U.S. works to rebuild ties with South Africa

 

Gianluigi Guercia AFP/Getty Images

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton poses with local residents during a visit to the Victoria Mxenge Housing Project in Philippi on the outskirts of Cape Town.

With both countries under new leadership, Washington sees an opportunity. In Johannesburg, Hillary Clinton presses Jacob Zuma to play an active role in promoting democracy throughout Africa.

By Robyn Dixon
August 9, 2009

Reporting from Johannesburg, South Africa -- Relations between the United States and South Africa have been so rocky in recent years that former U.S. Ambassador Eric Bost used to complain that he couldn't get Cabinet ministers here to return his calls.

With South Africa pulling in the opposite direction under former President Thabo Mbeki on issues such as how to deal with Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and the move to arrest Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir on war crimes charges, the Bush administration found itself stymied. 

 

But with two new leaders in power, President Obama and South African President Jacob Zuma, the United States sees a chance to remake relations.

On Saturday, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton took the first steps toward putting the relationship with sub-Saharan Africa's most powerful economy back on the rails, meeting with Zuma in the east coast city of Durban.

"In both countries there are two new administrations which are taking that relationship to a level higher. That is what we are trying to do," Zuma said after meeting Clinton.

Clinton pressed for the South African leader to take a strong leadership role on Zimbabwe, where a power-sharing deal signed last year is being undermined by hard-liners from Mugabe's ZANU-PF party.

With a string of democratic setbacks in Africa from Nigeria to Kenya, she also urged South Africa to play a more active role in pressing for democracy, transparency and good governance across the continent.

Underscoring the leadership role the U.S. hopes Zuma will take in Africa, Clinton indicated that their talks covered the three major crises on the continent: Zimbabwe; Somalia, where a fragile government is fighting an Islamic insurgency; and Sudan, whose government is implicated in the large-scale killings and displacement of tribespeople in Darfur.

"My visit to South Africa was to ensure that their expectations of the betterment of the world are met," said Clinton, who is on a seven-nation tour of Africa.

At a meeting with South African business leaders Friday, Clinton said that as the continent's economic powerhouse, South Africa was well placed to tout the benefits of democracy and the rule of law across Africa.

She's been critical of Kenyan leaders for widespread graft and corruption in the country, as well as for failing to prosecute those responsible for election violence last year that claimed at least 1,500 lives.

But her criticisms were dismissed by some analysts as America "lecturing" Africans -- hence the Obama administration's eagerness to see South Africa playing a more active role in advocating democracy and good governance in Africa.

Clinton's main theme throughout her visit is increasing trade instead of aid in Africa. But analysts say U.S. strategic priorities in Africa remain as they were under the Bush administration: access to oil; competition for resources with China, which has aggressively wooed African leaders; and combating terrorist movements in northern Africa.

The main departure of the Obama administration, analysts say, is a global food initiative announced last month at the Group of 8 meeting of industrialized nations in Rome, designed to pump billions of dollars into developing agriculture in poor nations to reduce hunger, poverty and reliance on food aid.

Dan Glickman, an agriculture secretary in the Clinton administration and a strong proponent of the food initiative, said the policy had the potential to lift millions of poor farmers, mainly women, out of poverty.

"The trick is always the follow-up," he said in a telephone interview. He said the G-8 made the greatest commitment in 40 years to rebuild agriculture in the developing world. "Now, the trick is, will the developed world, the U.S. and Europe and other parts of the world, put in the commitment of resources?"

Gerald LeMelle, executive director of the Washington-based analytical organization Africa Action, said the food initiative would be of limited assistance in reducing poverty in Africa unless Europe and the United States stopped propping up their own farmers and opened their markets to African produce.

"The G-8 countries subsidize their farmers to the tune of $785 billion a year," he said. "They can flood Africa with cheap agricultural products and completely undermine African farmers."

robyn.dixon@latimes.com

Clinton: Zimbabweans flee for freedom

http://www.upi.com

Published: Aug. 8, 2009 at 6:24 PM

CAPE TOWN, South Africa, Aug. 8 (UPI) -- Zimbabweans flee to South Africa
because they know their neighbors enjoy political freedom and opportunities,
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said.
"They can't live in their own country," Clinton said Saturday during a visit
to a Cape Town, South Africa, housing development. "And people come to South
Africa because you're free and you're dynamic and you're making progress and
you're working together. And you have political freedom."

She said it was "tragic" that Zimbabweans "don't have the same kind of
opportunities in their own countries."

Sanctions were taken against Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's government
because it "has turned its back on its own people," said Clinton, in the
midst of an 11-day, seven-country mission to the continent.

"I mean, people in Zimbabwe are starving; that's why they come here (to
South Africa)," she said of Zimbabwe, wracked by political and economic
upheaval for years. "They have no work; that's why they come here. The
schools are shut. The hospitals are not working."

The sanctions are meant to pressure the leadership "to do what it should do
to take care of their own people."

She also acknowledged the quiet diplomacy South African leaders have
undertaken concerning Zimbabwe, saying current and former leaders worked
hard "to try to change the attitude" of Mugabe's party.

SA will still sell arms to Libya, Venezuela and Syria, but Zim is on hold

From The Cape Argus (SA), 7 August

Sibusiso Ngalwa

South Africa will continue trading in arms with the controversial regimes of
Venezuela, Syria and Libya, but will be cautious about selling weapons to
Zimbabwe, Justice Minister Jeff Radebe says. Radebe, who chairs the National
Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC), said yesterday that all their
decisions had been taken in accordance with the law. The committee regulates
the sale of arms to other countries. "We don't describe countries in a
particular way. Ours is based on our own constitution and the relevant
resolutions of the UN and our own assessment as a sovereign nation whether
we want to do business with Venezuela or not. "Right now Venezuela is a very
good economic partner of South Africa's and we shall continue doing business
(with them). "But as a member of the UN, where there are arms embargoes
against countries we will abide by those. At the end of the day, our law is
very clear that we should act in accordance with international law and
case-by-case assessment should be done on every order that comes before us,"
said Radebe.

However, given the fragile political situation in Zimbabwe, the committee
had yet to decide whether to allow the sale of ammunition to its neighbour,
said Radebe. "On the requested export of ammunition to Zimbabwe we are still
considering that. We are still going to take into account the specific
issues around Zimbabwe on the case-by-case basis, including the current
climate there, in order for us to decide whether or not we are going to
grant that permission," he said. Radebe's comments follow allegations made
by the DA last weekend that the NCACC had authorised the sale of arms and
military equipment to repressive regimes without following procedure.
However, Radebe said all transactions involving these countries were above
board and that South Africa was committed to the international agenda of
responsible trade in arms.

Defence analyst Helmut Romer-Heitman said selling arms to these countries
was unlikely to have an impact on South Africa's international standing. "I
think selling arms to Venezuela is going to irritate the Americans a bit,
but other people are selling to Venezuela, including Spain. I don't think
it's going to impact on us that much. Selling to Syria… some people in the
West will raise eyebrows. Libya would have, until recently, been an absolute
no-no but President Muammar Gaddafi appears to be trying to manoeuvre his
country back into the mainstream. The Americans and the Europeans are trying
to sell him things. Those countries I don't see a problem with," said
Romer-Heitman. However, he cautioned against selling ammunition to Zimbabwe,
arguing that it could be against South African laws. "I do see a potential
problem with trying to sell ammunition to Zimbabwe at a time when that
country is still not stable, and the police and the army are still in
control. These same people misused it (the ammunition) previously. (The law)
says we are not going to sell arms to a country that will use it against its
population or where it could change the balance."

Not us, says HHK

From ZWNEWS, 8 August

HHK Safaris, the hunting and safari company previously associated with
Charles Davy, the father of the former girlfriend of Prince Harry, has moved
to distance itself from him. In an article in a recent issue of  the Daily
Mail in the UK, reporter Andrew Malone described a meeting with an associate
of Mnangagwa's in Zimbabwe who offered to supply him with poached rhino
horn. The article stated that Mnangagwa, Webster Shamu, and Charles Davy
were implicated in rhino poaching, together with Chinese nationals. The
company says that Davy "is not a shareholder". HHK says it "does not own any
conservancy, nor is involved in any way with the poaching of rhinos or any
other animals." It denies that Mnangagwa or Shamu has any interest in HHK
safaris. It does not, it says, engage "in any criminal or morally offensive
conduct".

Zinasu Leaders Granted Bail

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 20:17
A HARARE magistrate on Friday spared four Zimbabwe National Students'
Union (Zinasu) leaders the agony of spending the holidays in prison when he
granted them bail.

Magistrate Munamato Mucheredzi freed Zinasu president, Clever Bere,
general councillor Archford Mudzengi, Kudakwashe Chakabva and Brian Rundogo
on $30 bail each and ordered them to return to court on August 21.

The four were arrested on Wednesday - two days after the re-opening of
the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) - under Section 37 of the Criminal Law
(Codification and Reform) Act for "participating in a gathering with intent
to promote public violence, breach of peace or bigotry".

