The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Mugabe gets another salary increase
          December 11 2004 at 12:33PM

      Harare - President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has been awarded a salary
increase, his second pay hike in nine months, the state-run Herald newspaper
reported on Saturday.

      The paper quoted a special government notice published on Friday that
said Mugabe's annual salary had been increased from Zim$73,7-million (about
R75 000) to Zim$83,8-million, a hike of nearly 14 percent.

      With allowances, Mugabe will now earn a total annual income of

      This week a consumer watchdog here estimated that the average
Zimbabwean family of six now required Zim$1,6-million a month to live - a
tall order in a country, where 80 percent of the population live in poverty,
and inflation has reached triple digits.

      In a state of the nation address this week Mugabe was upbeat, saying
2005 should be geared towards attracting investment to "consolidate and grow
our economy for more jobs and improved living conditions for our people".

      Zimbabwe has been in the grip of severe economic hardships for the
past four years, which aid agencies blame partly on a controversial land
reform programme launched in 2000 which has seen production in the key
agricultural sector drop.

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From The Star (SA), 11 December

Refugees escape to a hell of our making

Too often the survivors of war, rape, brutal beating and all the other
infamies our hard-as-nails continent can throw at them discover that in the
'land of opportunity' their time of persecution is not over

By Michael Schmidt

The grievous torture scars twisting up the desiccated leg muscles of the
young Zimbabwean man who told me of his sufferings as a refugee in South
Africa reminded me of another compatriot forced to flee his country because
he had fallen foul of a group of Zanu- F bigwigs. Smartly dressed and
articulate, but desperate, he had come to me - a total stranger - for help.
He had worked as a magazine writer in Zimbabwe and was totally uninterested
in politics. But, despite his mild personal manner and the breezy and
uncritical content of his publication, fear of thuggery had reduced him to a
nervous wreck of a refugee, pleading his case before a total stranger.
Politics in the proper sense of the word had not deprived him of home,
profession and country. No, his dispute with the ruling party had arisen
because his father's employer, a state corporation, had evicted the family
from their home after his father suffered a mental breakdown. Objecting
politely, but publicly, to this inhumane eviction led to his being hounded
out of the country. But his travails were far from over. In South Africa,
after obtaining his asylum-seeker's permit, he discovered that the country
was anything but a land of opportunity. With unemployment hovering near 40%,
he soon wore his shoes bald in the fruitless search for a job, made bread
money selling cheap trinkets and slept wherever he could find shelter. But
bigger threats lurked in the long shadows of Hillbrow: faceless Zanu PF
agents prowled the Zimbabwean refugee communities, sniffing out suspected
political dissidents, like wolves assigned to a particularly prominent sheep
kraal. As a journalist who had dared to speak his mind on a housing dispute,
the young man in front of me was singled out for sudden, and repeated,
attacks by suspected agents, sometimes working in cahoots with corrupt South
African police members in uniform.

The thugs - for they never robbed him - would calmly stroll into a refugee
shelter, identify him and give him a thrashing, in full view of anyone
present, without a word being said, and then leave as silently as they had
come. This combination of physical and psychological terror naturally took
its toll on the young man's self-confidence. A friend and I gave him a
plausible false name and nationality, and a ticket to a safer place where
Zanu PF agents were unlikely to lurk and where other friends were willing to
help him. But on the very night of his departure I received a frantic SMS
from him: "I'm at Park Station. I've been attacked again and am bleeding all
over. Please help me." I called back. No reply. Try as I might, I was unable
to trace him and never heard from him again. I don't know if he bled to
death where he stood, or whether some kind soul took him to hospital. I
fervently hope he has safely gone to ground somewhere and is managing to
rebuild his dislocated and bruised life. But, despite the presumed bloody
end of a bright young talent, he was still numbered among the "lucky" few:
according to a study by the Solidarity Peace Trust, released last month,
fewer than 20 out of more than 5 000 Zimbabweans who have applied for
political asylum in South Africa to date have been granted that status. The
vast majority languish in a twilight world of what the Wits Law Clinic's
refugee unit alleges is corruption of jaw-dropping proportions by Home
Affairs refugee officers and the extortionist "interpreters" who fiendishly
fleece refugees of their last few rands. Processing asylum-seeker
applications within the statutory 180 days appears to be only for the
favoured few and those who are able to cross palms with silver. The
remainder of the more than 84 000 asylum-seekers in South Africa are kept in
limbo, all the better to feed off them, forced to walk a treadmill of
bribery for as long as eight years.

Then we have all heard the tales of heartbreak, of cops illegally applying
arbitrary and racist skin-colour decisions to ship refugees off to the
notorious Lindela detention camp on the West Rand, the latest example to
grab headlines being that of a young South African woman who sobbed in
terror at the threat of being deported to Zimbabwe, a country to which she
had no links, "because she was too dark". We have all read the accounts of
refugee communities of so-called Amakwerekwere attacked by xenophobic South
Africans pumped up with an ugly and distorted sense of national pride. What
this means in practice is that tens of thousands of refugees who have
escaped the most atrocious conditions this tough-as-nails continent can
serve up - war, famine, torture and genocide - more often than not walk
barefoot for hundreds of kilometres, their only belongings the clothes on
their backs, to reach the supposed sanctuary of South Africa. Once here they
find themselves beaten and robbed again, this time by the very official
guardians of this country's proud traditions. The refugee unit tells of one
Congolese man, in training for the priesthood, who saw his own father and
the village elders forced into a mass grave and shot. Shanghaied by his
father's killers to slave as a human ammunition mule, he survived route
marches through the jungle only to be thrown into a dungeon in Kinshasa as a
suspected spy after a daring escape. As the unit's director, Abeda Bhamjee,
says, only the tough make it as far as South Africa, only to be broken on
the wheel, like this man, by indifferent, greedy and amoral police and
refugee officers. This week, another in a long string of refugees drags her
battered body to the unit's door. Denied an asylum-seeker document by
refugee officers demanding a bribe as high as R700 for a piece of paper that
is, according to an international human-rights convention, supposed to be
issued free, she comes with an allegation of having been mugged by police.
Without papers, or another extortionate fee of R1 500 - this time demanded
by the hospital - she cannot now get medical treatment for her wounds. The
unit says scores of unaccompanied minors found have been found abandoned at
Lindela camp.

