Zim Online
Wed 14 December 2005
HARARE - Zimbabwe central bank
governor Gideon Gono has written to
President Robert Mugabe to tell him the
country - already grappling severe
food shortages - is headed for
"catastrophe" next year unless he acts
urgently to stop farm invasions and
allow farmers to grow food.
In a confidential memo a copy of which
was shown to ZimOnline
yesterday, Gono passionately pleads with Mugabe to
intervene, telling him
the situation is "reaching dangerous levels" and
warning that failure to
grow enough food this farming season would come back
to haunt the 81-year
old President and his government.
"Your
Excellency, we are reaching dangerous levels in the agricultural
sector.
There is nothing on the ground to show that we are a nation that
feeds on
agriculture. Farms are derelict, farmers have no access to inputs
and
disturbances on the farms continue, yet the rains are already upon us,"
wrote Gono in the memo dated December 5, 2005.
"Your timely intervention is needed to save the situation. It is still
within our realms to save this nation from the impending crisis, which
indeed could become catastrophic if we all don't pull in the same
direction," wrote the governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), who
has been tasked by Mugabe to revive the country's comatose
economy.
Both Gono and Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba, could
not be
reached yesterday for comment on the matter.
But sources
close to Gono said he had written to Mugabe as a last
ditch attempt to get
the President to act to rein in Cabinet ministers, top
army generals,
government and ruling ZANU PF party officials leading a fresh
drive to evict
the few white farmers still remaining in the country.
The RBZ chief
also wanted the President to crack the whip against
Agriculture Minister
Joseph Made who many feel has failed to ensure timely
availability of seeds,
fertilizer and other farm inputs ahead of the rainy
season that began last
month.
Gono has since his 2003 appointment as RBZ governor spoken
strongly
against farm invasions and under-utilisation of land by black
farmers
resettled on former white farms. He has received support from
Finance
Minister Herbert Murerwa but has had little support from other
senior
government officials.
Made and powerful State Security
Minister Didymus Mutasa, who is also
in charge of land reform, have openly
disregarded Gono's calls for farm
invasions to stop, instead urging militant
government supporters to seize
more land with Mutasa at one time said to
have publicly called white farmers
"filth that needs to be cleaned
away".
Made was not available for comment on the matter yesterday
but Mutasa
denied he was at loggerheads with Gono over farm invasions and
land reform.
Mutasa said that he had met Gono "recently" and that the two
were of the
same mind on the need to produce more food this farming
season.
He said: "I have held meetings with Dr Gono very recently
and we are
of the same mind. And as I speak to you now, we are redoubling
our efforts
to make sure that we have a successful season."
But
Gono boldly hinted at his displeasure with Made and Mutasa in his
memo to
Mugabe. He wrote: "Esteemed ministries handling land reform and
agriculture
need to be equipped with knowledge and skills to appreciate that
their roles
are matters of life and death.
"Figures have been presented to your
offices as well as those of other
government arms and there is no need for
amplification. But what is on the
farms, the routine disturbances, the
failure to farm will haunt us. Indeed
we might lose this sector
forever."
Mugabe admitted for the first time during a conference of
his ZANU PF
party last weekend that his chaotic and often violent land
redistribution
exercise contributed to severe food shortages in
Zimbabwe.
The farm seizures, which Mugabe launched a year after the
International Monetary Fund withdrew balance-of-payments support to his
government, knocked Zimbabwe's agriculture-based economy completely off the
rails, triggering a severe recession that has been described by the World
Bank as unprecedented in a country not at war.
The United
Nations (UN) World Food Programme says by end of January it
will be
providing food aid to about three million Zimbabweans or a quarter
of the
country's 12 million people. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 14 December 2005
HARARE -
Authorities in Harare are considering negotiating an
out-of-court settlement
with newspaper publisher Trevor Ncube whose passport
they impounded
apparently after realising that they have no legal authority
to seize
citizens' travel documents, sources told ZimOnline last night.
According to the sources, senior officials from Attorney General (AG)
Sobuza
Gula-Ndebele's office yesterday held several meetings over the matter
with
officers from Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede and Chief Immigration
Officer
Elasto Mugwadi's departments.
The AG's office is said to have told
the registry and immigration
departments that the seizure of Ncube's
passport could not be defended in
court chiefly because there was no law yet
allowing the government to seize
passports from citizens.