Ten other students who were arrested during the meeting at the
institution were released earlier without charge.

The four student leaders could not appear in court on Friday morning
as the police insisted that they wanted to conduct further investigations.

The students were taken to the Attorney-General's office where
negotiations were held between the police and the lawyers leading to their
release.

"We finally reached some consensus with the prosecutors leading to an
appearance in court around 5PM", the students' lawyer Jeremiah Bamu said.
"The four are now out of custody on bail."

The students' leaders were also ordered to report once a week at
Harare Central's Criminal Investigation Department and to reside at their
given addresses and not to interfere with investigations.

The students were arrested by campus security during a meeting to
discuss various issues affecting the returning students.

They were handed over to Avondale police.

The university re-opened on Monday after a year long break forced by
the collapsed water and sewer infrastructure at the institution.

Students, like in many other tertiary institutions are not happy with
the steep tertiary fees, lack of teaching staff and shortage of
accommodation.

Vice-chancellor of the university, Professor Levi Nyagura announced
earlier that the institution would not enrol first year entrants because of
continuing water crisis,  a decision that has been widely condemned.

Many would-be first year students complained that this would prejudice
them and could cost them a year of their study  plans.

BY JENNIFER DUBE

Former Banker, Julius Makoni Becomes Anglican Bishop

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 20:15
FOUNDING National Merchant Bank (NMB) chief executive officer Julias
Makoni who was forced to skip the country in 2004 after he was accused of
externalising foreign currency is now an Anglican bishop.

Makoni, who holds the post of Reverend Doctor in Anglican Church, was
recently elected Bishop Alert of the Anglican Dioceses (CPA).

Last week he was said to be in the United Kingdom and was not
available for interviews.

But former Manicaland acting Bishop Peter Hatendi said Makoni was
elevated to the new post at a  meeting held by the elective assembly in
Mutare on July 24.

He said they did not know of Makoni's appointment since the whole
thing was done behind closed doors.

"Yes he was elected the bishop and it was done in secret by the
elective assembly, we were just told later that he was going to be the new
bishop," he said.

Hatendi said Makoni was still on probation and his official
appointment as the Bishop Alert will be made after a certain period.

"It is the custom of the Anglican church to monitor someone who has
been appointed. After the court of confirmation meet that's when Makoni will
be officially appointed as the Bishop Alert of Manicaland," he said.

Makoni and three other NBB senior executives, James Mushore, Francis
Zimuto and Nicholas Vingirayi, fled the country in 2004 after they were
accused of setting up an illegal money transfer agency in the UK called LTB
money transfers.

Former Attorney-General Sobusa Gula-Ndebele was also arrested and
charged with corruption in connection with allegations that he promised to
help Mushore who was a subordinate of Makoni at NMB.

Charges against Makoni were dropped after he returned to the country
from the UK.

BY SANDRA MANDIZVIDZA

Police Watch as Witch Hunters Wreak Havoc

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 16:35
POLICE can not stop witch-hunters known as Tsikamutanda from
conducting controversial cleansing ceremonies in rural communities.

Police spokesperson superintendent Andrew Phiri said police would only
intervene if there were complaints.

However, these complaints usually come after the Tsikamutanda have
held ceremonies which more often than not,  leave rural communities deeply
divided and villagers deprived of their cattle, goats and sheep.

"We cannot act when there is no formal complainant from the villagers,
our hands are tied," said Phiri.
"However, we urge those who don't feel comfortable with these
witch-hunters to report to the police," he said.

As the police spokesperson made the comments, there was mounting
evidence that the self-styled prophets were not just freely conducting
witch-hunting ceremonies with impunity, but were also indulging in criminal
activities in broad daylight.

At Murehwa magistrates' court last month, Thomas Mutasa (25), a well
known Tsikamutanda who was operating from Chikwaka in Goromonzi, was charged
with rape, allegedly committed while he was "casting away evil spirits".

Prosecutors said the self-styled prophet told a 19 year old woman that
she was possessed with evil spirits before he allegedly raped her.

After committing the crime, Mutasa allegedly rubbed his victim's
private parts with a concoction of water, salt and charcoal to "cleanse"
her.

Mutasa denied the charges when he appeared before a Murewa magistrate.

But his case tallied with the modus operandi of tsikamutandas who are
wreaking havoc in many rural communities.

The court heard that Mutasa who was performing  his cleansing ceremony
at Zavere Village in Chikwaka in May camped at the victim's homestead.

In another case before the same court, Mutasa and another self styled
traditional healer, Tendai Mudimu are facing two charges of extortion.

The duo allegedly forced a 72-year-old woman to surrender a blanket
and a shirt, which belonged to her husband during a cleansing ceremony.

They told Evelyn Chitimbe to go and collect a blanket and her husband's
clothes. When she brought the clothes, Chitembe was ordered to shout in
front of the crowd saying: "Kana uri chikwambo ibva pano," (if you are a
goblin go away)

The elderly woman then made a report to the police leading to Mutasa
and Mudimu's arrest.
As the saga unravels in the courts, more tsikamutandas are roaming
freely and causing terror in the province.

Headmen and the villagers, who usually get rewarded by the self styled
prophets, continue to invite them for witch-hunts.

Besides causing physical and mental suffering to villagers they accuse
of bewitching others, the tsikamutandas are profiteering by cheating
villagers in their so-called exorcising ceremonies. The villagers have to
part with a small fortune  for any exorcism undertaken at their homestead.

Most families who usually do not have cash are forced to give away
their livestock.

When a village invites these witch hunters, it also has to pay for
their upkeep. Besides extorting cash and livestock from the various
villagers, the Tsikamutandas leave families divided after naming alleged
witches.

"There is no peace in this area since a lot of people especially
family members are now accusing each other of witchcraft," said Munyaradzi
Chisvo of Chikwaka village.

"In some cases children end up beating their parents."

At one homestead a witch hunter known as Sekuru Guranyanga allegedly
threatened a man he accused of keeping goblins at his homestead, after the
man refused to part with his cattle.

"One morning we saw a goblin wearing tennis shoes." said one family
member. "It was a very short girl, we were so afraid that we had to comply
with whatever Sekuru Guranyanga told us to do."

They were ordered to part with two cows.

Although it not could not be established if Sekuru Guranyanga carried
out genuine witch hunting sessions, some villagers are happy that he is in
the area.

"Many people were dying in my family, after Sekuru Guranyanga came he
removed a tokoloshe which he said belonged to my father," said Duncan Mago.

"I am not working and this was caused by my father. After this
cleansing I hope I am going to find a job very soon."

The Traditional Medicines Practitioners' Council is on record urging
villagers to ask for registration licences from both faith and traditional
healers to avoid being conned.

The council said most of the tsikamutandas were bogus.

BY SANDRA MANDIZVIDZA

Who is a National Hero?

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 16:28
AS the country prepares to celebrate Heroes Day tomorrow, Zimbabweans
have called for a review of the criteria used to determine who is buried at
the country's shrines, including the national Heroes Acre.

Since Independence the Zanu PF politburo has had the sole
responsibility to select national heroes.

This meant that luminaries of Zimbabwe's liberation struggle such as
Ndabaningi Sithole and James Chikerema among others, were not declared
national heroes after they fell out of favour with President Robert Mugabe.

Zapu pulled out of the Unity Accord with Zanu PF in May following
persistent complaints that its leaders were being discriminated against when
it came to hero status.

Zipra commander Lookout Masuku and other senior Zapu leaders were
buried at the Lady Stanley Cemetery in Bulawayo after they were declared
heroes posthumously after the Zanu PF politburo dithered on their status.

MDC-T spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said his party, which joined the
unity government in February, had already proposed that the selection
criteria must be reviewed.

He said the fact that heroes were chosen by a partisan body undermined
their status.

Chamisa said if the process was not biased there would have been no
debate about Patrick Kombayi's status, while Zimbabweans who excelled in
other fields such as the late philanthropist Jairos Jiri would have been
honoured accordingly.

"We did a lot to have Kombayi declared a national hero but as you know
the issue is handled by the Zanu PF politburo. We could not beg them since
they are not a government," he said.

"After all they are a less popular party."

University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer John Makumbe said
Zanu PF had abused the system to reward those who remain loyal to Mugabe.

Said Makumbe: "This (conferring hero status) is only done by the
politburo of Zanu PF, which determines who qualifies as provincial hero, who
qualifies as liberation war hero and who qualifies as a national hero.

"This has not been done through structures of government even after
the inauguration of the inclusive government . this is really a party
matter."

Veteran author and political analyst Pius Wakatama said there was no
fairness in the choosing of heroes as Zanu PF had monopolised the process.

"For example after  helping the disabled, Jairos Jiri should have been
declared a hero.  Recently Kombayi must also have been declared a hero but
because it is Zanu PF deciding who is a hero is and who is not, we do not
have fairness in that area," he said.

But Makumbe said the MDC must stop moaning about the unfairness of the
system and advocate the setting up of an independent body since it had the
political power to do so.