Meanwhile a refugee officer is chanced upon at work, dripping with "nearly
R20 000 in gold jewellery", trying on shoes and eating vetkoek with an
unlicensed "interpreter", as a storeroom overflows with asylum applications
and pitiful asylum-seekers defecate where they stand in the alley outside,
so fearful are they of losing their place in the queue. Quizzed about this,
the officer complains that her workload is "unacceptable": her busy workday
has consisted of filling in eight brief asylum application forms. The ugly
underbelly of "quiet diplomacy" on the Zimbabwean crisis or similar overly
polite engagement is only part of the problem. Human Rights Watch says that,
while the 1998 Refugees Act has established an acceptable mechanism for
processing asylum-seekers, its implementation is sadly deficient. More
important, the 2002 Immigration Act is "widely recognised" as being in
violation of international human rights law by permitting the forced
repatriation of refugees. The South African government uses this licence to
deport some 5 000 refugees a month. Given our overweening pride in South
Africa's constitutional democracy, and the sanctuary offered by other
African nations when so many of our compatriots fled abroad to escape the
murderous ravages of apartheid, it is deeply shaming that we do not
reciprocate with open arms and welcome these tenacious survivors as our own.
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Business Day

No-Confidence bid against Zimbabwe cricket board


HARARE - Zimbabwe's biggest cricket province Mashonaland has formally called
a special general meeting of Zimbabwe Cricket to propose a motion of
no-confidence in chairman Peter Chingoka and his 12-person board of
It is scheduled to be held in Harare on December 22.

Notices of the meeting were sent out in the last few days on the instruction
of Mashonaland's general manager Givemore Makoni, who told AFP: "We are
definitely going ahead with this."

The province is alleging that the ZC board acted outside the constitution by
unilaterally rebranding the Zimbabwe Cricket Union into Zimbabwe Cricket
when the many stakeholders in the country should have been consulted,
especially the four provincial associations and others such as Country
Districts organisations.

The MCA called a media conference on Thursday to give details of its
complaint, whereupon Chingoka put out a statement saying the MCA personnel
organising the conference had no mandate from the MCA to do so.

But Makoni said: "It was a Mashonaland board decision and therefore properly

Chingoka threatened in a statement to consider legal action and also invoke
the labour laws by issuing suspensions against Cyprian Mandenge and Claudius
Mukandiwa, who chaired the conference.

He did, however, explain in a letter to provincial chairmen that "the
(rebranding) exercise was rushed in order to capitalise on the England tour.
I profer apologies for proper procedures not being followed. My
recommendation is to review this matter in the near future."

"But that's simply not good enough" said Makoni.


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New Zimbabwe

Sikhala confronts Tsvangirai

By Takunda Maodza
Last updated: 12/12/2004 01:33:35
OUTSPOKEN St Mary's MDC legislator Job Sikhala has confronted MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai demanding to know his fate in the party ahead of next year's
parliamentary polls.

The privately owned Daily Mirror newspaper says it has a memorandum
fired-off to Tsvangirai by Sikhala in which he wonders why the MDC was
taking long to confirm the constituency's candidate -- an exercise that
should have been completed last March.

The MDC in August suspended participation in all elections until the
government implements poll reforms recommended by Sadc and adopted by

According to the party's electoral regulations, a sitting Member of
Parliament has to win a two-thirds nomination in his or her constituency. In
the event of failing to attain the majority, the race is opened to other
interested party members and primary elections are held.

This has not happened in St Mary's, with sources alleging that Sikhala has
fallen out with the party's leadership, especially Tsvangirai, national
chairman Isaac Matongo and deputy secretary-general Gift Chimanikire, who
now want to elbow him out.

In his memorandum, a copy of which is in the possession of The Daily Mirror,
Sikhala said theories, accusations and counter-accusations were made over
his fate in the party.

He said: "Up to the present day, a dark storm is still looming in the loving
people of St Mary's. I seek the truth about my future in the party, Mr
President. I seek to know the truth."

Sikhala accused the MDC of disrespect for the people in his constituency.

"Even if we the people of St Mary's are zombies and yoyos, we deserve human
dignity. A clear and loud position on our destiny must be pronounced. We are
tired. False structures have been created for the sake of abrogating the
people's wishes but were thwarted by the diligence of the people of St Mary's,"
Sikhala said.

He added: "I wished Learnmore Jongwe alive and Tafadzwa Musekiwa around. But
I am a man. I stood and fought many battles alone. God will tell the victor.
Yes, I am left alone and exposed and anyone can ball me around. Let the cat
come out of the bag. Why is it hidden for a year? It might get rotten or

According to Sikhala, the MDC agreed at a meeting dubbed "Mazvikadei
 Retreat" last year that the process of confirming sitting MPs was supposed
to have been completed in March this year.

"All was done in almost 95 percent of constituencies. St Mary's, the great
constituency, with great people committed to the people's revolution, went
through a merry go round. Less than three months left, nothing is yet heard
from anyone," he added.

"The hide and seek game that has been played against the people of St Mary's
is satanic, evil and improper. We are prepared for the worst. I can't accept
a situation of torture, which was long meted on me by my own party and the
one from the dictatorship."

The legislator reminded Tsvangirai that he (Tsvangirai) enticed him and the
late Jongwe to join the MDC in 1998, adding that he was still fully
committed to the party.He also reminded Tsvangirai that he was a member of
the MDC's national executive and above all, one of the party's "proud
founders who sacrificed his life and limb for the aspirations of the

Sikhala yesterday confirmed writing to Tsvangirai and said he had already
met the MDC leader over the matter. He did not disclose the outcome of the

Tsvangirai's spokesman William Bango yesterday said he was not aware of
Sikhala's memo to Tsvangirai, but admitted that the two had met.

"I am not aware of such a document. What I know is that Sikhala held a
30-minute meeting with Tsvangirai around lunch time but he did not produce
such a document," Bango said.
Daily Mirror

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Today's Herald (Friday 10th December 2004) contains two new listings of
Section 5 notices and Section 8 orders. Under Lot No. 160 appear 229
properties listed under Section 5 which we sill send out on Monday.

Herewith the listing of today's Section 8 orders under Lot No. 18
pertaining to 172 properties.

NOTE: Please take note that there is an ERROR on the Section 5 notices
(Herald 10.12.2004, page 12) pertaining to the time period granted for
"letters of objection" which refers to a closure date on the 10th January
[2004?]. This should surely read 10th January 2005! Lot 18: LAND
ACQUISITION ACT [CHAPTER 20:10] Vesting of land, taking of materials and
exercise of rights over land

NOTICE is herby given, in terms of paragraph (iii) of subsection (1) of
section 8 of the Land Acuisition Act [CHAPTER 20:10], that the President
has acquired compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for
resettlement purposes.

Minister of Special Affairs in the
Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.
LOT 18 SECTION 8, 10th December 2004
>From Herald

Grouped by District, Listed by:
Deed of Transfer.
In name of.
District of.
Measuring ha

1. 1522/89. Threeways P/L. Beitbridge. Bothasrus C of Nuanetsi Ranch A.
335,9731 ha.

2. 3436/90. Liebigs Zimbabwe Ltd. Belingwe. Lot 2 of Wedza Block. 7805,1675
3. 1133/90. Kenneth David Drummond. Belingwe, Lot 3 of Wedza Block. 9
886,3341 ha.
4. 1139/90. Ingwesi Ranching company P/L. Belingwe. Lot 4 of Wedza Block.
13 345,5157 ha.
5. 1250/90. ER York and Co P/L. Belingwe. Lot 5 of Wedza Block. 16 547,
9644 ha.
6. 1193/90Barberton P/L. Belingwe. Lot 6 of Wedza Block. 10 675,5869 ha.
7. 1190/90. Lynwood Ranching Company P/L. Belingwe. Lot 7 of Wedza Block.
17 268,6700 ha.

