http://www.voanews.com/
The service
chiefs are on record saying they won't accept the results of the
elections
widely expected to be held next year if Mr. Mugabe does not emerge
as the
winner of the presidential ballot
Blessing Zulu | Washington DC 10
December 2010
Zimbabwe's Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee, a
mechanism to see
that power sharing unfolds as agreed under the 2008 Global
Political
Agreement, has summoned service chiefs for an explanation of
increasing
intimidation of critics of President Robert Mugabe.
The
so-called securocrats, seen as a mainstay of Mr. Mugabe's continued
personal
power, are to be questioned by the three co-chairman of the
committee known
as JOMIC: Nicholas Goche of Mr. Mugabe's ZANU-PF, Elton
Mangoma of the
Movement for Democratic Change formation of Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai
and Welshman Ncube of the MDC formation of Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur
Mutambara, political sources said.
Ncube and Mangoma confirmed the
meeting but declined to disclose details.
Sources say Zimbabwe National
Army General Constantine Chiwenga, Air Marshal
Perence Shiri, Central
Intelligence Organization Chief Happtyon Bonyongwe
and Police Commissioner
General Augustine Chihuri have been summoned to meet
individually with the
committee.
The sources said they were called individually to discourage
intransigence
as a group.
The service chiefs, who sources say have
agreed to attend the meetings with
JOMIC, are on record saying they won't
accept the results of the elections
widely expected to be held next year if
Mr. Mugabe does not emerge as the
winner of the presidential
ballot.
Mr. Mugabe was defeated in the first round of the 2008
presidential election
by now-Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, but was
declared the winner of a
run-off election that June amid widespread violence
that led Mr. Tsvangirai
to withdraw from the contest.
Sources say the
military has begun to deploy officers nominally on leave to
locations around
the country, especially in rural areas, to bolster
ZANU-PF's hold on the
electorate, while the Zimbabwe Republic Police
reportedly has recruited
retired officers and self-styled liberation war
veterans to beef up their
ranks ahead of the anticipated 2011 elections.
Political analyst Charles
Mangongera told VOA Studio 7 reporter Blessing
Zulu that JOMIC does not have
the power to rein in the securocrats.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by IRENE MOYO
Saturday, 11 December
2010 12:52
HARARE - Members of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) and the
police have
been fingered in an orgy of gang-rape in which Zanu (PF)
militias sexually
assaulted hapless MDC-T supporters in the run-up to
Zimbabwe's elections
over the past decade, a new report revealed last
week.
The joint report by the Harare-based Research and Advocacy Unit,
Zimbabwe
Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) and self-help
organisation
Doors of Hope Development Trust showed that soldiers and police
officers
participated in politically motivated rape in Harare, Manicaland
and
Masvingo provinces between 2001 and 2008.
They allegedly worked in
cahoots with Zanu (PF) youths and so-called war
veterans who terrorised
MDC-T supporters in Bikita, Birchenough Bridge,
Buhera, Chikomba,
Chitungwiza, Epworth, Gutu, Headlands, Honde Valley,
Murehwa, Mutoko and
Harare's Whitecliff. The report, which was based on 27
sworn affidavits and
medical examinations of women, showed that the victims
were raped because of
their political activities or the activities of their
husbands.
"The
sexual assaults reported by this sample are ruthless, with horrific
reports
of gang rape. Some of the women were raped by numerous perpetrators
until
they lost consciousness," the report said.
Senior officer
Members of
the ZNA were implicated in eight of the cases, with one senior
officer being
fingered in five of these rapes. In one of the incidents, a
woman from
Manicaland province testified that she was attacked in April 2008
by an army
officer who was in the company of Zanu (PF) youths.
"At the beginning of
April 2008, at about midnight I heard some youths
singing and playing drums
in our yard. I was in my bedroom sleeping with my
daughter. Suddenly the
door was broken down and two people came into the
room. They dragged me
outside and when I was outside, I saw our yard was
surrounded by Zanu (PF)
youths, about 12 or 13 of them," she narrated her
ordeal.
She was
force-marched to a bushy area where she met the unnamed top army
official
and a well known war veteran. The army official allegedly told the
youths
pin her down and raped her. "He raped me in a violent way and while
he was
raping me, he was shouting 'You prostitute, do you know I fought for
this
country?” the victim told the researchers.
Our wife
In a separate
incident, another victim from Manicaland province said she was
gang-raped by
a group of Zanu (PF) supporters who included a policeman. "On
the 22nd of
June 2002 at 1pm three men came to my homestead. They entered
the kitchen
where I was and stood by the door. The policeman said they had
come for a
final search for a gun," the victim recalled.
She said after finding nothing
the militias threatened to burn down her
house but later decided to rape
her. "Then one of the men covered my head
with a cooking pot and told me not
to remove it. Then they kept beating me
with sticks on my left leg around
the hip area. I fell down and the pot fell
off my face and they put it back
and continued beating me. “They said, 'You
refused to give us the
information that your husband is hiding, so we are
going to make you our
wife,'" she told the researchers.
Most of the cases occurred in the run-up to
the disputed June 2008
presidential election run-off between President
Robert Mugabe and then
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai who had won the
first round polls held
in March of the same year. Buhera in Manicaland
province recorded the
largest number of politically motivated rape cases,
with 10 incidents or 37
percent of the reported cases.
All in all
Manicaland accounted for 15 of the 27 cases sampled in the study,
followed
by Mashonaland East with four cases, Mashonaland West with four,
Harare with
two and Masvingo with two cases.
Zanu women
Another interesting
finding by the researchers was the active participation
of some Zanu (PF)
women in the rape of fellow women.
"Four women came to my home. They were
Zanu (PF) supporters from my
neighbourhood. One of the women told me that
Zanu (PF) youths were planning
to come to take me and beat me so I should go
with her and sleep over at her
house because I would be protected since she
was a Zanu (PF) supporter," a
woman from Harare said.
She said the women
instead took her to a Zanu (PF) base in the neighbourhood
where they allowed
a war veteran and others to rape her. "We arrived at the
base at about 10
pm. I was handed over to the war veteran in charge. He told
me to go and sit
behind the big boulder of stones that was a few metres from
where I had been
beaten. Five men followed me and two of the men raped me,"
she narrated her
ordeal.
One of the women reported being raped by 13 people while 14 of the
victims
said they were abused by at least three perpetrators.
"While the
second person was raping me I fainted and I do not know whether
the other
men raped me as well but the women who were also detained at the
base told
me when I woke up that I had been raped by about 10 youths after
the
commander of the base," another Harare woman recalled.
Psychotic
depression
Most of the victims did not bother to report the rape at all while
those
that reported to the police where refused assistance. "The policemen
at the
reception told me that they were not attending political violence
cases. He
also told me that I deserved it and I should go back and beat my
perpetrators. I left and never went back to report my case," said one of the
victims from Masvingo.
According to the report, many of the victims
suffered severe psychological
disorders following their ordeals.
At least
14 were observed as having symptoms of Post Traumatic Stress
Disorder while
two displayed symptoms of psychotic depression "Women in the
study exhibited
high levels of sleeplessness, nightmares, flashbacks, and
hopelessness. A
third of the women reported these symptoms, which are
commonly associated
with experiences of trauma," the report said.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Reagan
Mashavave
Friday, 10 December 2010 18:25
HARARE - Zimbabwe has
seen an increase in poaching activities over the past
nine months, with
nationals from most regional countries being involved in
the
trade.
Parks and Wildlife Authority spokesperson, Caroline
Washaya-Moyo said the
country lost 62 elephants and 30 rhinoceros to
poachers from January to
September this year, compared to 65 elephants, 30
rhino during the same
period last year.
From January to November
2009, the country also lost 59 Buffaloes, 40 Zebras
and 114 Impala and Kudu
to poachers.