He said the Heroes Acre and other provincial shrines were resources
owned by all Zimbabweans, which should not be used to further partisan
interests.

A multi-sectoral committee including civil society and churches would
be well placed to determine the country's heroes, Makumbe said.

Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions secretary-general Wellington Chibebe
said the partisan conferment of hero status had  resulted in the distortion
of the history of the liberation struggle.

"The whole process has been privatised by certain individuals who
purport to have been behind the armed struggle yet it was a collective
approach by everyone including my relatives in the rural areas," he said.

"They deserve to be considered  heroes but the notion that a few
people in the politburo would want to sit around a table deciding who should
be heroes as if those who provided clothing, feeding and even in protecting
the freedom fighters were not heroes at all is not proper."

However, Media, Information and Publicity Minister Webster Shamu
insisted his party saw nothing wrong with the system.

He claimed there was no need to re-invent the wheel since the Zanu PF
politburo had handled the process "well" since 1980.

Shamu who is also a member of the politburo claimed that Sithole and
Kombayi did not stick to the principles of the liberation struggle for them
to be declared heroes.

But national heroes such as Gary Magadzire and Border Gezi who were
not involved in the war for liberation war showed the burial at national
shrines was not a preserve of former fighters.

Besides burial at the national and provincial shrines, families of
beneficiaries receive pensions from the government at the taxpayer's
expense.

Even within Zanu PF, there is heated debate on the perceived bias of
the politburo when it decides who is given hero status.

Women in the party feel it is only the wives of senior leaders who are
buried at the national shrine.

There are only four heroines buried at the national shrine and all of
them were wives of national heroes except Sally Mugabe.

They are Joshua Nkomo's wife Johanna, Herbert Chitepo's wife Victoria
and Eddison Zvobgo's wife Julia.

Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara recently told parliament that
principals in the inclusive government were discussing the issue of national
heroes with a view of addressing concerns about its partisan nature.

BY OUR CORRESPONDENT

Chance for Zapu as MDC Expels Rebel MPs

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 16:24
THE  expulsion of three MPs by  the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) led by Arthur Mutambara could mark the beginning of the demise of the
party and give the revived Zapu the chance to re-enter full scale politics,
analysts said last week.

Abedinico Bhebhe (Nkayi South), Norman Mpofu (Bulilima East) and
Njabuliso Mguni (Lupane East) were shown the door after they were found
guilty of campaigning for the rival MDC-T by an internal disciplinary
committee.

The MPs are challenging their expulsion at the High Court but analysts
said their appeal was unlikely to make any difference since the party seemed
determined to get rid of them.

According to Zimbabwean laws, an MP can be dismissed from parliament
if a party decides the legislator no longer represents its interests.

The drastic action paves the way for three more by-elections in
Matabeleland, a Zapu stronghold before it merged with Zanu PF in 1987.

Zapu formally broke away from Zanu PF in May and has already made its
intentions known that it will fight for the vacant seats.

The country's two biggest parties MDC-T and Zanu PF will not contest
the seats as spelt out in the September 15 power sharing agreement.

"We are interested in contesting the by-elections and we are certain
that we will win because Bulilima, Lupane and Nkayi are our home ground,"
said Zapu communications director, Methuseli Moyo.

"The circumstances have changed a lot since last year's elections and
this is our chance to show that we are back in politics fulltime."

Simba Makoni, a presidential candidate in last year's presidential
elections got most of his eight percent share of the vote from Matabeleland
after Zapu figurehead Dumiso Dabengwa threw his weight behind his campaign.

Dabengwa is now resurgent Zapu's interim chairman.

Brilliant Mhlanga, an academic at the University of Westminster in
Britain said the by-elections could reshape Zimbabwe's political landscape.

Besides the three seats, Zapu is likely to contest in Matobo North,
which became vacant after MDC-T chairman Lovemore Moyo was elevated to the
post of Speaker of Parliament.

"This situation also presents us with a very interesting scenario;
which ever way you look at it,  Zapu now has an opportunity to prove its
existence and attempt to reclaim what they believe to be their home turf,"
Mhlanga said.

"This is an opportunity for Zapu to reinvigorate themselves as a
nationalist party with a rich history of the liberation struggle, to
position themselves for more positions and leadership roles to come."

But veteran historian, Pathisa Nyathi sees the by-elections as a
chance for the MDC-T to consolidate its hegemony in Matabeleland.

The party led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai swept all the seats
in Bulawayo and was dominant in the Matabeleland North and South provinces.

He said Zapu lacked a strong leader in the mould of the late Vice
President Joshua Nkomo who could rally a big constituency.

"The expulsion of the MPs is very unfortunate," Nyathi said. "You can
only afford to expel people when you are a mass party because it would not
be felt but when your party is on the edge like the MDC-M you will not
recover."

He said people who voted for MDC-M were likely to see their
endorsement of the party as a mistake and shift their allegiance to the
rival faction.

Bhebhe, Mpofu and Mguni were accused of destroying MDC-M structures by
telling members to defect to MDC-T.

The rebels have expressed an interest in  returning to MDC-T.

There are more than 14 outstanding by-elections countrywide but
independent candidates and smaller parties are likely to have a bigger say
in constituencies outside Matabeleland.

BY KHOLWANI NYATHI

Changes to Constitution Drive

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 16:22
BULAWAYO - The Parliamentary Select Committee leading the
constitution-making process will review downwards the number of people in
its thematic committees due to budget constraints, co-chairperson Douglas
Mwonzora has said.

The committee was last week in the process of setting up the 18
committees after it was agreed at the first All-Stakeholders' Conference
that at least 40 members would form the sub groups.

They will lead the crucial public consultations that will result in a
draft to be presented to a second conference sometime in November.

"The numbers of people who make up the thematic committees will be
reduced because of budgetary constraints," Mwonzora told a public meeting on
the constitution recently.

Mwonzora said the thematic committees would produce three reports to
be submitted to different organs to avoid a situation where the draft
constitution is tampered with.

This follows reports that some sections of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) were tampered with by Zanu PF ministers.

Last week, civil society groups led by the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) launched a
campaign to stop the parliament-led process.

"We are learning from last year's mistakes and to avoid a repeat of
tampering or altering of people's views," he said.

"The thematic committees will produce three reports, one for itself,
one for the draft committee and one for the Parliamentary Select Committee
on constitution-making.

"If the reports are different, we will start the process again as that
would have revealed that someone somewhere would have tampered or altered
people's views."

According to the GPA, on February 13, 2010, a draft of the
constitution must be prepared and tabled before a second All-Stakeholders'
Conference, which must be conducted within three months after the public
consultation process is completed.

On March 13, the committee's draft constitution and its accompanying
report must be tabled before parliament.

The GPA says the draft and report must be tabled within one month of
the second All-Stakeholders' Conference.

Under a unity deal reached between the Zanu PF party and the two MDC
parties, a new constitution should be in place within 18 to 24 months.

A parliamentary select committee is steering the process that will
lead to new elections as underlined under Article 6 of the GPA.

BY NQOBANI NDLOVU

Outrage Over Mounting Maternity Deaths

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:40
TWENTY ONE year-old Nyasha Mhende is mourning the death of her new
born baby although she never saw him alive.

The young mother was fighting for her own life following an emergency
caesarian section when the tragedy struck.

"They (hospital staff) told me that when my baby came out he was
immediately put on oxygen because he was too weak," says Mhende from
Kuwadzana.

"I regret not having been able to just wake up and walk to the nursery
to look into his eyes before he died.

"I was weak, I could not walk without support but I wish I had just
struggled to get up to the nursery to see him."

 But it is the circumstances that led to her first child's death that
Mhende says will haunt her forever.

On July 15, she went into labour and was rushed to Warren Park clinic.
Mhende spent the night at the clinic but was discharged the following day
after the nurses told her she was still far from delivery.

 But she returned to the same clinic at midnight the next day after
her condition worsened.

"When I arrived at the clinic the nurses began shouting at me saying I
was being stubborn because I had returned to the clinic when they had asked
me to go home," Mhende said.

"But after the abuse they went on to admit me."

She says the nurses ignored her until their shift ended in the
morning.

They, however, kept telling her she was far from giving birth. When
she was finally examined at 5PM the nurses discovered that her child was not
breathing properly.

She was immediately transferred to Parirenyatwa Hospital where worse
news awaited her.

"The doctor who received me said I could never have delivered the
normal way," said Mhende.

 "I was pained because all the days I spent in labour had been a waste
of time.

"The doctor was also shocked that the nurses had kept me for that long
at the clinic without transferring me."

 Mhende's story has become common occurrence at maternity clinics in
Zimbabwe.

Unable to afford high fees charged in the private sector where care is
generally much better, many desperate women resort to the poorly equipped
public health institutions.

More women told chilling stories about their experiences at the
maternity clinics.

Some said they gave birth on the floor or on their own while nurses
went on tea break at Kuwadzana Clinic.

"In my case, the nurses came to assist me long after the baby had come
out," said a Kuwadzana mother who requested to remain anonymous.