8. 2627/82. Charles William Bawden. Bubi. Dingaan. 2 529,7889 ha.
9. 1587/80. Denis Hilton Streak. Bubi. DiglisPark. 1 288,8478 ha.
10 778/91. WH Elliot and Sons P/L. Bubi. Fairbarns. 2 216,723 ha.
11. 637/83. Meikles ranches P/L. Bubi. Acutts. 2 507,7821 ha.
12. 1627/60. Annaly Farm P/L. Bubi. The Remaining Extent of Annaly. 5
901,2073 acres.
13. 1630/60. Mayo Farm P/L. Bubi. Mayo. 5 291,2526 acres.
14. 1052/84. J Joubert & Son P/L. Bubi. The Remainder of Portwe. 2 099,5399
15. 637/83.Meikles Ranches PL Bbi. Mambo. 2 586 4490 ha.
16. 3865/86. Sommer Ranching P/L. Bubi. Farm 17 of Robert Block. 606,7117
17. 2958/83. Edmond Mathew Grenfell-Dexter. Bubi. The Remainder of Robert
Block. 242,8934 ha.
18. 3865/86. Sommer Ranching P/L. Bubi. Farm 18 Robert Block. 504,8931 ha.
19. 3865/86. Sommer Ranching P/L. Bubi. Farm 16 Robert Block. 604,4091 ha.
20. 5807/99. Origo Investments P/L. Bubi. Muhlotshana. 415,9254 ha.
21. 5807/99. Origo Investments P/L. Bubi. Subdivision J of Gravesend. 1
012,6642 ha.
22. 1470/66. Ellen Mathilda Mary Van Loggerenberg. Bubi. Trehearn Ext.
937,7713 acres.
23. 276/77. Origo Investments P/L. Bubi. Formona. 1 687,7000 ha.
24. 455/56. Sommer ranching P/L. Bubi. Kenelworth Block Estate. 144
357,9600 ha.
25. 785/76. Spring Grange Farm P/L. Bubi. Umpuchene. 2 569,2829 ha.
26. 5807/99. Origo Investments P/L. bubi. Lot 2 of Formona. 1 672,4091 ha.
27.2917/84. Alex Peter Goosen. Bubi. Fettykil Estate. 969,2938 ha.
28. 1456/85. Alex Peter Goosen. Bubi. Deeside. 862,1354 ha.
29. 1394/92. John Glendinning. Bubi. Maldon. 2 565,5385 ha.
30. 2387/87. Gourlays Ranch P/L. Bubi. Gourlays Block. 20 837,9934 ha.
31. 778/91. WH Elliot and Son P/L. Bubi. Chilton. 2 628,2884 ha.
32. 304/65. William Ernest McNair. Bubi. Three Fountains. 5 735,8180 ha.
33. 1611/98. Mary Ellen P/L. Bubi. Lot 1A of Portwe. 681,6960 ha.
34. 2958/83. Edmond Matthew Grenfell - Dexter. Bubi. Remaining Extent of
Riversbank. 1 344,4343 ha.
35. 2939/80. Peeps P/L Bubi. Farm 5A of Robert Block. 2 252,2535 ha.
36. 1155/80. Denis Hilton Streak. Bubi. Remaining Extent of Robins. 1
084,6474 ha.
37. 5807/99. Origo Investments P/L Bubi. The Remainder of Formona. 1
687,6986 ha.
38. 5807/99. Origo Investments P/L. Bubi. Lot 2 of Formona. 1 672,4091 ha.
39. 2023/98. Maxim Hill P/L. Bubi. The Remaining Extent of Maxim Hill.
664,3508 ha.
40. 2023/98. Maxim Hill P/L. Bubi. The Remaining Extent of Subdivision C of
Maxim Hill. 101,6192 ha.
41. 124/75. A and M Ranching Company P/L. Bubi. Glen Karney. 6079765 ha.

42. 1404/84. ER York and Company P/L. Bulalima-Mangwe. Subdivision 4 of
Sandown South. 1 392,6984 ha.
43. 2541/80. conco P/L. Bulalima-Mangwe. Smith Block. 8218,5976 ha.
44. 3591/74. AN Walton Farming Enterprises P/L. Bulalima-Mangwe.
SeringaVale. 2 569,623 ha.
45. 2308/2000. PC Component Distributors P/L. Bulalima-Mangwe. Remainder of
McGeer's Luck, 428,2562 ha.

46. 2357/91. Bryan coun Follwell. Bulawayo. Subdivision B of Standish of
The Hellenvale Block. 101,5701 ha.
47. 3471/86. Kloof Poultry Farm P/L. Bulawayo. Lot 23C of Helenvale Farm.
860,7105 ha.
48. 2022/98. Buczar Investments P/L. Bulawayo. The Remaining Extent of Lot
15 of Lower Nondwene. 602,3486 ha.
49. 1708/71. Mandalay P/L. Bulawayo. sunridge of Subdivision Q ofHelenvale
Block. 128,4806 ha.
50. 404/59. Umgusa Valley Estates P/L. Bulawayo. Remaining Extent of
Subdivision G of The Helenvale Block. 660,492 morgan.
51. 670/68. Hamara Farm P/L. Bulawayo. Subdivision Q of The Helenvale
Block. 330,7199 acres.
52. 1866/77. Alastair Arnold Kay. Bulawayo. Subdivision S, south of the
Helenvale Block. 866,1938 ha.
53. 1866/77. Alastair Arnold Kay. Bulawayo. Remainder of Subdivision F of
The Helenvale Block. 637,5030 ha.
54. 1816/96. the Ostrich Production Aristocracy. Bulawayo. Remaining Extent
of Upper Nondwene. 1 648,29 ha.
55. 2022/98. Buczar Investments P/L. Bulawayo. the Remaining Extent of Lot
15 of Lower Nondwene. 602,3486 ha.

56. 5718/82. Campbell's Holdings P/L. Charter. 1 285,00 ha.

57. 5818/80. Dunbarton Estate P/L. Darwin. Lot 1 of Vuka. 1 223,1987 ha.

58. 3994/76. Beatties Investments. Gatooma. The Remaining Extent of Cherry
Bank. 100,2680 ha.