“A total of 1 901 poachers, who include nationals from
regional countries,
were arrested this year alone for poaching the
endangered species,”
Washaya-Moyo said.
"The authority, through its
investigation unit and the commitment of its
officers on the ground,
successfully managed to have these people arrested
for poaching. These
include locals as well as nationals from Zambia, Congo,
Botswana and South
Africa."
Washaya-Moyo blamed an “orchestrated syndicate” involving
international
poachers for the escalation in elephant and rhino
poaching.
Zimbabwe this year embarked on a massive dehorning exercise
which resulted
in 50 rhinos being dehorned. Dehorning rhinoceros is a method
devised to
prevent the poaching of rhino horns.
"The authority
engaged in a dehorning exercise which resulted in a total of
50 rhinos being
dehorned," Washaya-Moyo said.
Zimbabwe has an elephant population of over
100 000, but its holding
capacity of the jumbos is 45 000, while only 700
white and black rhino are
left in the country, Washaya-Moyo
said.
Zimbabwe is currently banned from trading in ivory and rhino horns
and can
resume trading in 2017 if it gets the nod from the Convention on
International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) when its nine-year
moratorium expires.
The country is sitting on over 37 tonnes of ivory
and about five tones of
rhino horns.
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com
10 December, 2010
10:19:00 By Correspondent
HARARE - Zanu PF has started cranking up
the propaganda on Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai demanding immediate
resignation from Government and public
life or face what it called
prosecution for a litany of treasonous offences
he committed as detailed by
WikiLeaks.
The calls come amid fresh revelations in the latest batch of the
US
diplomatic cables leaked by WikiLeaks that Mr Tsvangirai would publicly
call
for the removal of sanctions, but secretly urge the Americans and their
allies to maintain sanctions on Zimbabwe.
The economic embargo has
caused untold suffering on ordinary Zimbabweans.
In an interview
yesterday, Tsholotsho North legislator Professor Jonathan
Moyo said: "There
are only two things that could happen in any civilised
democracy, for him to
resign not just from Government but public life
altogether. He must also be
prosecuted for a litany of treasonous acts
against the State."
"The
only questions about those two thi-ngs is not whether they should
happen but
when they are going to happen," he added.
Prof Moyo said it was shocking
to note that while in Government and having
taken an oath to uphold the laws
of the country and as a Cabinet member, Mr
Tsvangirai continued to campaign
for the retention of sanctions and for use
of unlawful means to cha-nge the
Government.
"As early as 2000 he was actively asking the US to bring
troops to Zimbabwe
to effect a coup," he said.
Former MDC national
executive member Mr Gabriel Chaibva echoed Prof Moyo’s
sentiments adding
that it was treasonous for Tsvangirai and his party to
craft ZDERA and
continue to call for the retention of sanctions against
Zimbabwe.
"This is treasonous and Tsvangirai should be held
accountable for his
actions. The only sensible thing for him to do now is to
resign because more
evidence is coming from WikiLeaks or those in the MDC-T
must push him out
because he is a traitor and has become a liability to the
people of
Zimbabwe. The quicker he goes, the better," Mr Chaibva
said.
He said another alternative to rid the country of Mr Tsvangirai and
his
party was to call for elections.
"There has never been a more
compelling reason for elections than there is
to get rid of this political
party. More importantly when we go for
elections, the people of Zimbabwe now
know that this man (Tsvangirai) all
along has been working to advance the US
and British interests in Zimbabwe.
"He never worked for the people of
Zimbabwe and this explains why he has
been making senseless demands on the
so-called outstanding issues. It has
been about usurping powers through the
back door. Zimba-bweans must punish
him at the polls for who wants to
associate with an American puppet," added
Mr Chaibva.
Another
political analyst Mr Godwine Mureriwa said because of wild
shortcomings,
Zimbabweans would deal decisively with Mr Tsvangirai through
the ballot
box.
"The people of Zimbabwe will judge him at the polls," he
said.
Another Zanu PF political observer said Mr Tsvangirai owed his
supporters an
explanation or else they needed WikiLeaks to know what is
brewing in the
MDC-T leader’s mind.
"Certainly he owes his own
supporters an explanation. What these WikiLeaks
reveal is that he is a
person without principles." - Herald
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Fungi Kwaramba
Friday, 10
December 2010 16:45
BULAWAYO -- Police from the Law and Order section
have intensified their
monitoring of the media in the country with several
officers from the
department attending press clubs and media workshops
disguised as reporters
from the police Outpost magazine.
In one such
case when police have posed as reporters from the used the
Outpost as an
excuse to gate crush reporters meetings and functions, two
unidentified
officers last week forced their way into a meeting of
journalists here,
claiming they were from the law enforcement agency’s
in-house
magazine.
This was despite the fact that the journalists had not invited
anyone fro
Outpost to their meeting.
The Zimbabwe Union of
Journalists (ZUJ) has expressed dismay at the police’s
rather bizarre
tactics.
ZUJ secretary general Foster Dongozi said the way the police is
now
interfering with the activities of the press is shocking and a clear
indication of desperation that is meant to prevent journalists from freely
carrying out their duties.
“We are aware that police are now
attending journalists activities. This
intrusion only reflects a deep rooted
paranoia from the government of the
country who would like to silence the
media, it’s a further clampdown on the
media,” said Dongozi.
Zimbabwe
remains one of the most dangerous places in the world for the media
with
journalists liable to arrest and imprisonment for violating a raft of
state
security, secrecy and criminal defamation laws.
A string of half-hearted
reforms by the Harare unity government including
issuing licences to more
private newspapers had helped ease the media
environment and encouraged hope
that the administration could go all the way
to scrap tough security and
press laws that restrict journalists from freely
carrying out their
work.
But hardliner elements in President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu (PF) party
and the
security forces have in recent weeks moved to clamp down on the
media and
whittle down the little democratic space that had opened up during
the
nearly two years of unity government.
Four journalists including the
editor of The Standard, Nevanji Madanhire and
his report Nqobani Nldovu have
been arrested in the past two months while
the police have a warrant of
arrest out for Wilf Mbanga, who is based in
Britain from where he publishes
The Zimbabwean newspaper.
The police want to arrest Mbanga in connection
with a story that –
strangely -- appeared in another publication that is
neither owned nor
produced by him.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Written by Staff
Reporter
Friday, 10 December 2010 15:50
MUTARE - This year in
Manicaland, more than 8 000ha of timber plantations
were gutted by veld
fires that destroyed some 17 300 hectares of land and
seven lives.
The
plantations provided valuable timber for local consumption by various
industries, as well as for export to earn much-needed foreign
currency.
Addressing a fire awareness campaign recently in Headlands, the
Minister of
Environment and Natural Resources Francis Nhema said at that the
country
continued to experience serious outbreaks of uncontrolled fires
throughout
the country causing untold destruction of biodiversity and
ecosystems.
“We continue to preach the same message that people should not
tamper with
fire, but all our efforts appear to be futile as veld fires have
been
running wild in this country especially in this part of Manicaland
leaving
death and destruction,” he said.
He added that if current trends
continued, the nation faced an even more
disastrous 2011 fire
season.
Nhema said Zimbabwe could not afford to lose its rich biodiversity
and the
much needed foreign currency due to careless throwing away of
cigarette
stubs or unattended open fires meant to warm bodies at bus
terminuses.
He warned that government would not fold its hands as careless
and wanton
destruction of forests continued through unlawful practices, and
urged all
stakeholders to assist in protecting the environment.
“All
these problems are due to human negligence, hence the need to reorient
our
attitudes towards fighting veld fires. Local authorities, traditional
leaders, chiefs’ headman, kraal heads and other critical stakeholders
involved in local governance should establish and train fire fighting teams
in their areas” said Nhema.
Commenting on the rampant occurrence of veld
fires in Makoni, Chief Makoni
said his people needed environmental education
and training.