"I kept calling them but they ignored me and when I felt the baby
coming I pushed on my own.
"When they heard the baby crying they came running.

"We also heard accounts of nurses who even threatened to kill
expecting mothers' babies because they were "behaving badly".

Another woman who recently gave birth at the same clinic said:
"The nurses told me if I continued screaming like a mad person they
would not assist me deliver.
 "But how can you not cry when you are in such great pain. I think as
women we ought to understand each other better."

Some were less fortunate as they lost their babes due to the
negligence of nursing staff.

According to the latest Maternal and Perinatal Mortality Study done by
three United Nations agencies at least 73% of the maternal and new born
deaths  recorded in 2007  could have been avoided.

The report was released after a study by the government, World Health
Organisation (WHO), United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef), United Nations
Population Fund assisted the University of Zimbabwe  and one university in
Sweden said 1 in 40 women were at risk of dying in child birth.

One of the reasons cited in the report for the high maternal deaths is
the lack of skilled care at some health facilities.

Mhende now wants the nurses at Warren Park clinic who neglected and
mistreated her to be brought to justice.

She said: "Each time I asked the nurses to transfer me to Parirenyatwa
Hospital or even to just examine me they would shout at me.

They accused me of trying to teach them how to do their jobs. I will
never forgive them for this," Mhende says tears streaming down her cheeks.

At Warren Park Clinic recently the sister in charge on duty that day
refused to comment on the issue  referring this paper to her superiors.

Harare City Council spokesperson Leslie Gwindi said council would
investigate the cases.

Gwindi said women who were not happy with the treatment at the clinics
must make formal complaints to council authorities to facilitate proper
investigations.

BY BERTHA SHOKO

Zesa Coal Mining bid Hits Brick wall

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:29
BULAWAYO - Plans by the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa)
to enter into a coal mining venture in the Sinamatela area in Hwange have
hit a brick wall after the government refused to give the power utility a
licence.

Zesa, which has intensified its load shedding due to a massive
electricity deficit wanted to start extracting coal this month to complement
Hwange Colliery Company's production.

The government, which has a controlling stake in the HCCL, is
reportedly not happy with Zesa's attempts to venture outside its core
business of generating electricity.

Although the utility has refused to reveal the financier of the
project, it is believed that it entered into a joint venture with a company
known as Lokalize Investment.

Lokalize Investments is said to be linked to controversial business
tycoon, Billy Rautenbach who has extensive links with senior Zanu PF
officials.

Source close to the deal said Rautenbach's company will own 70% of the
mining venture, while ZESA controls the rest of the shareholding.

Senior executives from both companies toured the site also known as
the Western Areas Coal Fields a fortnight ago to assess the situation before
the operations resume.

However, Zesa Holdings chief executive officer Ben Rafemoyo refused to
comment on the progress last week saying it would jeorpadise negotiations
that were still underway to get the project off the ground.
 "This project is covered by confidentiality clauses at the moment,"
he said.

"This means we are still discussing things in confidentiality and we
are prohibited from making public statements on its progress."

But Mines and Mining Development minister, Obert Mpofu said Zesa had
not been given a mining licence and the agreement it had entered with the
mysterious investor was "null and void."

"I am not aware of any rights that Zesa has to mine or extract coal,"
he said in an interview.

"Therefore whatever negotiations and discussions between Zesa and
whoever they are discussing with is an exercise in futility. In other words,
I am saying this is null and void."

Sources in the mining industry said the proposed coal venture could
also be a waste of money.

They said the bulk of the coal in the area was suitable for coking
purposes with only about 20 % per extraction fit for use at Zesa's thermal
power stations.

The utility's Bulawayo, Munyati and Harare thermal power stations are
always down due to coal shortages.

It is currently refurbishing Hwange Power Station (HPS) after it
entered into an agreement with NamPower of Namibia in a US$40 million
investment for the refurbishment units One to Four in 2007.

According to Zesa the rehabilitation will result in HPS generating
between 700 to 800 megawatts of electricity, a development that will reduce
load shedding.

BY NKULULEKO SIBANDA

Phone Blues as TelOne Limits Calls to Econet

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:21
TROUBLED landline provider TelOne is limiting calls to the Econet
platform as it emerged last week that the parastatal owed the mobile
operator in excess of US$17 million in interconnect charges.

For the past month Tel One subscribers have been unable to make calls
to the Econet platform while managing to get through to both NetOne and
Telecel subscribers.

Investigations last week revealed that Tel One could have been
screening the calls in order to avoid the mounting debts in interconnect
charges.

Interconnect charges are incurred when one network processes calls
from a different network.

For instance if a Tel One subscriber calls on the Econet platform, Tel
One is supposed to pay Econet in interconnect charges which stand at US$0,07
per minute.

Since Econet has over 1,2 million subscribers against TelOne's less
than 400 000 it means the volume of traffic is biased towards Econet.

Unlike mobile operators which have pre-paid in addition to contract
platforms, TelOne gets its revenue after customers have utilised the
service, The Standard was told.

Subscribers on the TelOne platform take a long time to pay for the
services and in some instances prefer the lines to be cut before settling
their bills.

In addition, subscribers have not been paying, protesting against the
high bills distributed at the end of each month.

The Standard was also told that due to the impasse on bills, a number
of subscribers have elected to pay in monthly installments.

Acting TelOne public relations executive, Collin Wilbesi confirmed the
connection problems but attributed them to congestion on the network.

"The situation is such that Econet being the biggest network, most
landlines are trying to call the network, thus resulting in this
unprecede-nted congestion. A solution is being explored," he said.

Wilbesi said the congestion on the network was caused by dollarisation
which pushed airtime costs beyond the reach of some subscribers who have
resorted to using landlines.

"This then has resulted in our customers, be they individuals or
businesses, resorting to landlines to make their calls," Wilbesi said.

Executives at Econet said last week they had a good working
relationship with TelOne and they had not blocked any operator.

The failure by Tel One subscribers to call on the Econet platform is a
fresh setback to the Information and Communication Technology sector which
is up on its feet following a decade of under investment.

Zimbabwe has 2,5 fixed lines per 100 inhabitants, 6,5 mobile lines per
100 and less than 9,5 internet users per 100 meaning that Zimbabwe ranks
below all the Sadc countries except the Democratic Republic of Congo,
according to the Global Information Technology Report 2008-2009.

But Nelson Chamisa, Information and Communication Technology Minister,
believes the sector is on the rebound spurred on by massive roll out
programmes by operators.

All the three mobile operators - Econet, Net One and Telecel - have
announced massive roll out programmes to increase their subscriber base.

BY NDAMU SANDU

Alex Magaisa: The Enduring Roots of a Politicised Military

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 18:02
A thoughtful reader wrote to me recently. To safeguard his confidence,
he shall remain nameless. The content and tone of his message suggested a
source of wisdom and experience. He wasn't prescribing, merely posing points
to provoke thought.

He reminded me of the elders I met in the village during my formative
years. I thought it best to share the thoughts on this our platform.

 He said to me, "waMagaisa, you express concern and great doubt over
the ability of a constitution to constrain the behaviour of politicians and
in particular the men in uniform (i.e. military). But have you ever asked
where this behaviour and its apparent supremacy emanates from? Is it just
greed or is there something more to it that we should explore?"

"Your answer", he suggested, "probably lies in the history of the
country (Zimbabwe). To understand the origins of this behaviour you have to
read and learn more about the history of the struggle that led to the birth
of Zimbabwe."

I thought this was an intriguing comment.

"And remember", he added, "the struggle was both a military and
political struggle, led essentially by the same men and women who went on to
become the leaders of the country after independence."

 I thought this was a challenge, a useful one it appeared, given that
the country is presently engaged in the difficult and sensitive process of
crafting a new Constitution.

The recurring issue, alluded to by my reader, is the alleged
politicisation of the military or its corollary, the militarisation of
politics. It is a very dominant feature in our present-day politics but as
my reader asked, how did it come about and what are its implications on the
future of the country?

A lot of historians have written about this issue; about the
relationship between the military and civilian political leaders. But much
of this work is contained in big academic texts and journals which are not
easily accessible to ordinary readers.

So this here is my humble attempt to hopefully bring these thoughts
closer to the mass market. It is too ambitious I know, and my academic
colleagues will probably chide me for it because in trying to simplify,
there is the ever-present risk of over-simplification! I therefore raise my
hands before they shoot.

Anyhow, my observations from the literature lead me to the conclusion
that the phenomenon of politicisation of the military or the militarisation
of politics has very strong historical roots and is by no means a recent
phenomenon.

It is a legacy of the liberation struggle of the 1960s and 70s. ZANU
and ZAPU, the two main parties fighting for independence were not just
political organisations.

They were quasi-military outfits as well, which operated through their
armed wings, ZIPRA and ZANLA respectively. Both political parties had
intrinsic military attributes which they were never able to shake off after
independence.

The guerrilla forces - ZANLA and ZIPRA - were by character, not
conventional armies. The nature of the struggle meant that they were highly
politicised. The military men were both soldiers and politicians whist the
civilian political leaders also wore military hats.