59. 7025/91. Harlequin Genetics P/L. Goromonzi. Dagbreek of the Twentydales
Estate. 376,9483 ha.
60. 7023/91. Willmead Enterprises P/L. Goromonzi. Mariandi of Nil
Desperandum of Twentydales Estate. 60,7000 ha.
61. 2902/91. DR Reitz & Son Farming Enterprises P/L. Goromonzi. good Hope
of Twentydales Estate. 40,4677 ha.
62. 4557/76. Catherine Dorothy O'Connell. Goromonzi. S/D C of James Farm.
102,0410 ha.
63. 6822/99. Benjamin Lombard. Goromonzi. S/D B of S/D J of Whitesides.
101,1717 ha.
64. 4975/97. Darnall Investments P/L. Goromonzi. Lot 2 of Stuhm. 412,1091
65. 4670/84. Ian David Piercy. Goromonzi. Lot 21A James Farm. 128,9481 ha.
66. 7025/91. Harleqin Genetics P/L. Goromonzi. grootvlei of the Twentydales
Estate. 181,4172 ha.
67. 5620/74. Christoffel J Greyling. Goromonzi. Subdivision E of Sellair.
138,5453 ha.
68. 1304/79. Christoffel J Greyling and Hendrik J Greyling. Goromonzi.
Subdivision D of Sellair. 118,7101 ha.
69. 2040/85. Protea Valley P/L. Goromonzi. Lot 1 of Buena Vista. 404,68ha.

70. 7202/99. Marula Farming P/L. Hartley. Remainder of Violets Vale of
Railway Farm 18. 736,5941 ha.
71. 9573/02. Conjugal Enterprises P/L. Hartley. Lot 1A Bedford. 336,4083
72. 9573/02. Conjugal Enterprises P/L. Hartley. Lot 2A Bedford. 328,2954
73. 2139/87. Martin Eugene Winwood tracey. Hartley. Strathspey Estate. 1
026,0084 ha.
74. 5686/94. Philip Arthur Peter Manchip, Joanna Christine Ferris, Susan
Jane Rushforth, Nicholas charles Manchip and Sally Ann Rugg. Hartley. The
Remainder of Estancia-Corea. 303,4632 ha.
75. 5792/81. Taunton Holdings P/L. Hartley. The Remainder of
Idaho. 1219,4753 ha.
76. 4319/74. JM Beattie. Hartley. Varkpan. 760,1775 ha.
77. 3127/91. Falcon gold. Hartley. Chadshunt. 1316,1442 ha.
78. 3138/88. Canpac (1991) P/L. Hartley. Remaining Extent of Oldham.
712,9170 ha.
79. 5902/99. Mike Campell P/L. Hartley. Mt. Carmell of Railway 19.
1200,6500 ha.
80. 1871/86. GA Hewlett P/L. Hartley.
Handley Cross Estate. 879,6318 ha.
81. 10148/89. W Vosloo and Company P/L. Hartley. The Remainder of
Martin. 180,8409 ha.
82. 987/78. Fred Wolstenholme, Hartley. Remaining Extent of Lourie Estate.
541,4137 ha.
83. 6766/88. Katambora Estates P/L. Hartley. Mandalay of Silverstone.
743,6719 ha.
84. 1168/83. Balclutha P/L. Hartley. Aquarius. 404,2772 ha.
85. 1168/83. Balclutha P/L. Hartley. Jamaica. 396,2387 ha.
86. 4705/85. Jacobus Johan Hendrik Grundling. Hartley. Cambusdrennie.
868,6520 ha.
87. 2471/85. Andreis Daniel Swart. Hartley. Lot 1 of Crown Ranch. 1
009,8265 ha.
88. 5709/85. Sinoia Drift (1988) P/L. Lomagundi. The Remaining Extent of
Sinoias Drivt Estate. 909,0467 ha.
89. 2150/90. Konrad Gerhadus Van der Merwe. Lomagundi. Remainder of
Renfield. 836,3088 ha.
90. 3860/86. Kestell Bezuidenhout and Company P/L. Lomagundi. Maryland. 1
302,9868 ha.
91. 56/50. Western Park Estates P/L. Lomagundi. Remaining Extent of Weston
Park. 605,487 morgen.
92. 10334/97. Marie Hester Susan Erlank, Beatrix Elizabeth Marx and Susan
Elizabeth Du Plessis. Lomagundi. Urume. 1 037,7316 ha.
93. 3779/2000. Dewdrip P/L. Lomagundi. Homefield. 614,9999 ha.
94. 289/95. Par Laad Investments P/L. Lomagundi. Weltervede Estate. 1
509,6500 ha.

95. 1630/90. Volunteer Farms P/L. Lupane. Volunteer 82. 844,9459 ha.
96. 1630/90. Volunteer Farms P/L. Lupane. volunteer 83. 852,6238 ha.
97. 1630/90. volunteer Farms P/L. Lupane. Volunteer 95. 882,2092 ha.
98. 1630/90. volunteer Farms P/L. Lupane. Volunteer 96. 870,9204 ha.
99. Cert. of Consolidated Title 138/78. Karna Estates P/L. Lupane. Lot 4 of
Karna block. 5'770,6963 ha.
100. 2561/91. Comwood Enterprises P/L. Lupane. Lot 7A Karna Block. 4
957,3801 ha.

101. 3619/47. Glenisla tobacco estates P/L. Marandellas. Magar. 787,40
102. 5227/98. Luminagua P/L. Marandellas. Lot 6 of Cotter. 41,0509 ha.
103. 4538/80. robert Charles Knott. Marandellas. The Remainder of Musi,
858,5922 ha.
104. 1949/81. Martin Gore Stewart. Marandellas. Membge of Caruthersville E.
303,7255 ha.
105. 6785/87. Lynton Farm P/L. Marandellas. Remaining Extent of Anstey.
699,7786 ha.
106. 3487/53. Creighton Guthrie Nicholson Keene. Marandellas. Nyazwita of
Hopeful of Alexandrea. 404,6775 ha.
107. 12097/99. Enscombe Farming P/L. Marandellas. Remainder of Springvale.
589,1818 ha.
108. 108/81. Forest Lodge Nursery P/L. Marandellas. S/D A of forest Range.
414,8828 ha.
109. 4815/85. Chiparahwe P/L. Marandellas. Chiparahwe Estate. 2 102,6017
110. 42/93. Nyamwera Holding. Marandellas. Golden Acres Estate. 964,4263
111. 42/50. John William Malzer. Marandellas. Lynton. 3 879,9283 ha.

112. 101198. Adore Gold Insurance P/L. Charter. Remainder of Swartfontein.
1 127,8689 ha.

113. 2313/74. Ian Ranken Pattullo and Joan Kirsteen Ure Dodman. Matobo.
Bedza of Famona. 513,9108 ha.
114. 2313/74. Ian Ranken Pattullo and Joan Kirsteen Ure Dodman. Matobo.
Anglesea. 2 640,2250 ha.
115. 636/96. Longevity Investments P/L. Mazoe. Subdivision B of Caledon.
908,4345 ha.
116. 7972/98. Elgrey Management P/L. Mazoe. The Remaining Extent of Ndiri
of Moores Grant. 282,1486 ha.
117. 6688/2000. Samuel Edward Miller. Mazoe. Lot 6. of Mbebi Jersey farm.
86,0629 ha.
118. 6688/2000. Schaldo Farm P/L. Mazoe. Lot 2 of Mbebi Jersey farm.
311,8603 ha.
119. 6687/2000. Getthrough Investment P/L. Mazoe. Lot 3 of Mbebi Jersey
Farm. 126,5410 ha.
120. 6685/2000. Titualr Investments P/L. Mazoe. Lot 5 of Mbebi Jersey farm.
79,1842 ha.
121. 931/92. Fantail Farms P/L. Mazoe. Lot 1 of Springvale. 738,2173 ha.
122. 4338/75. RA Beatie & Sons P/L. Mazoe. The Remaining Extent of Barwick
Estate. 1 067,0583 ha.