“We are very saddened by this environmental catastrophe but we
are working
on a comprehensive programme where we want to train our people
on the
dangers of using fire and the benefits of using it as a controlled
resource.
We are working in partnership with the district council to make
sure that
our efforts and resources are put to good use,” Chief Makoni
said.
According to statistics, a total of 7 500 fire incidences were
experienced
country wide as at October 2010 and destroyed 950 905ha of
natural
vegetation.
The landscape of Manicaland, particularly
Chimanimani, Nyanga and Vumba,
offers beautiful scenery but of late, wild
fires have left a trail of
destruction.
Verges of major roads especially
along the Mutare-Headlands and
Mutare-Nyanga highways as well as some
grazing land in Headlands, Nyazura
and Odzi areas were not spared the
destruction.
This year saw Nyanga National Parks losing at least 50 hectares
to fire,
believed to be caused by poachers.
The province has
approximately 100 000ha of exotic plantations, mostly
located in the Eastern
Highlands, which stretch from Mt Selinda in the south
to Nyanga in the
north.
The plantations are generally intensively managed and comprise pines,
wattle
and eucalyptus species. Commercial entities and small growers
privately own
about 60 percent of these plantations, while 40 percent is
publicly owned.
Despite the importance of forests and woodlands to the
economy, there has
been a general increase of uncontrolled fires in the
whole country, with
Manicaland being one of the worst affected.
These
fires have been particularly devastating in the in the new
resettlement
areas, national parks and commercial timber plantations.
Major causes of
uncontrollable fires in the plantations have been discovered
to include
arson, gold panners, neighbouring settlers, honey collection,
electrical
faults, cigarettes and campers.
In the newly resettled areas, lack of
fireguards, mice hunting, clearing of
arable areas and bee smoking are the
major factors.
The implementation of the fire protection strategy has been
slow due to lack
of adequate capacity and resources to allow for stakeholder
interaction at
grassroots level. Budgetary constraints have also made it
difficult to
effectively control fires.
Major causes of
fires
Plantations:
arson, gold panners, neighbouring settlers, honey
collection, electrical
faults, cigarettes and campers.
Resettled
areas:
lack of fireguards, mice hunting, clearing of arable areas and bee
smoking.
Destroyed by fire
Nationwide:
7 500 fires
950 905 ha
destroyed
Manicaland:
8 000 ha timber plantations
17 300 ha destroyed
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by IRENE MOYO
Saturday, 11
December 2010 13:33
HARARE – British-based financial institution Standard
Chartered has again
been sucked into the controversy surrounding the busting
of European Union
sanctions against Zimbabwe amid allegations that it has
been giving loans to
President Robert Mugabe’s allies through syndicated
facilities offered by
non-EU banks. (Pictured: A Standard Chartered bank
branch in China)
Influential political think-tank Africa Confidential said
Standard Chartered
has been routing loans through local banks in Zimbabwe as
well as the
African Export Import Bank (Afreximbank) and the Eastern and
Southern
African Development Bank (PTA Bank) in order to circumvent
sanctions which
the EU renewed for another year in February.
Under the
sanctions, no European companies are allowed to do business with
Mugabe and
more than 200 officials and organisations linked to his Zanu (PF)
party. “As
Harare steps up pressure for the European Union to abandon its
sanctions on
Zimbabwe, it has emerged that a British-based bank has found a
legal way to
circumvent the ban on loans to President Robert
Mugabe’s allies,” the
think-tank said.
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) Governor Gideon Gono
revealed in July
that Standard Chartered, Afreximbank, PTA Bank and a
Chinese tobacco trader
Tian Li were responsible for at least US$442.5
million in lines of credit
approved by the RBZ which had gone to 23
Zimbabwean companies this year.
Gono, himself under EU sanctions, wrote: ‘Due
to sanctions Standard
Chartered Bank London mainly lends through syndicated
facilities through
Afreximbank (affiliated to the African Development Bank)
and the PTA Bank
(East and Southern African Trade and Development
Bank).’
Standard Chartered however says all lending conformed to EU sanctions
and
was done through its wholly-owned subsidiary, Standard Chartered
Zimbabwe.
Afreximbank says Standard Chartered had a $50 million revolving
credit
facility which it lent to the Zimbabwe cotton company AICO, formerly
Cotton
Company of Zimbabwe. Sylvester Nguni, Minister of State to Vice
President
Joice Mujuru and also under EU sanctions, is an AICO
shareholder.
Gono is also a shareholder through his investment in Sakunda
Energy, a
petroleum distribution company, as is Mujuru’s husband Solomon,
also under
sanctions, through various nominees, says a source close to AICO.
According
to Africa Confidential, Mujuru’s partners are hotel and banking
tycoon Farai
Rwodzi and Zanu (PF) Mashonaland East chairman and former
provincial
governor Ray Kaukonde.
Standard Chartered was in 2008 at the
centre of another Zimbabwe sanctions
inquiry by the British Foreign Office
for allegedly
breaching EU sanctions on Zimbabwe. The bank was at the time
said to be one
of three British-based groups that allegedly provided an
estimated US$1
billion in direct and indirect funding to Mugabe's
administration.
Together with Barclays Bank and the insurance firm Old
Mutual, the banking
group was accused of continuing to provide an economic
lifeline to the
regime. They were accused of providing loans to senior
members of Mugabe's
government running farms grabbed by mobs organised by
his Zanu (PF) party.
Many of the farms, previously white-owned, were
distributed to leading
figures in the regime rather than to landless black
Zimbabweans.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Written by ZimOnline
Saturday, 11 December 2010
12:31
HARARE - Shocking child deaths being recorded at Hopley Farm
settlement near
Harare are replicated throughout the city because of poor
funding and
equipment, top local authority officials has said.
Amnesty
International recently released a report detailing how the death of
21
newborn babies within the first five months of this year highlighted
unacceptably high child mortality rates caused by poor sanitary conditions.
The farm houses families evicted by government during its unpopular
Operation Murambatsvina/Restore Order in 2005.
“There is no major
difference between what is happening here and the
situation in all parts of
the city,” a city health director, Prosper Chonzi,
said during a visit to
settlement by Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe
this week following the
Amnesty report.
“Some of the equipment is non-functional. There is too much
pressure on
resources and the city is suffering from inadequate funding,” he
said. Like
Khupe, Chonzi appealed to Western donors to intervene with
funding. Harare
City Council, with 58 health institutions, is the country’s
biggest health
provider and is in a dire situation, Chonzi later told
ZimOnline. “We serve
about three million people and that is just a night
population because
during the day we have patients coming to our
institutions from areas
outside Harare because their situation could be
worse than ours,” he said.
Hopley Farm is holding 25 000 people against the
initial population of 2 000
in 2005 when vicious police and other State
agencies razed down thousands of
homes in an operation government defended
as necessary to restore order, but
said by the UN to have affected close to
a million people. During her tour
of Hopely Farm, Khupe, who is deputy
leader of Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai’s MDC party, came face to face
with the humanitarian disaster
unfolding at settlement. Unrelenting flies
swarmed her and her delegation as
they assessed the state of the “toilets”.
Residents told her this was their
everyday life, and accused the government
of dumping them.
Running water is scarce, the swampy settlement smells of
sewer and residents
live in falling grass, wooden and mud structures –
clearly worse than the
city backyard shacks and shantytown homes destroyed
by police bulldozers
during Murambatsvina. “This has become a death
compound. Everyday someone,
especially children, dies here of causes that
could have been prevented had
government chosen to stick to its promises
when it forced us here.