Although the government controversially amended Zimbabwe's
constitution to
allow it to withdraw passports from citizens it deems may
harm the "national
interest" if allowed to travel abroad, it has not yet
passed an Act of
Parliament stipulating specific reasons and conditions
under which passports
can be impounded.
A source, who took part in yesterday's meetings
between the AG's
office and the registry and immigration departments, said:
"There is no law
to justify the seizure of passports and therefore we cannot
sustain the
state's action in a court of law. We want the case withdrawn
from the court
. . . unless regulations are amended, we cannot sustain this
action."
Neither Ndebele, Mudede nor Mugwadi could be reached last
night for
comment on the matter.
Immigration officials
impounded Ncube's passport on Thursday last week
saying his name was on a
list of people whose travel documents should be
seized. Ncube earlier this
week filed an urgent appeal at the High Court
challenging the seizure of his
passport by the state.
Ncube publishes the Zimbabwe Independent and
the Standard newspapers
from Harare while from Johannesburg he publishes the
Mail and Guardian. His
Harare papers are among the few remaining independent
newspapers in Zimbabwe
and have constantly criticised Mugabe's rule. Ncube's
acclaimed South
African title is also a leading critic of the Harare
government.
Top Harare lawyer Sternford Moyo, representing Ncube in
the matter,
said he was not aware of plans by the state to opt for an
out-of-court
settlement but nevertheless said he would not be surprised if
the state were
to make such a move.
He said: "I would not be
surprised at all that they want a negotiated
settlement because they have no
legal standing to confiscate passports.
There is no law in Zimbabwe which
justifies that so even if we proceed to
court they cannot sustain the
seizure."
Lawyers for main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change party
politician Paul Themba Nyathi whose passport was also seized a
day after
Ncube's was taken by the immigration department said they were
awaiting the
outcome of Ncube's court appeal before deciding their next
move.
"We are preparing a court application but we will wait until
there is
movement in Ncube's application since we are raising the same
concerns. But
the action by the state is in serious violation of the rules
of natural
justice," said Nyathi's lawyer, Nicholas Mathonsi.
Political analysts have said the seizure of passports of critics and
political opponents suggested Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party, who
boosted their hold on power with a landslide victory in a controversial
election last month, were panicking in the face of swelling public
discontent because of worsening economic hardships. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 14 December 2005
HARARE - White commercial farmers
in Zimbabwe's southern Masvingo
province have won a court battle in which
they were contesting the illegal
seizure of equipment from their properties,
the largely white-member
Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) said on
Tuesday.
The CFU said in a Press statement that seven of its
members had
successfully petitioned the courts to force the Masvingo Farm
Equipment and
Materials Committee (MFEMC) to return all equipment
arbitrarily taken from
farms.
"This committee has been randomly
seizing equipment from farmers in
this region, regardless of whether or not
they are still farming. The Court
ruled in favour of these seven farmers,
and they were requested to report to
their respective police stations and
collect their equipment," said the CFU.
It was not clear at the
time of going to print yesterday if the MFEMC,
one of the structures formed
under President Robert Mugabe's chaotic land
reform programme, had complied
with the court ruling.
Mugabe has in the past said his government
will not abide by court
orders it does not agree with.
But the
CFU said it was confident the court ruling would set a
precedent for other
members who had had equipment seized from the farms, but
were yet to take
legal action.
Mobs of supporters of Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party
have taken
advantage of the chaos created by the government's chaotic land
reforms to
wantonly seize property from white-owned farms. While the
government itself
has set up loot committees - such as the MFEMC - in every
province to scour
white farms, grabbing whatever movable equipment from
there.
The seizure of equipment as well as farmland from whites has
destabilised the mainstay agricultural sector, knocking down food production
by about 60 percent to leave Zimbabwe dependent on food aid.
An
estimated three million out of the 12 million Zimbabweans require
food aid
between now and the next harvest around March/April 2006 or they
will
starve.
Meanwhile, an international economic think-tank has warned
that
Zimbabwe's key agricultural sector was unlikely to grow by more than
three
percent in the 2005/6 season despite prospects of normal rains this
season
and said Harare should as well start looking for other avenues out of
the
lurch.
Warning that economic prospects were no better in
2006 than they were
this year, the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) said
that at best
Zimbabwe's agricultural sector would only grow by three percent
and that its
performance would largely be determined by the availability of
foreign
currency to buy inputs.
"Good rains are unlikely to be
sufficient to outweigh the
non-availability, high cost and late delivery of
inputs like fuel, seed and
fertiliser," said the EIU in a commentary on
Zimbabwe.