The ordinary guerrillas were given both military training and
political education. This was because they had worked out that the war could
not be waged and won by means of arms alone - they had to politicise the
peasantry so that following Mao's principles, they could be among the people
as fish were in water.

The guerrillas also carried out recruitment exercises and in so doing
worked with and on behalf of the political arms of their organisations. (It
is hardly surprising that the war veterans have continued with this role
post-independence. It's perfectly legitimate as far as they are concerned.)
Thus the distinction between the military and the political has always been
blurred.

Thus, when the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) was formed at independence
in 1980, it inherited highly politicised soldiers. Their interest and
involvement in politics were some of the exigencies of the liberation
struggle.

The military men still felt they had a legitimate role in politics,
the constitution notwithstanding.

They always had a role and that was not about to change overnight. In
fact in their friction with the political leaders, the military had in some
cases managed to play 'Godfather' in politics - removing and replacing
political leaders.

One case in point is the famous Mgagao Declaration of October 1975
made by young ZANLA commanders, severely criticising and effectively ousting
Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole as leader of ZANU. They named Robert Mugabe as
the new leader. Here we see quite plainly, a group of military men
determining the leadership of the political party.

It was also during this period that we see top military commanders
taking roles in the supreme decision-making bodies of the political parties,
e.g. the Politburo. This symbolised the military's interest and stake in
political decision-making process. Nothing much has changed from those days.

Why, you may ask, does this matter in present-day politics?

It matters because it gives us a facility to understand better (not
necessarily to accept) why things are the way they are; why, for example,
the military leaders have been a critical, if shadowy player on the
political landscape. It did not begin in the year 2000; not even in 1980 -
it goes back a long way.

We are able to understand the symbiosis between the political and the
military leaders; in particular, the heavy influence that military have on
the politics - it is a tradition, not a fleeting circumstance.

It matters too, because in trying to craft a new Constitution we have
to grapple with this question - the division between the military and
political - how can it be made real and effective? Is it possible at all to
achieve that distinction?

We must recall that it's not that the current constitution fails to
make that distinction. It does and in many ways is not different from most
of the progressive constitutions in other countries.

The constitution prohibits top military officers from active party
politics. Yet despite the clear clauses, which would work well in a more
professional setting, it would seem to me rather naïve to think that the
military leaders can be anything but political players.

My reader asked further, "The question that you youngsters must try to
answer is whether a Constitution can make these military men-cum-politicians
into something that they are not or whether the Constitution should be
crafted in such a way that it recognises these realities and deals with them
accordingly?"
I do not claim to know the answer to this question.

But it has caused me to think more deeply about the politics of
constitution-making; that in trying to create the new we have to take
cognisance of history.  It gives us an insight into the genesis of some of
the issues that we now seek to deal with.

I have highlighted these historical roots of politicisation in order
to better illuminate the nature of what others refer to as a problem in our
politics.

Sadly, we are still grappling with issues of process, as opposed tom
issues of substance in terms of constitution-making. It would be sad if we
created a new constitution which would suffer the same fate as the present
one, simply because we have not learned from our past.

The worst case scenario is that this is a generational problem, one
that is likely to haunt us until that generation of the war - the one that
draws no distinction between the military and the political - has seen its
final days. We are all, perhaps, still paying the price of independence.

Alex Magaisa is based at, Kent Law School, the University of Kent

Sundayview: State's celebration of denial: Political Uses of National Healing

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 17:59
This is the last of a two part series on the proposed  national
healing process.

TWO common factors emerge in the cases of Rwanda and South Africa
which leaders in Zimbabwe must know: first, the case of transitional
arrangements with clear structures and mandate in place to enable
transition, most of them headed by a new leadership, again with clear legal
mechanisms being curved or already in place.

Second, the formation of a government sanctioned quasi-independent
structure headed either by a respectable religious figure, a former judge or
a person of high standing in society, and not a political rascal.

  Another important point is that, while politicians were involved
from the sidelines and behind the curtains in directing the scenes in the
puppet theatre, those who were fronted were people of seemingly
'unquestionable' character with some kind of aura and stature in society.

In Zimbabwe, the situation is completely different in that Robert
Mugabe is still in power. He remains the main perpetrator of all these
crimes and most of his inner circlewho are answerable for the Gukurahundi
Genocide, for example, are still in control of various structures of the
state.

This makes the whole notion of national healing a mere farce. Also as
years passed opportunities to further engage Joshua Nkomo as a towering
luminary to play the Mandela father-figure in Zimbabwe's national healing
process were lost.

Besides, the death of Joshua Nkomo dealt a heavy blow to the
superficial unity accord of 1987 which was an elite 'let bygones be bygones'
arrangement. This was further entrenched by the fresh wounds that Zanu PF
decided to inflict on all those who were considered to be against the gains
of the struggle, whatever that meant.

 Further, the attempt to immortalise Joshua Nkomo at his death as
'ubaba' (father-figure), through bashes and over night galas came very late.

After all, those galas and bashes as nationalist pantheon resembled
ZANLA pungwes of the liberation struggle where people were often coerced to
attend overnight vigils that were characterised by massive human rights
violations, such as torture, killings and rape, punctuated by teachings on
the course and cause of the liberation struggle.

The only difference between these galas or bashes as revised forms of
pungwes (overnight vigils) and the original ZANLA pungwes was that the
former had the advantage of using live broadcasting (television) and also
that this time around people could attend these galas out of their own
volition, at least those who chose to, but they still had to be subjected to
intermittent revised liberation narratives, of course with no violence this
time around.

Whereas in the case of ZANLA pungwes much as there was lots of
singing, with violence as part of teaching and the order of the day, again
this time around  people could still afford to follow the teachings on
television and in the comfort of their homes.

And so, these galas as ways of immortalising Joshua Nkomo and attempts
to revise the history of the liberation struggle, by including those who had
been previously excluded further disenfranchised a lot of people,
particularly those that were organised after 2005.

 In conclusion, both the Gacaca participatory programme and TRC
managed to post some successes, although, in the case of the TRC there was
limited justice in the whole process.

It was a result of a political scenario arrived at after assessing the
realities and a negotiated agreement. The basis of such a scenario was the
assumption that crimes committed were essentially of political nature.

Therefore requiring an enabling political environment when handling
them, hence the attempt to tackle and handle the situation with a
pseudo-political-legal approach with little legality.

Further in such a situation any thing else was criminalised and
presented as endless retribution in the name of justice. It become a
political cover up to allow life to continue, since it was found necessary
to avoid vendettas

Following these scenarios one can clearly see that Zimbabwean's
national healing process is a serious scandal in making. What is worse is
the tragedy of failing to clearly state the period within which crimes were
committed in order to cause national healing and seek forgiveness and
justice by covering all concerned sections of the Zimbabwean society.

This is a serious scandal, worse with the attempt to posture John
Landa Nkomo, as the leading figure in organising these meaningless so called
'national healing functions.' More so, the fact of a national healing
crusade presents to us a clear case of political settlement arrived at,
again, by politicians, as the elite. Ordinary people will not heal.

Brilliant Mhlanga is an academic and a human rights activist from the
National University of Science and Technology (NUST).

BY BRILLIANT MHLANGA

Comment: Broaden Selection of National Heroes

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 08 August 2009 17:56
THE death of Vice-President Joseph Msika has rekindled the debate
about hero status in Zimbabwe.

The debate is, however, not about Msika's hero status because that can
never be in doubt. Unlike many of the mafikizolos (newcomers) Msika started
the struggle long before the likes of President Robert Mugabe came into the
picture.

Msika was already in the trenches fighting the colonial system in the
late 1950s. He and other pioneers actually invited today's rulers to join
the struggle.

From those early years up to independence Msika  remained steadfast in
his quest to see a new Zimbabwe.
Msika was however not without blemish.

Faced with the threat posed by the MDC, he was to degenerate into a
foul-mouthed politician who poured vitriol on opponents.

This however does not in any way dent his heroic exploits during the
struggle for independence.

What Msika's death did last week was to remind Zimbabweans that there
is only one political party that has the power to declare Zimbabwe's heroes.

The Zanu PF politburo, which met and without any debate conferred hero
status upon Msika, remains with the power to decide who goes to Heroes Acre
and who doesn't.

What this means, in simple terms, is that only Zanu PF supporters, or
those who sympathise with the party and its leadership, end up at the
national shrine.

Just three months ago the Zanu PF politburo totally ignored calls by
the MDC-T for Patrick Kombayi to be declared a national hero.

Kombayi's role in the liberation struggle is well documented in
several books that dwelt on the liberation struggle.

But when he died the politburo simply behaved as if nothing had
happened. Finance minister Tendai Biti slammed Zanu PF for failing to
declare him a hero, but that was the end of it. For Zanu PF it was business
as usual: anyone who does not toe the party line cannot expect to  be
declared a hero.