Government has reduced to worse than dogs,” Yvonne
Bosha, a resident at
Hopley, told Khupe.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by VUSIMUZI BHEBHE
Saturday, 11 December
2010 13:16
HARARE – South Africa has failed to rein in President Robert
Mugabe whose
flagrant abuse of power in Zimbabwe is threatening the
credibility of the
Southern African Development Community (SADC), a British
lawmaker said last
week. (Pictured: President Jacob Zuma)
Contributing to
debate on Zimbabwe in the House of Commons last Wednesday,
the House of
Commons Member of Parliament for Birmingham Northfield, Richard
Burden said
Zimbabwe’s neighbours in the SADC regional grouping,
particularly South
Africa, had failed ordinary Zimbabweans by failing to
reprimand Mugabe who
is accused of human rights abuses.
“SADC countries need to face up to that,
but most of all South Africa needs
to face up to the fact that, in terms of
securing leverage and change in
Zimbabwe, its role is absolutely crucial. So
far, it has not exercised that
role as assertively as many of us would
like,” Burden said.
South African President Jacob Zuma has been mediating on
behalf of SADC in
the power-sharing wrangle between Mugabe and his former
opposition enemies –
MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara of
MDC-M – who came
together in a unity government under immense pressure from
the regional body
keen to contain a political crisis that followed
Zimbabwe’s general
elections in 2008.
The comments by the British MP
coincided with another report by South Africa’s
opposition Democratic
Alliance (DA) party which called Zuma a poor mediator
in the Zimbabwean
crisis, describing the SADC point-man in the Harare
wrangle as worse than
his predecessor Thabo Mbeki. In a scathing attack on
Zuma’s rather lukewarm
handling of the Zimbabwe crisis, DA parliamentary
leader Athol Trolip
described the South African leader as meek and pandering
to
Mugabe.
Trolip accused Zuma of standing idle in the face of Mugabe’s refusal
to meet
his obligations under the power-sharing agreement with Tsvangirai.
The
British MP said Mugabe has strung other SADC leaders along as he
continued
to even violate the regional body’s own statutes. He cited
Mugabe’s refusal
to recognise rulings from the Namibia-based SADC Tribunal
regarding the
constitutionality of Zimbabwe’s controversial land reform
programme.
“When Mugabe just ignores and cocks a snook at the decisions of
the SADC
Tribunal, that is a problem not just for the people whose farms and
livelihoods have been taken away, but for southern Africa as a whole and for
the credibility of SADC itself,” he said. The Tribunal first ruled against
Mugabe’s land reforms in November 2008, declaring the chaotic and often
bloody farm redistribution programme discriminatory, racist and illegal
under the SADC Treaty. The court also ordered Harare to compensate those it
had already evicted from their farms.
But Mugabe ignored the ruling while
his supporters have stepped up a
campaign to drive Zimbabwe’s few remaining
white farmers off the land.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by VUSIMUZI BHEBHE
Saturday, 11 December
2010 12:40
HARARE – A British parliamentarian has warned that the fragile
marriage of
convenience between President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan
Tsvangirai was the only thing standing “between Zimbabwe and chaos”
and said
more efforts should be invested to ensure that the country does not
slide
back to the pre-2009 political crisis.
Liberal Democrat Member of
Parliament Malcolm Bruce described the political
climate in Zimbabwe as a
disaster but cautioned that there were no quick
fixes to the problems
besetting the fragile coalition government formed by
Mugabe and Tsvangirai
22 months ago.
“Frankly, that government are the only thing that stands
between Zimbabwe
and chaos and we must use whatever influence we have to try
to persuade
people, wherever they are, that there is a better place for
Zimbabwe to head
for than back to where it was,” the MP told the United
Kingdom’s House of
Commons during debate on Zimbabwe last week. Bruce is
chairman of the House
of Commons’ International Development Committee which
visited Zimbabwe in
February to review UK-funded aid projects in the
southern African country.
In his report to the House of Commons, Bruce said
observance of the global
political agreement (GPA)—the basis of Zimbabwe’s
government of national
unity—is highly dysfunctional but noted that it has
helped to create some
space in which positive things can happen. He added
that his committee “saw
genuine benefit to people who had been in abject
hopelessness prior to that
agreement”.
The MP said the British government
should continue to engage with the Harare
authorities in order to help
Zimbabwe avoid sliding back to the chaos
experienced prior to the formation
of the coalition regime in February 2009.
"We must do nothing that allows
this troubled partnership to be brought to
an end and the re-establishment
of a one-party state. That would set back
not just Zimbabwe but the whole of
southern Africa for another generation,"
Bruce said. He however ruled out
the lifting of visa and financial
restrictions against Mugabe and senior
Zanu (PF) officials, charging that
there has been no significant movement in
terms of fulfilling the
pre-condition of instituting much-needed political
reforms in Zimbabwe.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Pambazuka
News
Thursday, 09 December 2010 17:02
While some have looked
favourably on Essar Africa Holdings Ltd being
selected as the preferred
private corporation to take on 54 percent of the
Zimbabwe Iron and Steel
Company (ZISCO), Khadija Sharife points out that it’s
not all good
news:
When the Mauritius-based Essar Africa Holdings Ltd, an arm of
India's Essar
Group, was selected as the preferred private corporation to
take on 54 per
cent of Zimbabwe's ailing state-owned steel maker, the
Zimbabwe Iron and
Steel Company (ZISCO), many breathed a sigh of relief.
??
Under the terms of the agreement, Essar Africa, which beat out
ArcelorMittal
and Jindal Steel, will acquire a 53 per cent stake in ZISCO,
also taking on
board a US$270 million debt. Essar, a medium-sized firm, was
allegedly
selected by Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe.
Of this debt, US$240
million must be repayed to a German bank, and a further
US$30 million to a
Chinese bank, to be repaid by end 2011. With a production
capacity of one
million tonnes annually, and Essar's promise to have the
company up and
running within 24 months, on the surface, things appear to be
looking up for
the country, currently receiving Foreign Direct Investment
(FDI) of just
US$60 million annually.
The deal symbolises the first privatisation under
the unity government
between Zanu-PF's Mugabe and the Movement for
Democratic Change's (MDC)
Morgan Tsvangirai.
The parastatal is said
to be immune from the country's law stipulating that
foreign-owned companies
must eventually sell 51 per cent of shares to local
Zimbabweans.??
All not well
Once a significant source of foreign
currency, in recent time, ZISCO
produced just 12,500 tonnes in 2008 (when
the parastatal ceased
operations) - well below break even capacity of
25,000. No doubt, the
increased revenue will greatly aid Zimbabwe's drive to
source sustainable
development revenue. ??
With major interests in
oil, telecommunications, steel and energy, Essar's
presence - and its US$450
million acquisition - indicates that Zimbabwe is
now open for business. Yet
Essar's operating base - Mauritius - does not
bode well.
The
jurisdiction, a key conduit used for 'round-tripping' (parking wealth in
Mauritius before re-investing in India) by Indian corporations, provides
almost half of India's FDI, estimated at US$39 billion.
With its vast
selection of opaque legal and financial secrecy tools,
including banking
secrecy, zero taxation and almost complete lack of
disclosure of
beneficiaries, shareholders, directors, company accounts and
trusts,
Mauritius represents the perfect anonymous environment for regimes
eager to
exploit resources and siphon revenue through legal paper
channels.??
Companies not only prefer Mauritius for zero taxation and
corporate opacity,
but also thin capitalisation. This is a process whereby
holding companies
internally supply high-interest loans to subsidiaries in
developing
countries, draining pre-tax profits, resulting in severely
diminished
taxable income, or even creating losses, despite the health of
the business.
'Management' fees, allowing for holding companies to
artificially mis-price
goods and services procured from the company, is yet
another tactic commonly
used. ??Essar is not the only company active in
Zimbabwe to utilise
Mauritius.
Not through Mauritius
South African
scrap metal corporation New Reclamation holds a concession to
one of the
world's largest diamond field discoveries in recent times:
Marange. Through
Mbada, a joint venture between the ZMDC and New
Reclamation, the company has
long begun exploiting diamonds.