The country is facing acute shortages of agricultural
inputs like
seed, fertiliser and fuel.
"Plantings for most
crops are well down, and if output does rise -
which is far from guaranteed
- it (agriculture) will increase by no more
than three percent," noted the
EIU.
In its 2006 national budget, the Zimbabwean government is
forecasting
that farm production would rise by 14 percent next year, driven
by increases
of up to 33 percent in cotton and maize output.
Another poor harvest would compound problems already faced by ordinary
Zimbabweans who are among the highest taxed in the world and can barely
survive on their meagre salaries. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 14 December 2005
HARARE - The ruling ZANU PF party has hijacked the Zimbabwe national
soccer
team after government yesterday appointed a committee dominated by
top party
officials to raise funds for the Warriors' preparations and
participation at
the 2006 African Cup of Nations final in Egypt.
The committee,
announced by Acting President Joseph Msika, is chaired
by Tendai Savanhu, a
ZANU PF apologist who holds senior several positions in
the
party.
Savanhu is deputised by Transport Minister Chris Mushowe.
Other
members of the committee are Delma Lupepe, suspected spy Central
Intelligence Organisation (CIO) operative Henrietta Rushwaya, Jabulani
Nkomo, Phathisani Moyo and Zimbabwe army Brigadier
Mashingaidze.
Even Zimbabwe Football Association (ZIFA) officials
yesterday
appeared taken aback by the government's move to virtually take
over
preparations for the Warriors' continental soccer
showcase.
The Warriors were given $10 billion by Finance Minister,
Hebert
Murerwa when he presented his budget to for 2006 to Parliament last
Thursday. But the ZANU PF-led committee has been tasked to look for a
further $55 billion to cater for the team.
The development has
already sent shivers down the spines of many
company executives who are only
too aware of the ruling party's habit of
arm twisting the corporate world
to donate funds to its projects. -
ZimOnline
By Violet
Gonda
13 December 2005
The Defence spokesman in the
opposition, Giles Mutsekwa, has said
things are falling apart in Zimbabwe's
army. He was responding to threats
made by senior Army General Martin
Chedondo, who told graduates at a pass
out parade in Gweru that it was
"treasonous" for any true Zimbabwean soldier
to support Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Mutsekwa alleges senior army officials and their
Commander in Chief
Robert Mugabe may have picked up on the amount of work
the MDC is doing in
the defence forces. He said the regime is trying to
stave off revolt,
especially as "the national cake cannot support the
defence forces,
resulting in members being poorly paid, poorly equipped and
morale at its
lowest ebb."
Major General Martin Chedondo
denounced the MDC, describing the party
as an agent of Western imperialism.
He said the military would not accept
for or salute the country's main
opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai. The
Major warned privates that it is
treasonous to support Tsvangirai and his
party. Former Zimbabwe Defences
Forces commander Vitalis Zvinavashe uttered
a similar statement just before
the country's 2002 presidential elections.
The MDC Defence
Spokesman said the Major is aware that the army
recruits are mostly people
who have no experience of the past and not
involved in the liberation
struggle. They are educated and can make informed
decisions. Mutsekwa claims
the MDC has support from the majority of the army
privates. He said the
opposition has made many inroads into the defence
forces, the police and the
CIO, and that apart from the ranks of the major
general and above, the
remainder of the ranks in the security forces are
pro-MDC.
The
opposition president recently called for a united front to remove
the Mugabe
regime, and Mutsekwa believes that the stance taken by the major
general is
to threaten the soldiers before they go out in the field.
Mutsekwa also believes Major Chedondo was probably trying to place
himself
close to Robert Mugabe so he can be promoted adding, "Chiwenga (army
commander) and the other lot should be due for retirement and if Mugabe was
doing his homework he would now be thinking of a
replacement."
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Tererai Karimakwenda
13 December
2005
Robert Mugabe appears to be strengthening his alliance with
the Malawi
president Bingu wa Mutharika, and Malawi is rife with rumours
that 8
security agents from Zimbabwe have been hired to guard the
presidential
palace and other properties in Lilongwe. Our correspondent
Simon Muchemwa,
who is currently in Malawi, says the deal came about when
Mutarika's
Zimbabwean wife Ethel fired her guards after a major
disagreement. It is not
known exactly what caused the dispute. He said 15
Malawians have already
been sent to Zimbabwe to train with the army and the
Central Intelligence
Organisation, and Zimbabwean cooks are preparing meals
at the state house in
Malawi.
