but to "wait and see what kind of an
agreement is reached".
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
OPINION
7 August 2008
Posted to the web 8 August
2008
Chester Mhende
Our economy is not performing well and
most of the problems facing the
economy are self-inflicted. Allow me to
offer my experiences and those that
I share with others in my everyday
life.
Some of us strongly believe that this nation is one of the few
chosen states
that are meant to be God's torchbearers, but sadly this has
not been the
case for Zimbabwe because of issues that I shall allude to in
this
contribution.
Look at our literacy rate, the abundance of
minerals, favourable weather
conditions, good soils and vast opportunities
in tourism, etc.
Our only curse is our leadership, which lacks a human
face as well as the
desire to truly serve the people.
We are our own
enemies as a people and to get out of the current crisis we
must start to
focus on a few areas.
The first suggestion is that, in our small ways, we
must make sure that the
little that we have is put to good use. Those in
positions of authority
should complement us in the private sector with
timely decisions.
Our major problem as a country is that we have hammered
our economy so
badly. For example, it is quite possible that a supplier can
fail to provide
you with a price for something that he/she has in stock
because of the
difficulties in pricing.
In most cases you will be
lucky to find the goods because of the shortages.
Allow me to cite a
chicken farmer as an example, of which I am also one.
In order to produce
table chicken, we have to contend with shortages of feed
and the
skyrocketing prices of day old chicks.
Suppliers blame the rising cost of
stock feed on a weekly basis on the
depreciation of the Zimbabwe dollar and
its impact on inflation. The same
applies to vaccines, which are
imported.
The other challenge is our fellow farmers who are growing maize
and soya
beans -- essential in the manufacture of stock feed -- are
demanding payment
in cash and in some cases payment in hard currency in
order to preserve
value, which they cannot do with our currency that is
losing value on a
daily basis.
Accepting payment by way of transfer
(RTGS) or cheques is not helping our
suppliers because the money is losing
value in excess of 25 percent per day
while trapped in the banking
system.
Herein lies a serious problem. Soya beans is selling at around
US$300 per
tonne, which means one has to raise $6 trillion (before
revaluation) using
an interbank rate of US$1: Z$20
billion.
Alternatively, if one was to effect the transaction via the
RTGS, suppliers
will decline such payment given that the RTGS is in itself a
major hustle.
At the rate of 25 percent mentioned earlier in this article,
it means that
one would be losing value at the rate of 175 percent in a
week, which is
usually the same length of time it takes for a cheque to
clear or for an
RTGS to reflect in one's bank account.
In any case,
who wants to receive their money in RTGS when you cannot
withdraw the cash
in one swoop, not to mention the fact that the money would
be losing value
at a tremendous pace?
Parallel to this is the cutthroat competition
emerging on the domestic
market in the form of imported chickens from
Botswana, Brazil, etc, that are
proving to be cheaper than local
products.
The other problem is that of viability in the agricultural
sector. I know
that our enemies will want to quickly conclude that the newly
settled
farmers are not productive because they do not know how to farm.
This is
obviously laughable because every newcomer in the farming sector
would
require a bit of time to settle. The white former commercial farmers
can
testify to this.
This is not to say we should condone poor
planning on the part of the
regulatory authorities who have a penchant for
distributing inputs well into
the farming season. It is now the norm that
producer prices are not
announced on time, which makes planning
difficult.
In the private sector, banks are another hindrance. They are
taking weeks,
if not months, to process loan applications, which does not
augur well for
productivity, as agriculture is time bound.
These
issues should be corrected alongside other challenges such as the
availability of fuel and other difficulties confronting other strategic
industries such as commerce, mining, tourism, etc.
I must end by
saying I do not share the notion that sanctions have been the
cause of our
economic woes. The economic challenges we find ourselves in are
90 percent
caused by mismanagement of the economy and 10 percent as a result
of
sanctions.
What have sanctions and nature got to do with people who
approach a season
without fertilizer, seed and viable producer
prices?