A precedent was set some time ago when the Reverend Ndabaningi
Sithole, another luminary of the struggle for Independence, was denied hero
status. James Chikerema and many other deserving people suffered the same
fate. They were denied their rightful place at the national shrine because
they differed with the ruling party's principles, whatever they might be.

By giving the politburo carte blanche to choose national heroes, the
nation is allowing Zanu PF to impose its Stalinist definition of heroism on
everyone.

There are many who made great sacrifices for the nation but were
overlooked when they died simply because they did not participate in the
liberation struggle.

Will anyone doubt the contribution of Jairos Jiri whose remains lie on
an anthill just a few kilometres from Mpamaonde turn-off in Bikita?

Regrettably, while Jiri was denied hero status, some people who gained
notoriety for violence were laid to rest at the sacred place on a partisan
basis. Chenjerai Hunzvi comes to mind.

If the MDC formations are equal partners in government, surely they
should impress upon their partners in Zanu PF the need for broader
consultations in the selection of heroes. The important task should not be
left to political parties alone.

It is high time the  Zanu PF politburo  loosened its grip over the
selection process in the spirit of the all-inclusive government. A
multi-sectoral independent commission which includes churches, civic society
and other interest groups is best suited for the task which cannot be left
to self-interested politicians alone.

Zim Standard Letters

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com

A Nation in Reverse!

Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:57
THE state of Zimbabwe after 29 years of independence is that candles
are in demand more than light bulbs due to the frequent power cuts.

The major sources of water supply in Zimbabwean cities are unprotected
shallow wells. Cabinet ministers run out of ideas on how to solve the fuel
supply situation and so end up consulting bogus spirit mediums for solutions
to the diesel shortages instead of consulting the numerous chemical
engineers who are mostly employed as over qualified sales persons.

The national railways has abandoned electric locomotives for diesel
locomotives but there is a high probability that the diesel locomotives
could just be a passing phase and soon we will witness the return of the
steam trains.

But again that could also be a transient phase as the steam train
needs coal to run. Although Zimbabwe is blessed with huge coal deposits the
problem is the mining company's equipment is so dilapidated that soon they
will end up resorting to coal panning. So the steam trains could go back
into the history books where they belong and the national railways might
have to introduce donkey-drawn trains.

Amazingly, you will also find that MPs are prepared to see the local
car assembly plants collapse because they are not prepared to support the
local car industry. They do not believe locally assembled vehicles are good
enough for them.

Then you have these MPs and ministers being shown on national
television performing duties and responsibilities that were once performed
by headmen and community workers - distributing seed and fertilizer and food
aid.

One is left wondering what duties headmen and community workers are
meant to perform if the ministers usurp these?

Lastly, and this has to be the last straw,  the local music recording
industry has reportedly decided to revert back to making audio cassettes
from  digital CDs.

This is the state of Zimbabwe in 2009, arguably the most retrogressive
country in the world!

Comical Faro
Harare.

----------
No to UZ Crazy Fees

Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:56
THERE appears to be some crazy people at the University of Zimbabwe
making equally crazy decisions. Where on earth do these people think we poor
students will get the draconian fees demanded by the UZ?

What is even more shocking about this is that  the same  government
that set the unreasonable fees at the University  of  Zimbabwe is the one
that is paying civil servants a maximum of  US$200  per month. Students are
being asked to pay a staggering   US$404-US$675.

The university authorities insist that the money  must be paid before
opening the university and that one will attend  lectures only after paying
the full amount.

As if that is not enough  the university announced that it will not be
offering accommodation to students. This means that on top of the
exorbitant fees, students will also have accommodation and  transport costs
added to their long list of burdens.

The whole scheme smells of evil intentions on the part of the
responsible authorities who  surely do not have a conscience.

Instead of compensating  students for the whole year they lost, they
are trying to rob
us of something we do not have.

We will not pay the draconian fees. Education is our right, not a
preserve of the elite.

Simbarashe
UZ, MT Pleasant
Harare.

-----------
Obama Victory, a Wake up call for Africans

Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:54
LIKE millions of my compatriots around the whole world I recently sat
glued to the sofa watching with teary eyes  President Barack Obama's
inauguration. I couldn't resist a feeling of pride - Yes, finally we
Africans were getting the positive recognition we so richly deserve.

But, today I pose a nagging question: If by some twist of fate Barack
had been brought up Kenyan instead of American would he still have had the
chance to become say, the President of  Kenya ? - let's be honest about
this.

Less than a century ago Africans were battling against  racial
segregation and prejudice. It's ironic that now Africans are oppressing
their own race. Could it be that these so called liberation struggles only
served to free the natives into a more painful bondage?

Many across our continent are imprisoned in a tenacious grip of
unimaginable suffering and relentless poverty simply because the leaders,
corrupted by greed and an insatiable quest for power, couldn't care less.

Their selfish pursuit of wealth has taken precedence over the welfare
of the people they once stood and fought for. Most of our African leaders
have forgotten the essence of what the struggles were about and could learn
volumes from America which they often ridicule. Though they resist change,
change is inevitable.This era of brutal misrule shall end.

For among us are courageous men and women like Barack Obama who refuse
to let their voices be stifled, embrace change and tackle challenges head
on. Men and women who truly have the interests of ordinary people  at heart

One thing is certain: if what was once thought impossible in America
became unquestionable reality then there is hope. Even an ailing nation like
ours will live again.  And one day Africa  shall be the land of the free -
hopefully, in our lifetime.

Charlene Kembo
Morningside,
Bulawayo.

-----
Stop MPs' Persecution

Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:52
THE MDC leadership should urgently take a decisive position over the
continued persecution and arrests of its MPs and other senior officials.

 The arrests clearly show that Zanu PF is using  personnel in the
armed forces, and  is determined to put a huge dent in the MDC majority in
Parliament.

The arrests should be stopped forthwith.  This can only be done if the
MDC leadership makes a firm commitment and shows its muscle.

 The arrest of MDC youth chairman, Thamsanqa Mahlangu and other MPs in
recent weeks is a clear testimony that Zanu PF is seeing its power base
rapidly dwindling as the people of Zimbabwe increasingly show that they are
fed-up with the party.

 The MDC should use the faith that the people of Zimbabwe have shown
in the party and its leadership led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
should react  strongly to the continued persecution of its leaders..

 MDC ministers should seriously consider pulling out of Cabinet if
Zanu PF persists in showing lack of respect and sincerity in its dealings.

Trymore Mazhambe
Mutare.

----------
MDC Must act

Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:49
I would like to express my great disappointment at the continued
arrest and detention of our MPs and ministers, like Hon. Thamsanqa Mahlangu.

What is the MDC's position and we need to know what is happening in
this inclusive government?

I want to know what Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai is doing about
this nonsense especially on the trumped up charges. I do not believe  Joseph
Chinotimba's claim that his cellphone was stolen; who would bother stealing
a 2310 anyway?

This marriage of convenience isn't working. Please we are getting
tired of this.

Agrippa Zvomuya
Harare.

--------
'Standard, Ignite Debate on Topical National Issues'

Saturday, 08 August 2009 15:47
THE current situation in Zimbabwe is nowhere near the perfect or ideal
society that we so crave.

Citizens are still overburdened. Social services are still to receive
attention. People's fundamental rights are still being violated while the
selective application of the law is still the norm. Zanu PF and its henchmen
are still bullying innocent people.

 However, there is noticeable change in some spheres. The little
change seen so far gives Zimbabweans some hope. Even those who have suffered
for so long are saying at least things are much better now.

They say let's give the new government a chance. It's better than the
past ten years. People want to see concerted effort towards nation building.

It is therefore disheartening and sickening to read the kind of
headlines being spawned by The Herald and The Sunday Mail. It's pathetic and
defies logic.

The covetous agenda coming out of the Ministry of Information is
distressing. These are the same people who fermented hate journalism in the
past eight years. They still want to polarize the nation along party lines.
My plea to The Standard newsroom is to ignore this kind of journalism.

Instead, ignite national debate on topical issues. Engage the people
to get their views. Each time the public media dishes out retrogressive news
allow the citizens to comment through your paper.

Take for example the negativity towards PM Tsvangirai's recent
overseas trip or the Gono  and Tomana saga. People should be allowed to
comment via newspapers since the ZBC has not yet changed. People know what
they want.

They know who their real leaders are. They know who is building and
who is throwing spanners in the works.No amount of propaganda will sway the
urban population which is targeted by these sickening headlines.

Zimbabwe needs Tsvangirai at this critical stage of our transition.
While he was overseas I saw a polished statesman. I have in the past
criticized his inconsistency but I am seeing a totally transformed man.
Those prepared to rebuild the nation should throw their weight behind the
PM.

Antagonism will not take us anywhere. You can even devise a strategy
to engage people through your paper to gauge people's mood towards the PM.

Odrix Sithole Moyo
Pelandaba
Bulawayo.