Muchemwa reports that the press
in Malawi has avoided tackling the
issue. MP Lucius Banda, of the opposition
United Democratic Front, told us
on Tuesday that the human rights situation
in Malawi has deteriorated in the
last year. He said there are strong
rumours about the Zimbabweans at state
house, but people are too afraid to
speak freely. He described how they are
looking both ways before saying
anything. Banda believes the press is also
too scared to run some stories
but confirmed that The Chronicle and The
Dispatch in Malawi had reported
that Zimbabweans were working at state house
as guards and
cooks.
Muchemwa told us there have been arrests that have
contributed to the
paranoia, and local residents are complaining that the
money being used to
rent the Zimbabwean agents is too much for a country
that is poor. Ethel
Mutharika has been compared to Grace Mugabe by
Malawians. There was a recent
outcry in the country when she ordered a local
newspaper to retract a story
that alleged she had gone on a shopping spree
in Scotland while her husband
was asking for aid. Muchema said the locals
believe Ethel Mutharika
influenced the Malawian president to attach
Zimbabwean CIOs to their
National Intelligence Bureau (NIB).
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Lance Guma
13 December
2005
Student leaders at the University of Zimbabwe are up in arms
over what
they allege was a deliberate ploy by state broadcaster (ZBC) to
give 10
minutes airtime on the main news bulletin to a bogus student leader
who
criticised UN envoy Jan Egeland. In a press release sent to media
groups
around the world, Secretary General of the Students Executive
Council,
Mfundo Mlilo said the entire student leadership at the
university
'disassociates itself from the statements made by an
unknown
individual.purporting to be the Vice President of the
SEC'.
Collen Chibango who holds the position in question told
Newsreel they
are shocked at the latest tactic from Robert Mugabe's
government.
Authorities were clearly abusing the monopoly they hold over the
airwaves
and the students are demanding an apology from the state broadcaster
for
misrepresenting their position. Chibango believes the government is
incensed
by a petition they sent to the European Union calling for travel
sanctions
on the Vice Chancellor Professor Levi Nyagura and they view the
latest move
as retaliation.
The student body has put their
weight behind the UN report by special
envoy Anna Tibaijuka and fully support
the recommendations of Jan Egeland,
another envoy that recently visited
Zimbabwe and criticised governments
housing plans. Robert Mugabe meanwhile
spared no punches and called Egeland
a liar for coming up with damning
recommendations after his visit.
The entire student body at the
University is under suspension despite
a high court order nullifying it.
Their lawyers have given the UZ
authorities up to the 6 th of January 2006 to
allow the students to sit for
their supplementary exams and also allow the
expelled President of the SEC,
Herntel Mavuma to re-register for the next
semester. The matter might go to
court if an out of court settlement is not
worked out.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
MDC PRESS
13 December 2005
The Movement for Democratic Change
deplores, in the strongest terms, the
decision by the Robert Mugabe
dictatorship, through the failed and
discredited local government minister
Ignatius Chombo, to extend the life of
the so-called Commission running the
City of Harare.
It is common cause that Harare has become an extremely
dangerous place to
live in. Burst sewers disgorge raw contents onto the
streets and remain
unattended to for months.
The quality of the water
has deteriorated to a level where residents escape
disease by sheer luck. In
many suburbs, even that grimy water is not even
available.
Traffic
lights no longer work. The roads are in a state of permanent damage
with
pool-size potholes at every turn, even in the city centre. Sanitary
lanes
have been filled up with uncollected rubbish.
Public amenities,
neighbourhood parks, park benches and rest havens for
senior citizens,
swimming pools, libraries and ablution facilities and
public conveniences
have long collapsed - many beyond repair. The scale of
the damage eludes
comprehension and defies description. Yet Zanu PF and
Chombo see nothing
amiss with the status quo!
Harare is Zimbabwe's window to the world and
houses the nation's prime
intellectual minds. Harare epitomizes the
dictatorship's complete failure to
allow democracy and political space to
mature in Zimbabwe.
The decay reflects and mirrors a deepening national
crisis of governance and
a serious political emergency, with roots firmly
stuck in a 25-year Zanu PF
culture of patronage and misrule.