Yet New Reclamation's Zimbabwean arm -
Grandwell Holdings - is a tax exempt
Global Business Category II (GBCII)
paper company established in Mauritius,
which the ZMDC itself stated was
immune from government due diligence due to
this very fact.
Primarily
controlled by the Zimbabwean military, Marange's overflowing
alluvial
diamond resources could well supply the cash-strapped Zimbabwean
government
with as much as $1.7 billion in revenue annually. ??
Using the same
secrecy tools listed above, not only could myriad war vets
and political
elites use nominee shareholders to conceal their role in the
company, but
little of this revenue will reach Zimbabwe's tax base.
Given that such
environments are selected precisely because of high-level
confidentiality,
it is unlikely that such companies can be penetrated and
held to account.
??
Consistently ranked one of the world's easiest places to do business,
and
Africa's leading, by the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and
World
Bank, also topping the charts on the Mo Ibrahim Governance Index,
Mauritius
has charmed those seeking a superficial African success
story.
But what is the impact of such success on the democracies of other
African
nations? With donor aid of just under $630 million, and life
expectancy of
42, Zimbabwe is urgently in need of self-generating
sustainable revenue. The
way is not through Mauritius
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Derek
Matyszak
Friday, 10 December 2010 13:06
Political divisions of
land
Zanu (PF) is using Chiefs to control land and ensure that opposition
political parties do not have access to rural areas, which are its
stronghold areas. Last week we looked at strategies used by the party to
maintain a grip of its waning support in the rural areas and instil fear in
the villagers since 2000.
The local government in Zimbabwe's communal
lands is characterised by a
multi-tiered and hierarchical two-strand
administrative structure.
One strand comprises democratically elected local
government councils while
the other is that of appointed traditional leaders
and appointed officials
imposed by central government. There are thus two
loci of power in local
government running parallel to each other, one
democratic and one appointed,
with some formal linkages between the two
established by statute.
The result is that numerous tentacles of power
emanating from different
sources in this system touch upon and control the
lives of the inhabitants
of rural areas.
There are two significant land
marks in the history of the development of
the structure of local government
of relevance here. The first is the
amalgamation of rural councils with
district councils. The former had
governed small country towns and
large-scale commercial farms, while the
latter fell within communal
lands.
Legislation merging the two was passed in 1988 but only became
effective in
1993. The pre-independence government utilised traditional
leaders as
primary policy implementers (particularly in regard to land), and
they were
given extensive powers as means of exercising control over the
rural
populace. As a result, Chiefs’ relations with their communities was
often
fractious, though the view that Chiefs were completely and
successfully
co-opted to act as agents for the minority white government
does not appear
to be supported by close examination.
Stripped of
powers in 1982
Nonetheless, the position of Chiefs had been sufficiently
compromised. The
post-independence government stripped the Chiefs of most of
their powers in
1982. Official policy became one of devolution of local
government power to
elected representatives in rural areas.
However,
despite this policy, in practice central government found the
extensive
power of central government over local government structures
established in
the pre-independence period too seductive to relinquish. As
opposition to
the rule of Zanu (PF) has grown, this power has been used with
a directly
proportional frequency.
Furthermore, noting the pre-independence government’s
success in exerting
control over the rural areas through traditional
structures, the Traditional
Leaders Act was passed in 1998, becoming
effective in 2000. The Act restored
the jurisdiction of the traditional
leaders in some aspects relating to
rural communities, most of which had
been removed in 1982.
For administrative purposes, Zimbabwe is divided into
provinces, districts,
rural councils, wards and villages.
The President
may declare any area to be a province and any area within a
province to be a
district. The President may establish a rural council
within a district and
divide any rural council into wards. Rural local
government is thus
dependent upon the discretion of the President rather
than being
constitutionally enshrined and protected. Provinces and districts
so
established by the President may also be abolished by him. These powers
effectively allow the President to act as a one- person delimitation
commission.
The Minister of Local Government has the responsibility to
ensure that all
communal land is surveyed and the boundaries of villages
determined in such
a survey.
However, the Minister has the power to
appoint a commission apparently for
the purpose of making recommendations on
delimitation to the President, and
where such commission is not appointed,
to solicit views from residents for
the same purpose.
Chiefs are almost
exclusively male, though in1997, for the first time a
woman, was appointed
as Chief in an Ndebele area of Zimbabwe.
Next week we examine provincial
structures and the authority exerted by the
Ministry Local Government, Rural
and urban Development. - Editor's note:
This article is based on a report
entitled Formal structures of power in
rural Zimbabwe, by Derek Matyszak for
the Research and Advocacy Unit in
Harare.
[The complete article is
available at
http://www.swradioafrica.com/Documents/Formal%20Structures%20of%20Power%20in%20Rural%20Zimbabwe.pdf
- Barbara]
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by VUSIMUZI BHEBHE
Saturday,
11 December 2010 13:08
HARARE – The People’s Republic of China (PRC)
holds the key to dismantling
Zimbabwe’s ruling cabal and is likely to be
influential in achieving elusive
reforms to nudge hardline security chiefs
to agree to political changes,
according to a leaked US diplomatic
cable.
The cable, obtained by WikiLeaks, says German Ambassador to Zimbabwe
Albrecht Conze told US ambassador Charles Ray that the PRC plays a
significant role in Zimbabwe and that Western nations need to involve them
more in cooperative activities wherever possible. In the December 2009
cable, Ray said Conze agreed with him that while China was unlikely to want
to participate in pro-democracy programmes, economic stability was clearly
in its interests.
“Conze believes that the PRC might even be useful in
moving security sector
reform forward as it has a potential impact on
economic stability, and he
does not believe South Africa will be really
useful in this regard,” the
cable said. President Robert Mugabe, ostracised
by the West for his failure
to uphold the rule of law, human rights and
democracy, has turned to China
and other Asian countries since 2000 as part
of a "Look East" policy aimed
at propping up Zimbabwe's troubled
economy.
Presiding over what was once considered the world's
fastest-shrinking
economy in 2008, the 86-year-old Zimbabwean leader has
offered the Chinese
open access to all economic sectors at a time when other
investors have been
leaving in droves. The cable said as part of the plan,
the Western
diplomats have considered inviting the Chinese ambassador to
weekly meetings
of the
Fishmongers Head of Mission to explore potential
areas of cooperation.
The group currently consists of envoys from the US,
Canada, Australia and
the European Union. Security chiefs are Mugabe’s
staunchest allies and are
credited with keeping the President in power after
waging a ruthless
campaign of violence in 2008 to force then opposition
leader Morgan
Tsvangirai – now Prime Minister – to withdraw from a second
round
presidential poll
that analysts had strongly tipped the former
trade unionist to win.
Tsvangirai had beaten Mugabe in the first round ballot
but failed to achieve
outright victory to avoid the second round run-off
poll. The security chiefs
have previously vowed to never salute a president
who did not take part in
Zimbabwe’s 1970s liberation struggle, in what was
seen as a clear warning
they would topple any government led by Tsvangirai
who did not take part in
the independence war.
Speech by Roy Bennett,
Treasurer General of the Movement for Democratic
Change,
to the Foreign Correspondents’ Association
Johannesburg, 10
December 2010
Ladies and gentlemen,
Thank you for inviting me to speak
to you tonight. It’s always a
privilege to meet again with those I know and
to have the
opportunity to develop new relationships and
better
understandings.
Zimbabweans are again at a crossroads. We are
again faced with
failure and opportunity, fear and promise. Let me explain,
using
my own personal situation as an illustration, a set of
circumstances
mirrored in the lives of millions of my countrymen. I am again
in
exile, driven from my home by a malevolent and vengeful
regime.
Zanu remains determined to deny us our most basic human
right—
the right to live peaceful and productive lives among our
own
people. Increasing harassment of me was a clear precursor to
further
imprisonment and fabrications. I was left with little choice
but to take my
leave for a second time. I am better off than my
many brothers and sisters in
South Africa, most of whom live in
dire poverty and despair. But, like them,
I am tired, homesick and
heartsore.