123. 6809/88. Peter Sourtherton Hingeston. Ndanga. The Remainder of Lot 1A
of Triangle Ranch. 211,5373 ha.

124. 1325/82. Junpor P/L. Nyamandlovu. Porter Farm. 1 295,5393 ha.
125. 1325/82. Junpor P/L. Nyamandlovu. Porter East Farm. 1 291,6292 ha.
126. 231/97. Merryfield Farming P/L. Nyamandlovu. Sudivision A of Stevens
Farm. 1 214,0344 ha.
127. 3208/95. David Gerald Hunt. Nyamandlovu. Naseby North. 1 265,0129 ha.
128. 3208/95. David Gerald Hunt. Nyamandlovu. Naseby South. 1 278,4974 ha.
129. 136/83. The Administrators of the Estate of the late Albert Geoffrey
Olds. Nyamandlovu. Yonder of Compensation. 101,5686 ha.
130. 882/66. Charles Carnduff Stirling. Nyamandlovu. Subdivision B of Farm
6 of Umguzan Block. 1 423,2151 acres.
131. 908/96. Cedor Park Farm P/L. Nyamandlovu. Cedor Park of Sevue.
502,7559 ha.
132. 1628/49. The Administrators of the Estate of the Late Alfred Jeffrey
Olds. Nyamandlovu. Subdivision A of bongolo known as Rathlyn. 1 266 morgan
and 266 square rods.
133. 583/90. Roseburn Farm P/L. Nyamandlovu. Roseburn. 2 627,3120 ha.
134. 980/96. Cedor Park Farm P/L. Nyamandlovu. Remaining Extent of Sevue.
552,5938 ha.
135. 231/97. Merryfield farming P/L. Nyamandlovu. Subdivision A of Steven's
Farm. 1 214,0344 ha.
136. 2733/86. Quinton Ehlers. Nyamandlovu. Mimosa Park East. 2 568,9403 ha.
137. 2732/86. Quinton Ehlers. Nyamandlovu. Stevens Farm A. 268,7679 ha.
138. 136/83. The Administrators of the Estate of the late Alfred geoffrey
Olds.. Nyamandlovu. remaining Extent of Compensation. 2 467,9799 ha.
139. 1040/1970. RH Greaves P/L. Nyamandlovu. Matabeleland Concession Block.
15 873,7015 acres.

140. 1791/87. Norvuk Ranchers P/L. Salisbury. Aurora. 190,1745 ha.
141. 910/95. Inverangus P/L. Salisbury. Lot 2 of Sunnyside. 536,8584 ha.
142. 5103/56. Dunolly Farm P/L. Salisbury. Dunolly Farm. 756 morgan.
143. 3929/92. T Caine P/L. Salisbury. Edinburgh of Nyatsime Ranch. 1 470,64
144. 4414/95. DG Rickards P/L Salisbury. Houmoed of Albion. 616,7033 ha.
145. 5627/81. Frans Jacob Jordaan. Salisbury. Lot 1 of Vrede. 121,4846 ha.
146. 5090/84. S Du P Meyer P/L. Salisbury. Subdivision A of Huntcroft.
602,4249 ha.
147. 60/3. Gerald Doublas Davidson. Salisbury. S/D A of Xekene. 170,7128
148. 3780/92. Kanjara Enterprises P/L. Salisbury. Subdivision A of Lanark.
406,4549 ha.
149. 441/70. Michael edwin Guyse thorburn. Salisbury. Remainder of
Subdivision A portion of Ellandale. 1 189,5976 morgan.
150. 701/65. Richard John Wiggill. Salisbury. Lisheen Extension of
Twentydales. 506,1664 acres.
151. 4800/97. Poulton Farm P/L. Salisbury. remainder of Harveydales.
901,3692 ha.

152. 118/2001. Nimbindale Farm P/L. Shamva. Lot 2 of Wolley estate.
141,7788 ha.
153. 1345/78. P&M Enterrises P/L. Shamva. Palmgrove Annexe of Ceres.
155,0298 ha.

154. 10724/89. Deborah Jane Laing, Hayley-Joy Laing, Charlene Dale Laing.
paula Jane Laing. Sipolilo. Gurungwe Estates. 2047,6641 ha.
155. 5546/80. Zimbabwe Mining and Smelting Company P/L. Sipolilo. Matimba.
1 3-1.0004 ha.
156. 38/67. Nicholas floyer botwell Leared. Sipolilo. Flame Lily. 845,4819

157. 3534/78. Cosmo farms P/L. Urungwe. Remainder of Chumburukwe. 1
022,8593 ha.

158. 344/86. Piers Edward Peter Taylor. Wankie. Matetsi Wildlife Leisure
Resort. 196,2706 ha.
159. 2890/71. Antoinette Estate P/L. Wankie. Antoinette. 2 569,6141 ha.
160. 122/68. Sikumi Game Viewing P/L. Wankie. Railway Farm 39. 5 761,6786
161. 4106/02. Zimbabwe Development Bank. Wankie. Dett Valley A. 2 047,7735
162. 914/66. Sikumi Estates P/L. Wankie. Railway Farm 35. 5 746,5703 acres.
163. 3879/98 Hallow Transport P/L. Wankie. Tor. 288,8810 ha.
164. 1004/95. Dorcket Enterprises P/L. Wankie. Bindonvale. 1 128,0986 ha.
165. 1004/95. Dorcket Enterprises P/L. Wankie. Carl Lisa. 858,1603 ha.
166. Deed Grant B581/61. Rhodesia Railways. Wankie. Dett Annex. 1 727,6128
167. Deed of Grant B5812/61. Rhodesia Railways. Wankie. Kennedy Annex.
952,2614 acres.
168. 2468/97. Sudday Investments P/L. Wankie. Riverside. 3 547,9719 ha.
169. 198/88. Leeufontein Ranch (1987) P/L. Wankie. The Remaining Extent
ofRailway Farm 55. 2 630,4683 ha.
170. Cert. of Consolidated Title 555/76. France Farm P/L. Wankie. woodlands
Estate A. 12 106,1734 ha.
171. 4379/99. Rosepan Farming enterprises P/L. Wankie. Bingwa Extension A.
6 274,6987 ha.

172. 2443/65. NatalieMargaret PrimroseSeager. Wedza. Sutton. 1 496,68


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The Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe
Monday November 29th - Sunday December 5th 2004
Weekly Media Update 2004-48



1. General Comment

DESPITE the existence of several pieces of repressive legislation curtailing
the citizenry's basic rights, The Standard (28/11) revealed the extent to
which yet another Draconian Bill will erode freedom of expression.
The paper reported that the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Bill
proposes a fine of $5 million or a jail sentence of up to 20 years for
"anyone who publishes or communicates to another statements that are
perceived to be prejudicial to the State".
The proposed law, the paper noted, "will make it extremely difficult for
journalists to operate and will certainly be the most repressive piece of
legislation in Zimbabwe's Statute books".