---------
SMS The Standard
Saturday, 01 August 2009 13:14
Of titles and. . .
WHEN Idi Amin ruled Uganda, he was President, Field Marshall Salongo,
Conqueror of the British Empire, Chairman of the Organisation of African
Unity/ former Chairman of the OAU, Al Hajj Doctor Idi Amin Dada. An
impressive array of titles has been growing in Zimbabwe too.- Witness,
Harare.
******
THE state media and other mouthpieces of the former ruling party, Zanu
PF are running scared and have started believing their lies as far as titles
are concerned. If left unchecked, soon we will have something that runs like
this: Head of state and government, Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces
and Chancellor of all universities, Cde R G Mugabe. But we are not fooled.
His powers have been diluted. - Yinemapfuta.
What is the point?
WE are constantly reminded that President Robert Mugabe is the Head of
state and government and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces. Is there
fear of something unknown? What is the point? The real leader of this
country must be careful of the opposition. I am waiting for the day when
these thugs will answer for their crimes. Zimbabweans are good at boasting
about how good they are, but in fact we are cowards. What are we going to
tell our children when they read history? At times I am ashamed to be in
Zimbabwe. - War vet, Gweru.

******
THIS truly is a weird world. The Zimbabwe Independent publishes public
information and the editors are hauled before the courts. The state media on
the other hand publishes leaked Cabinet information and nothing happens. -
Clerka weDowasuro.
WE say no to a boat-driven constitution. -Upenyu, Mudzi.
GNU, a waste of time
THE Government of National Unity is a waste of time. What has it done
for ordinary Zimbabweans except astronomical bills for telephones,
electricity, water, education, health, fuel, food, clothes, even parking
tickets - everything except salaries to pay the bills. When do they plan to
revive industry? - Disgusted.

******
MONOMOTAPA'S trip to Malaysia is an outright scandal that had all the
blessings of the Zimbabwe Football Association (Zifa). I expected both Zifa
and Monomotapa to apologise rather than try and justify the farce. It is
naïve of Monomotapa to claim that they did not go there as the Warriors. It
was evident Malaysia invited the Warriors and clubs generally do not play
national sides. The talk of "sense of national pride" in Warriors' jerseys
is as cheap as it is a gigantic smokescreen. Why is Monomotapa not using the
strip in the Champions League games? -Abas.
Fight for Bennett
THE MDC-T must fight for Roy Bennett's freedom. Zanu PF knows that
with Bennett sworn in as Deputy Minister of Agriculture he will be able to
expose the multiple farms they own. The MDC-T must act immediately. -
Multiple end.

******
WE need modernization of the economy to stimulate economic growth for
the future. Let's hope that what happened at the All-Stakeholders'
Constitutional Conference is a wake up call for the President to put his
house in order because the empty vessels in Zanu PF and the hecklers will
only serve to take him back to the Stone Age. -Arise.
Zesa should come clean
COULD the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) tell us the
real problem affecting the delivery of electricity? We used to generate
enough electricity to avoid load-shedding. What we want to know is the state
of energy-generating capacity at our power stations, the supply of coal from
Hwange, the requirements in terms of equipment and the human resource
capital. What are government's short and long-term plans to solve these
problems? We cannot continue to live in the dark and hope for a miracle to
deliver us from the darkness. There are also a lot of illegal and dangerous
connections on the new farms especially in Guruve, along the road to Mbire.
These are unplanned leakages that overload the system. Use of vehicles for
Zanu PF is another way that has bled Zesa. -  Powerless, Guruve.

******
WRITERS in the state media want to persuade us that the issue of a
land audit can wait. Why are the writers at pains to try and stop the audit?
The argument is that it is an unnecessary expense and that the resources
should be used to finance farmers so as to boost production. But before that
can be done, can these writers explain what happened to the resources that
were channelled into that sector during the past eight years. And can they
explain why the audit results were never published and made public? It is
our right to demand to know where the money allocated to the audits went and
what the results were. We are also aware of the R300 million from Sadc which
we think hasn't been used. Can it be made available this season? - Oracle.
Timely reminder
I WANT to remind senior citizens that the drafting of a new
constitution does not necessarily mean the demise of their leadership
credentials or cultural values. In fact, it will be a foundation to support
future generations. - Noel Moyo, Eastlea.

******
DURING past years of suffering under President Robert Mugabe's
administration, many people who could have been saved lost their lives
needlessly in hospitals. But state propaganda sheets said absolutely
nothing. I personally lost a relative and we could not do anything. May the
soul of the late Permanent Secretary for Constitutional and Parliamentary
Affairs, Margaret Chiduku, rest in peace. The state media's attempt to find
who to blame for her death smacks of hypocrisy. All along the private media
has told us about the collapse of the health sector while the state media
chose to look the other way. - Analyst, Bulawayo.

A continent of elites who consume, but fail to produce

From The Star (SA), 6 August

Architects of Poverty: Why African Capitalism Needs Changing by Moeletsi
Mbeki

Review by James Mitchell

Perhaps unconsciously, the preface makes us aware of the essential
difference between Moeletsi Mbeki and those condemned to remain transfixed
in a "blame the West" mindset. In the Slave House on Goree Island, off
Senegal's Dakar, Mbeki views "a large musket hanging on the wall - one of
the items sold to Africans as part of the infamous Triangular Trade whereby
manufactured goods were shipped from Europe to West Africa and exchanged for
slaves, who were shipped to the Americas to grow sugar, cotton and tobacco
that were then shipped back to Europe. This was mercantile capitalism in
action. "With my South African mindset I queried the wisdom of European
slavers selling guns to Africans: surely the guns would be turned on the
Europeans, I ventured, betraying my ignorance about the workings of the
African slave trade. The curator… explained that it was the Africans who
caught the people in the interior and sold them to the owners of the ships
that transported them to the Americas to be sold into slavery. So it was the
Africans who needed the guns to protect themselves against the communities
they raided for people to sell."

An uncomfortable realisation: that Africans were complicit in their own
enslavement. (Equally unpleasant to realise that, long after the European
nations had internalised the immorality of the slave trade and moved to
stamp it out, Africa continued selling children to Arab slavers … well
into the last century.) In the past, Africa harvested its progeny; today it
sells what it extracts out of the ground: we are, Mbeki believes, stuck in
the earliest form of capitalism, "mercantile capitalism", which depends on
the principle of buying cheap and selling dear. "Up to a point, Lord
Copper." Not to suggest that Moeletsi Mbeki parallels the fictional owner of
the Daily Beast newspaper in Evelyn Waugh's Scoop. (Nor, one hopes, that he
agrees with Lord Copper that the least among his employees is a book
reviewer.) Mbeki notes that Africa was not always behind the rest of the
world. He quotes a World Bank comparison of Ghana and Korea in the
mid-1960s, when the West African state's incomes and exports per capita were
higher. But within three decades, Korea's exports increased by 400 times,
Ghana's by just four times, while "real earnings per capita fell to a
fraction of their earlier value".

Far from industrialising, he writes, our continent is de-industrialising.
This includes not only the most obvious and notorious example of Zimbabwe,
but even South Africa, whose "manufacturing sector has declined from 25
percent of GDP in 1990 to 16 percent today". The new post-colonial elites,
Mbeki alleges, are not producers or facilitators of wealth creation. They
are consumers. The state is distributive (in their favour) rather than
developmental (to the benefit of all). Hence reparations-inspired
legislation such as BEE. "This is the most striking difference between the
black elite of South Africa and the elites of Asia, where the driving
ideology is entrepreneurship." Again (but this time in the reference to
Asia), up to a point. Malaysia's "New Economic Policy", sometimes touted as
a worthy exemplar for South Africa - though thankfully not in this book -
had such a strong distributive element that it reduced non-Malays (mainly
Chinese) to the status of productive prey for the indigenous majority. Like
non-black South Africans in this country?

Only societies "with an independent middle class with significant scientific
knowledge and managerial skills have produced a modernising political
leadership", Mbeki writes. Required, before such a middle class could
emerge, were… "well-travelled merchants, independent artisans and scholars
in feudal societies; and "ethnic minorities, such as the Jews in parts of
Europe or the Parsee in India." Whether such individuals and cosmopolitan
groups are appreciated here or on our continent as a whole is open to
question. This country, Mbeki writes, has fallen into the "resource curse"
trap, so that at least "a quarter of the population receives social grants
that would not be available if South Africa were not rich in minerals". The
insecure recipients of this largesse resent their marginalisation. To regain
self-respect, they "support demagogues who claim they, too, are marginalised
and therefore want to replace the ruling elites with people-friendly
governments. This, in a nutshell, is what happened at the ANC conference in
December 2007…"

Mbeki depicts, sans polemics, the disaster of Zimbabwe, then asks: Why the
blind eye turned by the governments of other southern African states? In
part, "fear of the emergence of more democratic political forces in Zimbabwe
that might threaten the status quo of southern Africa's established
political elites". It was "the spectre of new, well-organised, cosmopolitan
and vocal constituencies no longer interested in the politics of race but in
the accountability of governance (that) struck fear into the hearts of these
elites and explains their solidarity with Zanu PF and Mugabe". This spectre
of accountability helps explain the rejection by the ANC of changes to South
Africa's electoral system. Ask yourself: Who is my member of Parliament? No
name, no accountability, no need for change. Simple, really.