My experience is symbolic of the
political malaise that continues
to grip Zimbabwe. Indeed, the painful trials
and tribulations I have
undergone in the last 18 months go beyond mere
symbolism and
are a direct result of the ugly reality that holds sway in
Zimbabwe.
The leadership of the Movement for Democratic Change
entered
the so-called inclusive government under pressure—and yet
also
with the utterly desperate cries of ordinary Zimbabweans ringing
in
our ears. Zanu’s deliberate abuse of the economy for its own
enrichment had
reduced the people to rags. Cholera was running
rampant, schools had
collapsed. We wanted to put SADC to the
test, to see if they would back their
own guarantees around a new
constitution and free and fair elections. The
alternative was a
brutal, no-holds-barred showdown with the forces of
repression.
Let me expand a bit. Much has been written about the MDC
being
‘naïve’, being ‘hoodwinked by Mugabe’ and so on. I returned
from
exile in February 2009 to participate in a critical party meeting
that
would decide whether or not we would participate in government.
I
arrived at Harare airport, unsure whether I was to be arrested
and
jailed again. Zimbabwe had already effectively closed down. All
its
vital economic organs were beyond critical. There was no fuel,
no food,
people were starving and the currency was worthless. We
felt that Zimbabwe’s
immediate future might resemble Somalia.
Our party put the people’s
interest first. Observers should
acknowledge the proper motives of the MDC
leadership, even if
they take issue with us on tactical grounds. Robust
debate took
place behind closed doors, but the final decision was that
we
should try to implement the Global Political Agreement for the
good of
the people. If our leadership had rejected this proposal,
Harare would quite
conceivably have gone up in smoke. Do not
underestimate the anger of people
on the street, people whose
support for MDC in successive elections had been
simply ignored.
We strove mightily to avoid a Kenyan conflagration.
It
came as little surprise that Zanu had few intentions of meeting
its
obligations under the GPA. For me it was the beginning of a
rollercoaster
ride. I had received an exhilarating welcome by the
people
in Harare, carried shoulder high to party headquarters at
Harvest
House. But, as you know, I was soon arrested at Charles
Prince
airport—at the very moment my colleagues were being sworn
in.
Mugabe could not bear the prospect of shaking my hand. That was
no
loss to me. The idea of holding hands with a mass-murderer
leaves me cold. I
spent 40 days in the unspeakable squalor and filth
of Mutare Remand Prison.
During this period, six inmates died of
malnutrition. I was surrounded by
walking corpses, surreal
apparitions of skin and bone, men whose bodies
barely clung to
their souls. If a government is to be judged by the way it
treats its
most helpless and vulnerable, then truly Zanu is but a half
step
from the infamy of Nazism. The conditions in Zimbabwe’s jails
were
little different to what I imagine they were at Auschwitz. The
Commissioner
of Prisons, Paradzai Zimondi, is criminally
indifferent to the lives of the
thousands who have perished
needlessly—and he must surely account for this
one day.
Demonstrations of the regime’s arrogance multiplied in
short
order. The junta’s humiliation and intimidation of the
country’s
elected representatives was commonplace from the outset. Some
of
these incidents were public, but many were private and
unpublicised.
Nelson Chamisa was physically shirt-fronted by
Constantine Chiwenga in a
cowardly display of bullying. My wife
and I were threatened with death by
drunken militia who had been
instructed to set up a roadblock for us. The
shenanigans
surrounding my show trial and the framing of numerous
MDC
Members of Parliament were a further demonstration of
Zanu’s
duplicity.
As a Christian who has experienced the goodness and
love of Jesus
Christ, it is clear to me that Zanu is an anti-Christ. Zanu has
turned
on its head all that is good and right. Where there is plenty,
it
brings hunger. Where there was joy, it brings tears. Where there
is
hope, it brings despair. Where we would build, it destroys. Where
we
would save life, it kills. Where there is peace, it wages war.
Where there is
truth, it spews lies.
Just this week Robert Mugabe had the gall to tell
President Zuma
(and I quote): ‘I am a lawyer and I am not happy to be in a
thing
which is semi-legal’. Apparently, semi-legalities bother him,
but
not blatant illegalities. Let us never forget that the MDC is the
only
legitimate party of government post-2008. We won that
election
outright. Zanu lost. But aided and abetted by Thabo Mbeki,
Mugabe
bludgeoned his way to the negotiating table, treading on
the broken lives and
limbs of Zimbabweans to secure a place in the
current dispensation. The
liberation mantras and haughty claims to
authenticity and legitimacy which
litter Zanu rhetoric are just
that—rubbish, refuse, a stench in the nostrils
of the Zimbabwean
people. So too are the oft-repeated allegations by Zanu and
its
supporters that MDC is a front for ‘The West’. We expect that
from
Zanu, but to those in SADC who take this line we say: who
are you to
second-guess the democratic will of the people of
Zimbabwe? Why should the
votes of millions count for nothing?
Who are you to suggest that Zimbabweans
are too stupid and too
ignorant to choose for themselves? A case of reverse
neocolonialism
if ever there has been! We are tired of the insults
and
insinuations. We make no apologies and will not tip-toe around
the
region. What is said privately about crazy old men must be spelt
out
directly. Mugabe and his military junta must be told their
game is up. The
situation in the Ivory Coast has shown again the
absurdity of rewarding the
losers—though a different approach
might do that other loser, Thabo Mbeki,
out of a job. He seems to
have carved out a niche as an advocate for failed
dictators.
What is the road ahead in Zimbabwe? Mired in a
dysfunctional
constitutional process, caught in an economic holding-pattern
and
held to ransom by Zanu’s coterie of gangsters—comically known
as the
Joint Operations Command—the GPA is hardly a blueprint
for recovery and
national healing. It was always meant to be a
temporary measure—and its
trajectory has underlined the need to
move beyond it as a matter of urgency.
What good has come out of
it is almost exclusively the work of the MDC.
Dollarisation and the
efforts of the party through the Finance Ministry have
made life
more bearable for Zimbabweans. But the people must finish
the
job. We must stand up and show Zanu the door. We must re-group
and
move forward together. It is time for all Zimbabweans to unite,
to focus on
the goal and the obstacle, Zanu-PF! Civil society must
retain its
independence but must accept the leadership of the MDC
during this phase of
the struggle. For its part, the MDC must see
civil society as a strategic
partner and recognize that there are
multiple centres of resistance. I hope
to play a role in building
these bridges. The lessons of South Africa’s
United Democratic
Front are there for all to see.
From SADC, and from
South Africa in particular, we ask for
nothing more than a level playing
field. Genuinely free and fair
elections are enough for us. And the major
part of that is an
election campaign and aftermath that is free of violence
and
intimidation. It is not enough to have a quiet day of voting after
the
people have been battered in the preceding three months—and are
to be
battered again after polling. For South Africa, surely it is time
to see that
a stable, prosperous and democratic Zimbabwe is in its
interests? During the
Mbeki era, we came to expect pseudointellectual
hubris as a substitute for
the pragmatic assessment of
national interests. We hope that the new
dispensation under
President Zuma will be more attuned to the day-to-day
needs of
ordinary South Africans. Zimbabweans in South Africa want to
go
home. If Jacob Zuma wants to create a million jobs, he can do no
better
than to create the conditions that will help Zimbabweans do
what they want to
do: to return home and make a living among
their own families and
communities. The alternative is further
stress on service delivery—and on a
social fabric that is already
groaning under the weight of migrant
Zimbabweans. It is vain to
believe that Zimbabweans can be prevented by force
or by
regulation from coming and staying in South Africa. Faced
with
hunger and abuse at home, they will continue to come.
In all this
we are not naive about Zanu. It will require more than
polite talk to push a
group of delusional political deviants to hold
free and fair elections.