Since
the dismissal of Engineer Elias Mudzuri, the last democratically
elected
mayor of Harare -- for as yet to be explained reasons - Harare has
progressively failed to provide essential services and comfort to its
estimated three million residents. Mudzuri's record as Mayor is clear to
all.
All indications are that Mudzuri and his council could have
cleaned up the
city had it not been for Chombo's constant interference in
local government.
Undaunted and without shame, Chombo has moved into
Chitungwiza, Mutare,
Chegutu and other cities, leaving a trail of
destruction and mayhem - simply
because these urban centres are in the hands
of the MDC councils.
The appointment of Sekesai Makwavarara -- Zimbabwe's
notorious political
speculator who defected from the MDC -- to chair a
regime-designed
Commission to run the city, has backfired. Aided by Zanu PF
and Chombo's
minions, Makwavarara has presided over the demise of Harare and
finished off
the little that remained of the sunshine city while at the same
time
increasing rates and supplementary charges for non-existent
services.
Zanu PF and Chombo argue that Makwavarara and her associates
have a turn
around strategy for the city, hence the extension of their
mandate as a
Commission. This is far from the truth.
No turn around
strategy is possible either locally or at a national level
without embracing
a radical paradigm shift in the way Zimbabwe is governed.
We need a new
beginning. We need a new Zimbabwe. We need food and jobs. We
need to create
an investor-friendly climate to strengthen our revenue base.
We need to
revive commerce and industry and to re-join the international
community. We
must respect people's basic political and human rights. We
must restore our
dignity and self-esteem.
With Zanu PF and people like Chombo imposing
Makwavarara and her associates
as a Commission running cities, we can easily
forget about prospects for any
regime-inspired turn-around strategy for the
City of Harare.
The people must resist the direct threats to life imposed
by the actions of
this regime and its political minions. Our democratic
resistance thrust must
be part of a holistic struggle for a new
dispensation. We have had enough of
this dictatorial squeeze. We must
determine our own destiny. We must reclaim
Harare.
Zanu PF and Chombo
must explain the extension of the Commission's mandate to
the people of
Harare. Zanu PF and Chombo must explain to the extension of
the Commission
to the people of Zimbabwe. Zanu PF and Chombo must be made to
account for
imposing their favoured Commission when nothing, absolutely
nothing, stops
the regime to grant political space to the people of Harare;
and allow the
people to elect leaders of their choice.
Nelson Chamisa,
MP
Secretary for Information and Publicity.
Xinhua
www.chinaview.cn 2005-12-14
02:07:09
HARARE, Dec. 13 (Xinhuanet) -- A South African
intelligence
agent,arrested in Zimbabwe last year at the height of a spying
scandal
involving a number of politicians, diplomats and business
executives, was
released from detention on Tuesday.
Minister of State for National Security, Didymus Mutasa, said
Aubray Welken
was released under a bilateral defense and security
cooperation agreement
between the two countries.
"Yes, I can confirm that he (Welken)
has been released," he said.
The South African spy was nabbed
together with a group of
localpoliticians, diplomats and business executives
including former ruling
party legislator, Philip Chiyangwa on suspicion of
spying.
Chiyangwa was subsequently cleared of the spying
charges, but his
co-accused ambassador-designate to Mozambique, Godfrey
Dzvairoand
businessman Tendai Matambanadzo were convicted and given lengthy
jail terms.
Welken was suspected to be the handler of the ring
of Zimbabwean
spies, and is thought to have been arrested in
VictoriaFalls.
Mutasa said the South African spy had cooperated
with
investigators into the case, which deeply shocked the nation at the
time.
"He cooperated fully and assisted with investigations,"
he
said.Enditem
[ This report does not
necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
JOHANNESBURG, 13
Dec 2005 (IRIN) - The arrest a year ago of a South African
spy for running
an espionage ring in Zimbabwe has not affected relations
between the two
countries, an official told IRIN.
Andrew Welken, a member of the South
African Secret Service, who has been in
prison in Zimbabwe for the past
year, was escorted back to South Africa by
Minister of Intelligence Ronnie
Kasrils on Tuesday.
"The minister had been involved in talks with his
Zimbabwean counterparts
for a long time to negotiate Welken's release. It
has not had an adverse
affect on the relations between Zimbabwe and South
Africa ... they [the
Zimbabweans] were very cooperative," said Lorna
Daniels, a spokeswoman for
Kasrils.
Welken was arrested on 10
December 2005, when he was apparently planning to
meet a senior Zimbabwean
contact in Livingstone, in neighbouring Zambia.