The Financial Gazette (2/12) and The Daily Mirror (3/12) echoed similar
views in their follow-up reports on the matter. What none of the media
reported however, was that the relevant section of the Bill is intended to
replace similar sections contained in the Public Order and Security Act but
which do not contain the same terrifyingly punitive penalties.
But while the private media at least informed the public of this
unprecedented plan to silence all criticism of the presidency, the uniformed
forces and State interests, the government media conveniently suffocated the
whole issue.
In fact, their failure to expose the promulgation of such aggressively
self-serving repressive legislation under the guise of upholding the rule of
law and defending the country's sovereignty, resulted in the official media
allowing Information Minister Jonathan Moyo to defend AIPPA and the
Broadcasting Services Act unchallenged.

For instance, ZTV and Power FM (1/12, 8pm) passively quoted Moyo as having
said AIPPA was "meant to protect the sovereignty of the country from
mischievous people intending to use local media as a tool for regime change".
Without questioning this claim, the stations then quoted Moyo trying to give
the patently authoritarian piece of legislation a democratic face by saying
that in any democracy journalists who publish falsehoods are punished "in
terms of the law (that) is permissible by the Constitution" and that was
"the basis of AIPPA".
The Herald (2/12) carried a similar report.
And like its broadcasting counterpart, it allowed Moyo to mislead the public
into believing that AIPPA had sailed smoothly through Parliament.
These media conveniently failed to remind their audiences of the stormy
circumstances leading to the enactment of the law, which the Parliamentary
Legal Committee had originally found to be so profoundly unconstitutional.
Such docile coverage by the official media of this systematic erosion of
citizens' constitutional rights further affirms them as government lapdogs
that cannot be relied upon to provide accurate information.
In fact, their failure to expose government's disdain for constitutionally
guaranteed freedoms establishes them firmly as accomplices of the
authorities in the curtailment of these rights.

2. ZANU PF Affairs

NOTHING clearly illustrates the extent to which the government media have
unashamedly become willing tools of ZANU PF propaganda more than the manner
in which they handled the just-ended ruling party's National Congress.
These media swamped their audiences with uncritical stories and programmes
on the party's Congress at the expense of other important news stories.

For example, of the two hours and 37 minutes ZTV allocated to its 8pm
bulletins (excluding arts, business, weather and sport segments) during the
week, nearly half of it (48 percent) was devoted to the Congress.
Similarly, Radio Zimbabwe carried 12 Congress reports or 40 percent of the
total news items that featured in its 8pm bulletins of the week. In
addition, Radio Zimbabwe, Spot FM and ZTV broadcast live three days of the
four-day event and even changed their evening programming to allow for
repeats of proceedings at the Congress.
Further, ZTV's current affairs programmes, such as Behind The Camera (1/12,
9.30pm) and Face the Nation (2/12, 9.30pm), were on the Congress.

The trend was similar in the government Press, which carried 54 reports on
the event.
But this unparalleled allocation of space to ZANU PF, did not translate into
a critical analysis of the power struggles that preceded the Congress.
Rather, most of their stories simply glossed over the matter and portrayed
the ruling party as a highly successful democratic and united institution,
which, contrary to its Western detractors, still commanded respect in Asia,
Africa and even in Europe and America.
The endorsement of Water Resources Minister Joyce Mujuru as the party's
vice-president and the presence at the Congress of representatives from 21
foreign political parties and movements, particularly Mozambique's out-going
President Joaquim Chissano, were used to buttress this argument.
As a result, the in-house squabbles that resulted in a six-month suspension
of the party's six provincial chairpersons and a strong rebuke for
Information Minister Jonathan Moyo were not fully explored.
For example, out of the 54 stories the government Press devoted to the
Congress and related matters, only five tried to unravel the exact causes of
the dispute.
But even then, the stories largely sought to defend Moyo, the alleged
architect of the purported "Tsholotsho Declaration" whose covert objective
was reportedly aimed at removing the party leadership, except President

However, the private media were more exploratory.
They belied the government media's portrayal of a united ZANU PF by
examining the fissures created by the 'Tsholotsho Declaration', which
besides implicating Moyo and the provincial chairpersons, also sucked in War
Vets leaders Jabulani Sibanda and Joseph Chinotimba, Justice Minister
Patrick Chinamasa, Speaker of Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa, and several
chiefs, among other senior ZANU PF officials.
Nonetheless, the private media's coverage was compromised by their fixation
with discussing the punishment ZANU PF was likely to impose on Moyo almost
to the exclusion of some of those who had supposedly connived with the
minister in the matter. For instance, of the 45 stories the private media
carried on the Congress, 28 were on Moyo. Thus, the fates or involvement of
such people as Mnangagwa, Chinamasa or Chinotimba were surprisingly not
adequately addressed.

Early in the week, The Daily Mirror (30/11) correctly predicted that ZANU PF
would take action against its "unscrupulous members" bent on "prising apart"
what is left of the party's "fragile unity in the face of a stiff challenge
from the opposition MDC".
According to unnamed insiders quoted by the paper, the first phase of the
punishment would entail barring the accused from attending Congress through
suspension or even expulsion from the party followed by decisive action
chiefly against Moyo, the alleged "architect of the unsanctioned indaba".
Subsequently, the paper (1/12), The Financial Gazette (2/12), Zimbabwe
Independent (3/12), The Standard and Sunday Mirror (5/12), Studio 7 (1-5/12)
and SW Radio Africa (1-3/12) all approvingly reported on Moyo's pending
disciplinary action, especially after the ZANU PF leadership had chastised
him for his role in the Tsholotsho meeting, including dropping him from the
party's Central Committee despite the fact that he had earlier been elected
into the committee by Matabeleland North province.

In contrast, the government media tried to obfuscate the extent of the
divisions within ZANU PF by either giving them scant attention or
downplaying their importance by deliberately starving these reports of their
proper backgrounds. Their professional deficiencies manifested themselves in
Radio Zimbabwe, Power FM (1/12, 6am) and ZTV (1/12, 8pm) trying to hide the
identity of other Politburo members who were also questioned by the party's
leadership about their involvement in the Tsholotsho meeting. The stations
merely reported that ZANU PF's supreme decision-making body had also called
on "two Politburo explain themselves" without revealing their
Such dishonesty was also apparent in the official media's coverage of the
election of the ruling party's new Central Committee members. Radio Zimbabwe
and ZTV (5/12, 8pm), The Sunday Mail and Sunday News (5/12) merely announced
Moyo's exclusion from the Central Committee and conveniently failed to link
it to the Tsholotsho adventure, as did The Standard, The Sunday Mirror and
Studio 7 (5/12).