What have sanctions got to do with a people who undermine their
own currency
by perpetuating policies that are not complementary to
productivity such as
the price controls, and the sponsored distortions in
the pricing of foreign
currency, fuel, etc?
iafrica.com
Article By:
Fri, 08 Aug
2008 13:21
The African migrants who, like 21-year-old Fortune from
Zimbabwe, have
poured into the city known in Zulu as the Place of Gold over
the past
decade, face an agonising choice in the coming week.
They
must reintegrate into the townships and squatter camps they fled in
mid-May
when their South African neighbours began attacking them - or return
home to
the poverty and/or conflict they left behind in their countries of
origin.
The two-week orgy of xenophobic violence that swept South
Africa in May,
leaving at least 62 people dead and hundreds injured, marked
one of the
darkest hours in the country's 14-year democracy.
Tens of
thousands of Zimbabweans, Mozambicans, Malawians, Congolese,
Nigerians and
other Africans scooped up their children and ran from mobs
with little more
than the clothes on their back.
Many were so traumatised by the violence
they had witnessed or experienced
they rushed to board buses and trains out
of South Africa.
The rest, close to 40 000 at one point, piled into
police stations, churches
and community halls, from where most were later
bundled off to
government-run camps.
Shelters being shut
down
Now, barely three months later, the government is shutting down
the
shelters, leaving around 7000 people facing an uncertain future. In
Gauteng
province, where most of the violence took place in and around
Johannesburg,
six camps holding around 3000 people are due to close by 15
August.
Refugees in the Western Cape have a few extra weeks to plot their
next move,
with authorities saying they hope to empty over 40 shelters by 3
September.
For Fortune, removal from Rand Airport refugee camp in east
Johannesburg
means the end of his protection from youths who have vowed to
finish off
"amakwerekwere" (foreigners).
'They will kill
me'
"It is difficult for me to go back (to nearby Primrose squatter
camp)," says
the lanky security guard, who hopped the border illegally into
South Africa
to escape Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's disastrous
policies.
Returning to Zimbabwe in the absence of a change in government
is not an
option, says Fortune. Going back to Primrose is nearly as
unpalatable. "They
will kill me," he says.
Dramatic a scenario as
that may sound, it's not unrealistic. In Ramaphosa
squatter camp, where the
sadly iconic image of Mozambican Ernesto Nhamuave
burning to death was
captured; another Mozambican who returned home recently
to his South African
wife was dragged from his shack and hacked to death.
Analysts say the
unbridled influx of migrants from poorer countries into
Africa's biggest
economy since the end of apartheid, including an estimated
ranging between
one and three million Zimbabweans, is causing a
"poor-on-poor violence"
tussle over scarce resources.
One in four in South Africa is officially
jobless, with unions putting the
real figure at closer to 40 per cent. South
Africans accuse undocumented
foreigners of aggravating their plight by
working for less pay.
'They don't know where to go'
While most
agree that the refugee shelters should not become a permanent
fixture,
activists accuse the government of not doing enough to pave the way
for the
reintegration of migrants or to prepare them for their return.
"People
are really confused. They don't know where to go," says Partson
Madzimure, a
Zimbabwean-trained psychology lecturer who organises free
classes for kids
and adults at Rand Airport.
But the government has to tread carefully to
avoid being perceived as doing
more for the migrants than needy
locals.
Allegations that foreigners leapfrogged South Africans on the
waiting list
for government housing was what ignited the violence in
Alexandra township,
north of Johannesburg, on 11 May.
"We're
encouraging people to reintegrate themselves," Russell McGregor, the
Gauteng
government's media liaison officer said.
Where migrants were unwelcome,
in places like Ramaphosa, "the political
leadership and the councils will
try to integrate them into other areas," he
said.
Meanwhile, migrants
who return to the scene of May's crime have their own
set of resentments to
contend with.
Domingo Mawai, a Mozambican-born father of four, is back
selling fruit and
vegetables through a mesh screen in a tiny street-side
stall in Alexandra.
Every day, he sees the people who used the cover
provided by the xenophobic
violence to make off with R8000 worth of stock,
his fridge, TV, DVD player,
blankets and stove.
"One of them came to
the shop recently to ask forgiveneness," he notes.
Nobody, as yet, has
offered to return his property.
Sapa