Zimbabwe’s post-independence history
shows that the barest shreds of
humanity, let alone democratic
norms, mean nothing to Zanu when confronted
with a loss of
power. As we speak, Zanu-PF, the party of violence, has
deployed
soldiers to mobilise brown-shirt brigades against the
people.
Rewarded by the spoils of blood diamonds, they have
been
instructed to kill and wreak havoc. We may yet see violence of
an
unprecedented nature. Mugabe’s madness is underway. It must be
exposed
by people like you.
I am sure South Africa’s negotiators have seen
glimpses of this
radical self-centredness in recent months. But it goes
further than
they might imagine. It is a fact that Zanu collaborated with
the
Apartheid government at the same time as it played host to
ANC
representatives in the 1980s. Moreover, it collaborated with
the
Apartheid regime in the brutalisation of its own people. In 1983,
at
the height of Matabeleland massacres, Emmerson Mnangagwa
requested
material assistance from the South African Defence
Force. It is also a fact
that Mugabe used Central Intelligence
operatives, many of whom had served
under Ian Smith, to monitor
ANC cadres while they were in Zimbabwe.
Ironically, one of those
placed under surveillance was Thabo
Mbeki.
Zimbabweans themselves need little reminding of the character
of
Zanu’s criminal mindset. We have seen Zanu slay our people, felt
its
cruel rod on our backs, its boots on our necks. We see the guilty
mock us
every day. It is a system and a perverse ideology—but it
is much more than
that. It is deeply personal. Those who butchered
the Ndebeles were rewarded
and now queue up to succeed
Mugabe. This junta laugh and leer, they ridicule
the blood and
tears of the people. We know they will not go quietly. We
hope
and pray for a non-violent transition—but we do not expect it.
Yet,
against all odds, we will achieve the dream of a new Zimbabwe
built
on justice and dignity. What we have is not good enough. No.
We want and
deserve something better. We want to be free—
totally and completely free of
the Zanu pestilence. Free to build a
future for ourselves and our
children.
I sense that this is the last chance for a peaceful resolution.
Let us
not beat about the bush: if Zanu will not accept the will of
the
people, what remains for Zimbabweans? How long must we suffer
these
humiliations and degradations? Long, long ago, mass
mobilisation became a
moral right. SADC is at a crossroads. Will
it do what is right? If it will
not, Zimbabweans cannot continue to
be trampled, to be taken for granted. We
must shoulder the burden,
we must take control of our destiny, we must seize
our birthright—
and we will.
I thank you and wish you all a peaceful,
blessed Christmas and ask
humbly that you write for, and in the interests of,
the aspirations of
ordinary Zimbabweans.
Saturday, 11 December 2010
Transparency International Zimbabwe (TIZ) today held commemorations of the International Anti-Corruption day at the Africa Unity Square in Harare to call for the full domestication of the United Nations convention on anti-corruption which was ratified by the Zimbabwean government in 2003 as well as the declaration of assets by public office bearers.
Speaking at the commemorations, Hon Theresa Makone, the MDC National Women’s Assembly chairperson and co- Minister of Home Affairs said, transparency was the most vital element in our country if we are to realise real change.
“Our societies and communities will improve only when there is transparency, accountability and honesty among public office bearers. Where corruption is rife, the people suffer, but where there is transparency and accountability, the people will witness real change,” Hon Makone said.
Hon Makone has pledged to declare her assets on Monday, a first to be done by any public official, whilst Hon Willias Madzimure, the member of Parliament for Kambuzuma declared his assets during the commemorations.
Mr Titus Gwemende, the Programmes Officer for TIZ said the attendance was good and commended the MDC leadership for showing commitment as well as offering to declare their assets.
“We are extremely impressed with Hon Makone for volunteering to declare her assets on Monday, which is the best news we have heard in the year to have such a high ranking official from government especially from the MDC, it shows that the MDC is taking the issue of transparency more seriously,” said Mr Gwemende.
The MDC has adopted the Real Change Code of Ethics and Values which is a declaration of assets by the leadership of party as a gesture of achieving transparency and accountability.
The International Anti-Corruption day is commemorated on the 9th of December yearly.
Meanwhile, in Mbare, there are continued reports of violence after Zanu PF youth attacked informal traders at Mupedzanhamo market for being MDC. The rowdy, machete wielding youth are said to have ransacked the Mupedzanhamo stalls in the morning, beating MDC supporters.
In the ensuing conflagrations, two MDC supporters were injured whilst two others were arrested.
Speaking from Mbare, the Mbare District Chairperson Cotton Godfrey said two Zanu PF youth were also arrested but were released that morning. However, the two MDC supporters are being held at Matapi police station yet no charges have been leveled against them.
The officer in charge, one Shoko was said to be drunk on duty and refused to attend to the District chairperson.
“He has refused to see us. We do not understand why they are holding the two here and we are yet to locate the two people who were injured at Mupedzanhamo,” said Cotton.
Noah Chinodya and Angirai Moyowatidhi brothers are at Matapi police station whilst the two who were injured were identified as David Mazibiya and Wonder Chombe.
Together, united, winning, ready for real change!!
Robb , Derby
Zimbabwe :
I probably do not have to detail the inherent problems that
come to mind when studying the provisions within the Constitution of Zimbabwe,
notwithstanding Mugabe’s habit of applying changes - in retrospect - to protect
himself and his fractious party.
People are probably not aware that Section 30 of Chapter 4
headed “Executive” gives provision to protect the President from
prosecution.
That section reads:
“(1) The President shall not, while in office, be personally
liable to any civil or criminal proceedings whatsoever in any
court.
(2) Without prejudice to the provisions of subsection (1), it
shall be lawful to institute civil or criminal proceedings against a person
after he has ceased to be President, in respect of –
(a) things done or omitted to be done by him before he became
President; or
(b) things done or omitted to be done by him in his personal
capacity during his term of office as President;
and, notwithstanding any provision contained in any law
relating to prescription or to the limitation of actions, the running of
prescription in relation to any debt or liability of the President, whether
incurred or accrued before or during his term of office, shall be suspended
during his term of office as President.”
Realistically, before Mugabe can be charged with any crime,
or face any legal action in any court he has to be out of office.
How convenient!
But perhaps this is one of the things that motivates him in
his desperation to remain in office.
Having read, yesterday, of the plan that Mugabe and his party
have of banning the MDC, rendering them illegal - along with other political
parties in Zimbabwe, except ZANU PF - I got to thinking about the other legal
questions concerning this sort of thought process and intended
action.
Which brought to mind the crime of ’sedition’.
“In law, sedition is overt conduct, such as speech and
organisation, that is deemed by the legal authority to tend toward insurrection
against the established order. Sedition often includes subversion of a
constitution and incitement of discontent (or resistance) to lawful authority.
Sedition may include any commotion, though not aimed at direct and open violence
against the laws. Seditious words in writing are seditious libel. A seditionist
is one who engages in or promotes the interests of sedition.”
(Wikipedia)
One would be forgiven in making the assumption that Mugabe is
now protected by the provision of the Constitution, but I do believe that the
crimes he is responsible for, by either commission or omission, mean that the
Constitutional protection falls away, given that the crimes are against the
people of Zimbabwe - the very people he swore to serve.
His Constitutional immunity has to have some ‘overflow’ mark,
which he must have exceeded many times before today.
It would be ridiculous to assume that the Constitution allows
him to act without any threat of punitive action. The office of President cannot
provide solace to a criminal, and should not be allowed to be used as a
shield.
The Constitution of Zimbabwe, even as it stands right now, is
the document which provides the backbone to the legality of life in Zimbabwe. It
cannot be used as a weapon on the population of Zimbabwe, and then as protection
when applied to the actions of the incumbent President.
Perhaps this is yet another reason why Mugabe does not like
the idea of the Constitution being rewritten.