Neither did the official media put into context what President Mugabe meant
when he warned his supporters against behaving like "political prostitutes"
whose hearts and souls could be bought by money when he officially closed
the Congress.
In fact, such passive journalism was earlier demonstrated by The Herald and
Chronicle (29/11, 30/11 and 1/12). On the eve of the suspension of the six
ZANU PF provincial chairpersons both The Herald and Chronicle (30/11)
unquestioningly carried attempts by Transport and Communications Minister
Christopher Mushowe and Tsholotsho's Ward 15 councillor, Memeza Mtombeni,
respectively to exonerate Moyo of having convened the Tsholotsho
"prize-giving" ceremony by arguing that the meeting was actually a local
community initiative with no "sinister motive".
This contradicted the confession by Matabeleland South governor, Angeline
Masuku, whom The Daily Mirror (30/11) reported as telling President Mugabe:
"Your excellency, we are fully behind the nomination of Joyce Mujuru, Joseph
Msika and yourself as the party's presidium. This is the original list that
the province had proposed but was later changed by the comrades who attended
the Tsholotsho meeting. The people.have confessed that they erred and that
money exchanged hands."
Despite this, the next issue of the Chronicle (1/12) was extraordinary for
its presentation of three stories covering the whole of its front page
emanating from a document purportedly "leaked" to the paper that Moyo had
used the previous day to defend himself before the ZANU PF Politburo meeting
over the Tsholotsho saga.
Most extraordinary of all was the fact that none of this defence, which the
paper carried without challenge, appeared in the Zimpapers' national daily
flagship, The Herald.
So supine was the Chronicle's coverage of the document that it did not even
ask why Moyo and his colleagues were so desperate to attend a "prize-giving
day" at a nondescript rural secondary school that they chartered a plane for
the purpose.

The Sunday Mirror columnists, The Scrutator and Behind the Words, were the
only ones that offered possible answers to the puzzle, while SW Radio Africa
(3/12) and The Saturday Mirror (4/12) reported that Secretary for
Information George Charamba had censured the paper's editor, Stephen Ndlovu,
over his paper's unprecedented attempt to exonerate Moyo from the so-called
'Tsholotsho Declaration'.
Not surprisingly, the government media ignored the issue.
Instead, they continued to drown such matters, with glowing coverage of ZANU
PF, whose policies they claimed were "people-centred" and had resuscitated
the country's ailing economy.

3. Rights abuses and the law

THE country's dismal human rights record continued to attract media
attention with the private media reporting that government intended to enact
more legislation that will further erode the remnants of whatever rights
Zimbabweans still attempted to exercise under the country's Constitution.
The Financial Gazette (2/12) and The Daily Mirror (3/12) followed up on an
earlier Standard (28/11) report revealing that the Criminal Law
(Codification and Reform) Bill proposes punishment of up to 20 years
imprisonment for anyone communicating statements perceived to be prejudicial
to the State.

The papers quoted independent analysts describing the Bill as
unconstitutional saying it amounted to the consolidation of repressive laws
that are inconsistent with democratic principles. This tallied with earlier
but generally inadequate coverage of the Parliamentary Legal Committee's
findings that the proposed legislation contained several provisions that
violated the constitution.
The Daily Mirror quoted lawyer Sternford Moyo saying the Bill contained
certain "aspects of the Rhodesian era Law and Order Maintenance Act and the
South African apartheid era Internal Security Act of 1982".
University of Zimbabwe political scientist Eldred Masunungure and human
rights lawyer Brian Kagoro agreed.
Masunungure told the Gazette that the Bill was part of government's "grand
scheme or total strategy to strangulate the media or those still expressing
views contrary to those of government or the ruling party," while Kagoro
told the same paper that the aim of the legislation was to outlaw
Zimbabweans from criticising the State.
Said Kagoro: "It's probably worse than AIPPA. The State itself is not
infallible, so as such it is bound to make mistakes. The safeguard of every
citizen is to be a critic of the State."
Once again, the government media ignored this issue.

Besides exposing the erosion of the citizenry's rights through the
promulgation of patently unconstitutional laws, the private media also
highlighted the continued harassment of opposition supporters by ZANU PF
activists and the authorities' politicisation of food aid.
These media carried about 22 stories on these issues.
In one of the stories, SW Radio Africa (01/12) reported that two MDC
officials from Buhera South in Manicaland Province had been arrested for
convening a rally where slogans denouncing President Mugabe were allegedly
made. However, no police comment was sought to balance the report, which
solely relied on the MDC provincial spokesperson Pishayi Muchauraya.

More evidence of intolerance of the opposition in Manicaland appeared in The
Standard (5/12). The paper reported on the alleged "brutal attack" on four
MDC activists in the province by a group of war veterans, who accused them
of being "saboteurs".
Muchauraya was quoted saying the assault was part of a "purging exercise"
that ZANU PF had started in the area ahead of next year's general election.
However, police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka told the paper that he was not
aware of the violence report although the paper cited the MDC as saying the
matter had been reported at Chipfatsura Police Station, which took no action
against the suspects.
The paper also reported on the brief hold-up of MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai
by immigration officials at the Harare International Airport on his return
from overseas.

Meanwhile, SW Radio Africa (30/11) and Studio 7 (2/12) reported that a
delegation of civic organisations from Zimbabwe had made submissions to the
African Commission on Human and People's Rights in Dakar on the continued
rights violations in the country and had petitioned the Commission to
release it's report on Zimbabwe's human rights record.
Studio 7 and SW Radio Africa (2/12) also reported that the International
Crisis Group had released a report noting that the situation in Zimbabwe
continued to deteriorate.
The ICG noted that there was still widespread abuse of human rights in the
country, including political repression and the politicization of food aid.
SW Radio Africa (2/12) quoted ICG South Africa director Peter Kagwanja
saying: "We are saying that we have to mount pressure on the Zanu PF
government to institute electoral reforms. We are arguing that if electoral
reforms are put in place without political reforms then elections will not
be free and fair."
Typically, the government media ignored such reports.

The MEDIA UPDATE was produced and circulated by the Media Monitoring Project
Zimbabwe, 15 Duthie Avenue, Alexandra Park, Harare, Tel/fax: 263 4 703702,

Feel free to write to MMPZ. We may not able to respond to everything but we
will look at each message.  For previous MMPZ reports, and more information
about the Project, please visit our website at

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Opposition, activists denounce Zimbabwe poll law

Demonstrators outside the Zimbabwean embassy - Reuters

The group marched to the embassy in protest against human rights abuses

December 11, 2004, 07:00

Zimbabwe's main opposition has called on regional leaders to reject an electoral law passed in parliament by Robert Mugabe's supporters ahead of elections next year.

Mugabe's ruling Zanu(PF) used its majority in parliament to pass reforms intended to meet demands for fair elections by the Southern African Development Community (SADC). However, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said they were not enough. It also attacked the law seeking to restrict NGOs, accused by the government of being fronts for Western powers opposed to Mugabe.

A similar law has put severe curbs on the media and fuelled domestic and foreign charges of repression. "The so-called reforms are not going to help us to hold free and fair elections," Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, the MDC's foreign affairs secretary, said in a statement. The government made the reforms under pressure from the 14-nation SADC, but failed to meet SADC guidelines for a democratic vote, she said.