Numerous issues are considered. For example, the question of unification,
whether regional or continental (mercifully, would-be Brother Leader Muammar
Gaddafi doesn't get a look-in here). Must - as is frequently argued -
borders and sovereignty be abolished to eliminate barriers to growth?
Mbeki's answer: "Electrolux, Volvo, Saab, Nestle, Philips, Unilever, Royal
Dutch/Shell, Carling, Interbrew, Heineken, AAB, Ericsson, Nokia, Norsk
Hydro, Roche, Maersk, UBS, ABN-AMRO" are but a few of the world-class
companies developed, he reminds us, "long before European integration became
a reality". It isn't the size of the population that matters, "rather it is
its skills pool and its control over its economic and social policies that,
in the final analysis, determine the level of industrialisation". Alarming
reading, one might think. In a logical society this should serve as a
wake-up call. But will it?

Let us not hold our breaths. There are many in power or leeching on its
fringes who will be perfectly happy as South Africa de-industrialises, as
our doctors and engineers flee, as our skilled farmers trek, as our
entrepreneurs relocate, in short, as our "brains" drain. With less and less
to redistribute, our new elites will remain consumers, not producers, unless
we change radically. For Mbeki's suggestions as to how we change, I strongly
suggest you read his book. As is customary, on the cover the author is
depicted in words that must at least have been approved by him. His
political path, his business and academic interests are summarised. But
first, he is described as "a journalist, private business entrepreneur and
political commentator".

Interesting that he should accept - even claim - the label of journalist, at
a time when this occupation is more undervalued, and more under pressure,
than ever. It suggests that he sees himself in the primary role of
journalism: speaking truth to power while informing citizens about what is
being done in their name. This task requires, above all, a keen ethical
sense and the ability to clarify complex issues and happenings, while
explaining them fairly and accurately. Moeletsi Mbeki has most certainly
done this in Architects of Poverty, between whose covers clarity reigns
supreme. One need not agree with everything, but one can understand all: an
accolade of which any journalist might be proud. This small book deserves a
wide readership.

MPs Must Up Their Sense of Judgement

Comment from a correspondent

                          MDC
By Sanderson N Makombe

That the MDC is under immense dirty schemes emanating from Zanu Pf and the
state machinery is very obvious. The ingenuity of this monster is well
documented and at times celebrated. The pressures of operating under such an
environment are undoubtedly high, so are the socio-economic pressures as
well. However that is not an excuse for the MDC to lower its guard and then
cry foul play when caught in controversial criminal circumstances which are
wholly avoidable. We have known these shenanigans since time immemorial and
the vast experience we have had so far should weigh in when the unguarded
moments befall us. I write specifically on the Chinotimba-Mahlangu phone
saga and  issue of more than 15 MDC-T MPs who are under arrest, or been
charged or will be charged for various alleged criminal offences.
I take note with relief that my dear friend Hon Minister Mahlangu is out of
custody and the court will proceed by way of summons. The purpose of the
whole saga was probably to splash the dirty on him and cause him to lose his
parliamentary seat. When you are down, the worst that could happen is for
your friends to write publicly about you. I do hope Hon Mahlangu will find
the thesis of this article constructive. I have known Hon Mahlangu since the
formation of the MDC in 1999. We worked closely together especially when I
was the MDC National Youth Coordinator and he was in the National Youth
Executive. We have fairly kept in touch since I left Zimbabwe and we
consider each other as friends. I  will also mention Hon Chebundo ,another
MP whom I have known since the formation of the party and Archbishop Pius
Ncube. Hopefully the contents of this article will not be viewed as lis sub
judice, for it is not intended to apportion criminal blameworthy.
We all have  had  unguarded moments in our lives. We might leave home for
wherever with no intention whatsoever to commit a criminal offence but end
up potentially accused of one. Consider what happens when you go to the
local shop and the shop keeper gives you more change by mistake? When you
board the train from my home town  Rusape to Harare and the train reaches
its destination without the ticket seller having come to you. Do you go to
the selling point and pay for the journey or you just go home with a smile
on your face? What about when the employer deposits two wages into your bank
account by mistake? Suppose you are walking in the park and you pick up lost
camera. After two weeks you overhear  a conversation in the bar about
someone having lost their camera in the same park. Upon realising the owner
do you return it to them? You are in a packed hall attending a wedding and
your little daughter wonders around. You find her playing with a very
expensive phone but you can’t figure out who the owner is. Do you give it to
the MC or just keep it?
The above scenarios happen everyday in life. The course of action you take
when you come into contact with someone’s property could prove fatal to your
character.Mahlangu’s case is a classic criminal theory  moot scenario on the
crime of theft .I will borrow heavily from English law on this matter.
Section 1[1] Theft Act 1968[English law] defines the offence as ‘a person is
guilty of theft if he dishonestly appropriates property belonging to another
with the intention of permanently depriving the other of it’. The mens rea
has two aspects [1] dishonest and [2] with the intention to permanently
deprive .Dishonest is the thesis of this article. Dishonesty as a concept is
very complicated and difficult to define because it is very circumstantial.
It is no coincidence that in  the crime of theft [English Law] dishonesty is
an integral element in proving the offense. It is described as a moral
marker employed to judge standards of behaviour to conclude whether criminal
blame should be apportioned when someone interferes with someone’s property
rights. The 1968 Theft Act actually does not define dishonest. It rather
provides three instances where a  particular defendant will not be dishonest
[Sec 2]. The first is where one believes he has the right in law to deprive
the other of his property on behalf of himself or another. Secondly, where
one believes that he would have the consent of the owner if the owner knew
of the appropriation and thirdly, where the owner can not be found.
It is the third ambit that makes interesting reading regarding Chinotimba’s
phone. Normally if you pick out a lost property, finder’s keepers could well
mean you having assumed ownership of that property. However the theft act
provides that a defendant will not be guilt if he believes the owner cannot
be found by taking reasonable steps. What are reasonable steps is very
circumstantial. The value, and nature of property, location of the find all
are factors that affect reasonable steps. At the same time forgetting
something is not the same as intention to relinquish ownership. You may well
forget your bag in the bus but surely you don’t intend to loose ownership of
that bag. In English law the same concept was interestingly applied to
include even goods thrown into the dustbin. Property in the bin is not
abandoned. It remains property of the owner of the bin. When it is
collected, ownership transfers to the city council Williams v Phillips
[1957] 41 Cr App R5.By the same token,Chinotimba by leaving his phone on the
table did not wish to relinquish ownership of it and that placed whoever
found that phone in an obligation to take reasonable steps to find the
owner. That meant Hon Mahlangu giving the phone to the organisers of the
conference, the police etc.It is no excuse that you did not have time to do
so, better leave the item where it was found than create an opportunity for
your enemies to tarnish you.
If it is true that that the sim card was thrown into the bin and Mahlangu
remained with the handset, it means deliberately interfering with another’s
property or according to the Theft Act, appropriation. You appropriate
someone’s property if you treat it as your own to the exclusion of others.
You exercise dominion over the property and treat yourself as the owner. The
Theft Act Sec 3[1] defines appropriation as ‘any assumption of the rights of
an owner’. These include use,disposal,transfer,trading etc which an owner is
free to exercise over his own property. Thus taking off the sim card and
throwing into the bin is assuming rights of an owner, so is the resulting
crime of using the sim card without the owner’s permission.
Another angle of the story is that just after the disputed and stolen
presidential and parliamentary elections last year, Mahlangu was brutally
attacked by Zanu Pf thugs, war veterans and militias at an aborted rally
which PM Tsvangirai was supposed to have addressed near Rotten Raw Courts,
Harare. He was hospitalised having suffered head injuries. Knowing
Chinotimba and his role in similar attacks organised in Harare, there is no
doubt that the same phone right in Mahlangu’s hands was probably used by
Chinoz to coordinate these attacks, and many other  farm invasions etc.In a
lawful society that phone, an equipment used in organising crime would have
been confisticated from him long back. Would Mahlangu been found to have
acted  inappropriately if he had chucked the phone in the toilet and flushed
it down? Remember the teacher’s  whipping sticks which we used to hide or
throw out at school?
Which brings me to the issue of Hon Chebundo.He is accused of a more serious
offence of raping a minor. In the first place how does that happen for him
to be accused of such an offense? Obviously the CIO saw an opportunity
somewhere and utilised it. It is no good to argue that the plaintiff was an
implant of the CIO, the same argument advanced in defence of Archbishop
Pious Ncube.Indeed it could be true but surely the CIO does not take off
your pants and give you an erection.It is your own lack of judgement that
creates that opportunity. We give too much undeserved credit sometimes to
the schemers in CIO yet it is really our lack of sound judgement that is
pulling us down.Our moral credibility should not be questioned.A Zanu Pf MP
faced with the same scenarios will definitely escape liability whereas an
MDC MP will more likely be charged. Lets up our game!

The writer is a former MDC National Youth Coordinator and can be contacted
at smakombe@btinternet.com