"He [Welken] will,
however, have to return to Zimbabwe next year for his
trial," Daniels
added.
The controversial spy scandal was viewed as an attempt by the
South African
government to access information on the internal dynamics of
the government
and ZANU-PF, Zimbabwe's ruling party.
After Welken's
arrest, six ZANU-PF party members were reportedly also
arrested and accused
of being part of a South African espionage ring.
"Governments spy on each
other all the time - it was unfortunate that the
South Africans got caught,"
commented Professor John Stremlau, head of the
department of international
relations at South Africa's University of the
Witwatersrand.
He
noted, however, that Welken's release was significant because it
indicated
that, at a time when "Zimbabwe was isolated from the rest of the
world, the
South Africans still had a channel of communication open to pull
a
deal".
Daniels said Welken was treated well and was not tortured while in
custody
in Zimbabwe.
According to Daniels, the ministry will send
Welken and his wife on an all
expenses-paid holiday.
UN News Centre
13 December 2005 - Nearly 12 million people in southern Africa, mainly
in
Zimbabwe and Malawi, are still in need of emergency food assistance
despite
a record maize harvest in South Africa, according to the new Africa
report
published by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO)
today.
South Africa has harvested a bumper maize crop of 12.4
million tonnes with a
potential export surplus of about 4.66 million tonnes,
more than enough to
cover the sub-region's import requirements.
In
Zimbabwe, there are shortages of seeds, fertilizer and draft power and
access to food in many areas is severely hampered by scarcity of grain and
high inflation, with fuel and transport problems exacerbating the situation.
Some 3 million people will receive monthly rations of cereals and pulses
from the UN World Food Programme (WFP).
In Malawi, food insecurity is
worsening as maize prices continue to rise. So
far, commercial imports and
food aid deliveries have been meagre in spite of
the significant amounts
pledged by international donors.
In eastern Africa, the 2005 harvest is
generally better than last year and
food availability is expected to improve
in most countries, but the overall
situation remains precarious with high
malnutrition rates in several
countries due to the effects of war,
displacement and past droughts.
In Somalia, the situation continues to be
of concern, with more than 900,000
people in need of urgent aid. It is
further aggravated by upsurges in
hostilities in southern areas and
deteriorating security is hampering the
distribution of relief
assistance.
The situation in Sudan is also alarming due to continued
conflict and
population displacement that have resulted in serious food
insecurity,
especially in Darfur and Southern Sudan.
In Eritrea,
despite a higher crop production, some 1.4 million people are in
need of
assistance, while in Ethiopia, crop prospects are favourable in the
main
producing regions. But household food availability is poor and high
malnutrition rates, particularly for children, are of serious concern in
some areas. The number of people in need of emergency food assistance is
estimated at 3.8 million.
Good harvests are expected in the Sahel
region border the Sahara after
generally favourable weather conditions
throughout the growing season, but
the severe food crisis of 2004/05 had
serious income, livelihoods and
nutrition effects and led to depletion of
assets including loss of animals
and high levels of indebtedness, notably in
Niger, parts of Burkina Faso,
Mali and Mauritania. In Côte d'Ivoire,
insecurity and the de facto partition
of the country continue to disrupt
agricultural production and marketing
activities.
In Central Africa,
crop prospects are unfavourable in several countries due
mainly to civil
strife and insecurity. Burundi has warned that a serious
food crisis is
looming in the northern and eastern provinces due to the
unfavourable
prospects for the 2006 first harvest.
Cereal import requirements in
sub-Saharan Africa in 2005/06 are expected to
remain high, the report said.
Total food aid requirement in 2004/05 is
estimated at about 3.3 million
tonnes, similar to 2003/04.
The New Republic
State Farm
by Joshua Kurlantzick
Post
date 12.13.05 | Issue date 12.19.05
Blantyre,
Malawi
Inside Newlands, a gated community in Blantyre, the largest city
in the
southern African nation of Malawi, it's as if the colonial era never
ended.
In a small cottage, elderly British couples--the men in Out of Africa
khaki
short-shorts and knee socks--sip milky afternoon tea brought by
Malawian
attendants in white frocks. Most residents are retired farmers of
tea,
tobacco, and coffee, Malawi's traditional exports. During the
colonial
period, these commodities were grown on large estates owned by the
British
crown. When Malawi became independent in 1964, some estates stayed in
the
hands of British citizens, a tiny white land-owning minority in a
country
whose population has swelled to twelve million.