"You cannot be saying you are marching towards a democratic order while you pass laws like this, and the NGO bill which practically takes away the rights of civic groups," added Misihairabwi-Mushonga, an MDC member of parliament. "We are saying that it is now time for SADC to intervene ... to press the government very hard to implement real radical reforms."

Independent commission
A US state department spokesperson said the NGO law would stifle political debate and civil liberties by preventing international human rights groups from operating. "It is yet another sign that the government of Zimbabwe may not be serious about holding free and fair parliamentary elections in March 2005. And we call upon President Mugabe not to sign this bill," he said.

General elections next March will be a key test of how Zimbabwe, which has been shunned by the West amid a severe economic crisis, meets international demands for a fair vote. One key demand of the MDC is for an independent electoral commission set up with support of "all major stakeholders" and not subject to presidential approval.

It also wants the scrapping of four state bodies now involved in running elections, a clear law against poll violence and monitoring of any vote by foreign observers. While the new law provides for an independent electoral commission, critics say there are no guarantees of real autonomy.

The NGO bill will require human rights groups operating in Zimbabwe to register with a state-appointed body. Lovemore Madhuku, the chairperson of the National Constitutional Assembly pressure group, said the new laws had no place in a democracy. "Our view remains that Zimbabwe's whole constitution needs to be overhauled to entrench basic rights, to guarantee civic and political activity," Madhuku said.

Foreign critics ranging from Western governments to African churches have said Zimbabwe's ruling party rigged the last parliamentary elections in 2000 and the 2002 presidential poll and accuse the government of widespread human rights abuses.

Mugabe, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, accuses Zimbabwe's former colonial ruler of leading a Western campaign to oust him over his government's seizure of white-owned farms for redistribution to landless blacks. - Reuters

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Financial Times

Torture claim raises queries over Thatcher coup links
By Michael Peel in Lagos and David White in London
Published: December 11 2004 02:00 | Last updated: December 11 2004 02:00

An alleged leader of a failed coup in the tiny oil-rich central African
state of Equatorial Guinea has claimed he was tortured into confessing. He
also denied that Sir Mark Thatcher plotted to overthrow the government,
according to an affidavit seen by the Financial Times.

Sir Mark, son of Lady Thatcher, the former British prime minister, was
arrested in South Africa in August in connection with the coup plot but
denies any involvement.

Simon Mann, who is serving a seven-year prison sentence in Zimbabwe after
being convicted of illegally trying to buy arms, said a separate statement
admitting his involvement was "invented" by an Equatorial Guinea government

The new statement raises fresh questions over the Equatorial Guinea
government's coup accusations, which led to the conviction of 20 alleged
plotters last month in a trial condemned by Amnesty International over
allegations of torture and many other serious failings.

"It is a matter of great regret to me that some of my friends and
acquaintances such as Sir Mark Thatcher . . . have been accused by the
government of Equatorial Guinea of conspiring with me," says an unsigned
copy of Mr Mann's affidavit seen by the FT. "I maintain that there was no
plot or understanding or conspiracy in which I was involved."

Anthony Kerman, Simon Mann's UK lawyer, said the sworn affidavit was
formally presented this week to a court in Guernsey, where the Equatorial
Guinea government has been seeking to obtain account details of companies it
alleges belong to Mr Mann.

Mr Kerman said the allegations of torture were not lodged previously because
of fear of the possible consequences for Mr Mann in Zimbabwe.

Mr Mann's claims come after Nick du Toit, an alleged mercenary leader
sentenced to 34 years in jail in Equatorial Guinea, retracted his confession
last month and said it had been obtained under torture.

Mr Kerman ridiculed suggestions of a proposed deal between the Zimbabwe
government and Mr Mann's family to secure his release in exchange for a £1m
($1.9m, ?1.4m) payment.

Mr Mann, who was arrested in Zimbabwe in March along with about 70 other
alleged coup plotters on an aircraft allegedly on its way to Equatorial
Guinea, said a previous declaration, cited by Equatorial Guinea, about a
coup conspiracy was signed "under duress and following days of torture".

He denied attempting the "violent military overthrow" of the Equatorial
Guinea government and dismissed government allegations that a plot was
backed by Sir Mark and other British establishment figures such as Ely
Calil, a London-based businessman with long-standing west African

Antony Goldman, Africa director for Clearwater Research Services, a
London-based business and political risk consultancy, said Mr Mann's
statement underlined how heavily the prosecution case rested on material
drawn from confessions extracted "in uncertain and legally suspect
circumstances, and also from potentially partial sources".
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      Dec 10, 2004, 17:15
      Manouchehr Saadat Noury

In a country where starvation is a huge problem, and more than 3000 people
are dying of AIDS every week, intimidating human rights and aid groups might
not seem the most sensible policy, yet that's exactly the direction taken by
the government of Zimbabwe in its latest parliamentary
move on December 9, 2004. The Party of President Robert Mugabe has pushed
forward a law, which simply bans foreign human rights groups from working in

In the same session of Parliament, Mugabe's party used its majority to pass
new electoral laws, with an election due in March next year. These are the
latest manifestations of the paranoia of Robert Mugabe, the freedom fighter
turned democrat turned despot.

Excluding outside organizations, and forcing domestic ones to go through the
laborious and intimidating process of reregistering with the government,
will do nothing to help the people of Zimbabwe, a once-prosperous corner of
Africa. It will merely make it easier for Mugabe to steal next March?s
parliamentary elections.

No wonder Mugabe is doing all like this. He sees the Mullahs in Iran are
doing much worse than him and the rest of the world only watches! Why
wouldn?t he do it in Zimbabwe?


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The Telegraph

How girlfriend's father shot to success
By David Blair in Johannesburg
(Filed: 11/12/2004)

Thousands of Zimbabwe's white landowners might have been swept away by land
seizures, but Charles Davy, the father of Prince Harry's girlfriend Chelsy,
is among a handful still going.

His company, HHK safaris, controls five lucrative hunting concessions with
15 camps for wealthy visitors. Concessions and hunting licences are awarded
at the discretion of President Robert Mugabe's regime. The business has
helped Mr Davy to become extremely rich.

For a 24-day safari killing lions, elephants, leopards and buffalos, he
charges £660 a day. There is a trophy fee of £5,200 for every bagged
elephant and £2,300 for every lion.

Internal flights from airports to safari camps cost extra. The return
journey from Victoria Falls to Lemco safari area costs £2,200 for an
eight-seat plane. The opposition Movement for Democratic Change has claimed
that HHK has links to the Mugabe regime.

The Herald, the official newspaper, has reported that Webster Shamu, an MP
from the ruling Zanu-PF party and minister in the president's office, has
represented HHK at hunting conventions.

But Mr Davy's brother, Vincent, a director of HHK, said: "He [Mr Shamu]
certainly has not had involvement with HHK.

"The Herald gets lots of things wrong."
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