Robb WJ Ellis
The Bearded Man
Read more:
http://mandebvhu.instablogs.com/entry/mugabe-protected-by-constitution/#ixzz17m7wD0Jq
Dear Family and Friends,
Christmas in Zimbabwe is a sumptuous
extravaganza of peaches and
plums, litchis and apricots. It’s the time of
flying ants and flame
lilies, of dark purple skies and vivid, searing streaks
of lightning
crackling in the air. This year Christmas is coming with some of
the
most violent and torrential rain storms we have ever seen, with
strong
winds, hail and sheets of water covering the ground in minutes.
It’s
a frantic money raising time of year though, and almost as soon
as
each rain storm subsides the vendors emerge from cover and get back
to
business. All along the roads women and children sit displaying
piles
of tomatoes and bowls and buckets filled to overflowing with
wild
fruits, running out with their wares whenever a vehicle slows
down.
In between the vendors and all along our highways there is a very
high
police presence. Sometimes its road blocks with drums, signs
and
cones, other times it’s a couple of police on a motorbike
waving
vehicles down; or a pair of police on foot standing in a lay-by
who
risk their lives and yours as they just step out into the road
and
signal for you to stop when you are on the open road travelling at
120
kilometres an hour. In the busiest locations in towns roadblocks
have
sprung up in the last few weeks with police accompanied by ZBC
radio
licence inspectors who are fining drivers and making motorists buy
a
full 12 month licence which is only valid till the end of the year
and
expires in two weeks time. None are immune from this Christmas
revenue
collection.
It’s the time of year when prices go up, almost
overnight, as shop
owners anticipate more customers and increased sales. It’s
the time
of year when everyone expects a Christmas bonus; a 13th cheque
which
is unaffordable and crippling for most employers whose businesses
are
struggling to stay open but it’s a payment nonetheless that
most
employees here have come to regard as their right.
This is the
time of year when you see people trying to sell the
strangest of things. This
week two men outside a supermarket were
selling what looked like mini tennis
racquets but which had a
criss-crossed wire gauze in them. “Mosquito
swatters” they told me
when I stopped for a second, a confused look on my
face. Stranger
still where the 20 kg bags of seed maize being sold in what
used to
Zimbabwe’s busiest book shop and stationery outlet. A shop
with
branches around the country whose slogan is: ‘Leading stationers
to
the nation,’ but which now stands almost empty stocking only a
few
political memoirs by Zanu PF figures, a meagre selection of
stationery
and of course the seed maize!
Christmas in Zimbabwe is also
the time of year when Zanu PF hold their
annual congress and the rhetoric is
flowing fast and furious, feeding
feverishly on each new Wikileaks
disclosure. The talk is of traitors
and plots, of plans for regime change and
at the hidden agendas of
foreigners from the west. Fingers are being pointed,
accusations are
being made and we are being warned that Zimbabwe “will not
brook any
outside interference.”
This rhetoric aside, Zimbabwe is
approaching Christmas 2010 with a
growing sense of trepidation and unease.
The warnings of what lies
ahead for us in coming months as we hold elections,
are growing louder
by the day. We are listening, watching and again looking
over our
shoulders while we try to inhale the magnificence of December
in
Zimbabwe. Until next time, thanks for reading and for the
wonderful
response to my new book, love cathy 11th December
2010.
Copyright � Cathy Buckle. www.cathybuckle.com
http://www.spectator.co.uk
Saturday
11 December 2010
8 June 2002
Readers
may remember the story of Tom Bayley, an 88-year-old Zimbabwean
farmer whom
this magazine interviewed in mid-April. He was then sitting in
the
living-room of his homestead at Masowe, near Harare, where he had been
under
siege by Robert Mugabe's thugs for more than a month. With tears
running
down his cheeks, the old man explained that he had come to Rhodesia
in 1930,
and bought his first small plot of land for £5. He described how he
had
built up the farm, to the point where he had generally been able to
expect a
thousand tons of maize every year. This year, though, there will be
no
harvest at the Bayleys' farm.
After 35 days in which neither he nor his
wife was able to leave their
house, Tom Bayley has died, bullied to death by
a dozen or so malodorous
'war veterans'. They illegally invaded his
property, and illegally prevented
the visits of their children. They ate the
seedcorn, butchered the cattle,
and kept up a nightly barrage of threats and
taunts. One day in May the old
white farmer fell, broke his hip, and died
from complications in hospital.
When he spoke to this magazine, he described
the last years of his life as a
'torture'. He felt cast adrift, abandoned by
Britain. As for the Zimbabwean
police, it was clear that they actively
connived with the brigands. They
wanted the Bayleys off the land, thought to
have been earmarked for an
important member of the Mugabe regime, and they
did no more to help Mr
Bayley than they helped Charles Anderson, who became,
on Sunday, the twelfth
white farmer to be killed by the mobs.
After
two years of pogroms, Mr Mugabe has now succeeded in expelling 3,000
white
farmers from the land they cultivated. All the rest are in theory due
to
leave by 10 August, or else face a two-year sentence in prison. It would
be
naive, of course, to think that it is only whites who have suffered. A
total
of 800,000 black workers have also lost their livelihoods; and since
the
land has been given over to a total of 560,000 invaders, there has been
a
substantial net loss of employment for black workers, too. The damage to
the
Zimbabwean economy has been incalculable. This was once among the most
robust economies in Africa. It is now on the brink of starvation, with six
million in need of food aid. In the space of the last two weeks, the
Zimbabwean dollar has depreciated from 250 to the US dollar, to
500.
It is not just the chaos and bloodshed that should make us angry. It
is the
seeming indifference of the British government, and of the media.
Britain
has just celebrated 50 years of the Queen's rule; indeed, the
Jubilee has
gone stunningly well, a devastating rebuke to the republicans.
What we seem
to have forgotten, in this jovial orgy of self-congratulation,
is that there
are British people, with British passports, who are being
killed and driven
from their farms in what was a British colony. Why is it
that we were
prepared to spend three months bombing Serbia and Kosovo on
behalf of the
Kosovo Liberation Army, which now turns out to have links with
the al-Qa'eda
network, when we do absolutely nothing to help people like Tom
Bayley? There
are supposed to be some EU sanctions in place against Mugabe.
They are a
joke. With the explicit knowledge and connivance of the British
government,
Mugabe's chief of police, Mr Augustine Chihuri, was allowed
recently to
attend a meeting of Interpol in Lyons. What price the travel ban
on senior
members of the Mugabe regime? Where was the outrage from Jack
Straw? Chihuri
is a man whose corrupt and sniggering police have overseen
the robbery and
murder of white farmers, and he is waved through by the
French without a
blink, and shown to his table in the restaurants of
Lyons.
It is arrant nonsense to say that Britain can do nothing. It
remains true
now, as it was in the 1970s, that the Zimbabwean economy is
dependent on
South Africa. If he so chose, Thabo Mbeki could pull the plug
on Mugabe
overnight, just as John Vorster eventually pulled the plug on Ian
Smith.
Britain is the single biggest investor in South Africa, and remains
hugely
influential. And yet we are doing nothing to put pressure on Mbeki to
end
the madness north of the Limpopo.
South Africa must be made to
see that it was not enough to suspend Zimbabwe
from the Commonwealth; and
that the agricultural catastrophe in Zimbabwe is
affecting the whole of
southern Africa. This month Mbeki will be at the G8
summit in Canada,
holding out the begging bowl for the New Project for
African Development. He
should not get a penny until he shows a firmer
resolve in dealing with the
election-stealing thuggery of Mugabe.
The reason so much of black Africa
is a disaster is nothing to do with
colonialism, or droughts. The trouble is
the despotic behaviour of Africa's
rulers. It suits Mbeki, and it suits
Blair, quietly to forget about the
horrors of Zimbabwe. They must not be
forgotten.