One might
think that Newlands residents would be worried. Over the past five
years, as
white landholders have been violently pushed off their farms in
neighboring
Zimbabwe, Malawian politicians have praised Robert Mugabe's
land
expropriation. Poor Malawian workers have begun encroaching on tea
and
coffee estates, sometimes even attacking farm managers. But no one
at
Newlands seems concerned that Malawi could come to resemble Zimbabwe.
Dick
Buckingham, a former tobacco estate manager who has lived in Malawi for
60
years, leans back in a porch chair, sipping whiskey on ice. "There are
even
some [white] Zimbabwean farmers who've come here to work," Buckingham
says.
"Only the extremists would like to see the estates closed down [in
Malawi]."
Outside the gated community, though, the situation is bleaker:
Spotless
Newlands cottages give way to Blantyre's tin-roofed shacks. Malawi
has one
of the highest population densities in Africa, and per capita
income
averages about $200 per year. Emaciated children wander the roads,
begging
drivers for five kwacha, less than a nickel. Outside Blantyre, in the
rural
Thyolo region, Malawians grow scraggly ears of maize or forage for food
in
the few remaining woodland areas, already almost completely denuded
by
scavengers.
The crisis in Zimbabwe has focused media attention in
southern Africa--in
Malawi, Namibia, Zambia, and South Africa--on the plight
of white farmers
like those from Newlands. But, in truth, it is poor blacks
who most often
are the victims of corrupt land reform. Indeed, in African
countries
undergoing land reform, the greatest threat may not be
Mugabe-style
expropriation of white farms, but a less understood part of the
Mugabe
strategy: stealing land from poor blacks and handing it to political
elites,
most of whom know little about farming, a situation that has led to
a
horrific famine in Zimbabwe. "I'm always highly suspicious of land
reform
acts that give more [connected] people the possibility of taking more
land,"
says one land expert in Blantyre. Unfortunately, Malawi's land reform
may do
just that.
Across southern Africa, where agriculture
often remains the only viable
occupation, land retains enormous economic and
psychological value. Most
southern African states are also young democracies,
and, over the past
decade, their governments have vowed to promote land
reform--the process of
handing over land to the landless. But, faced with
numerous challenges--from
holding free elections to combating HIV--most have
stalled on land reform.
In Malawi, major land reform did not begin until
2002. In South Africa,
whites, who comprise roughly 10 percent of the
population, owned over 85
percent of farmland in 1994; yet, since then, the
government has transferred
less than 5 percent of it to new owners. The slow
pace of reform, combined
with high unemployment, has sparked populist
outcries. In January 2004,
Joseph Kauandenge, then-head of the National Unity
Democratic Organization
party in Namibia, announced that "silence over [land
reform]" could prompt
invasions of white-owned land. In November 2004, some
10,000 people marched
on the offices of South Africa's largest commercial
farming organization.
One march leader told reporters, "Land must be returned
to the people ...
and the government must expropriate it if
necessary."
The foreign media has played up this tension: "mugabe
'experts' spark fear
of land grab in namibia," thundered one Guardian
headline. But the media
focus is misplaced--Namibia, South Africa, Malawi,
and Zambia are unlikely
to face a racial crisis anytime soon. Outside
Zimbabwe, white farmers,
backed by powerful commercial unions, have reached a
reluctant accommodation
with land reformers. "In Namibia, soon after
independence [in 1990], there
was a national conference on land reform that
led to some consensus, and all
stakeholders, blacks and whites, could give
input," says Sakkie Coetzee,
executive director of one of the country's large
farming organizations. In
fact, one head of Namibia's white farmers' union
told members that they must
"face reality" and proactively take part in the
land reform process. What's
more, most southern African nations are highly
dependent on foreign
investment and need to project an image of stability.
"The Namibian
government is concerned, aware of the country's international
standing,"
says one Western diplomat posted in Windhoek, the capital. In
South Africa,
the continent's biggest draw for foreign companies, the
government has
repeatedly called on the police to evict squatters from white
land.
Ironically, when it comes to land held by poor blacks, or
traditional black
chiefs, many southern African governments have acted far
differently. In the
Thyolo region, southeast of Blantyre, rolling hills
layered with palm fronds
give way to steeper peaks covered in scrubby trees.
On one local mountain,
many families had built small huts and, for
generations, raised corn and
small animals to survive. Like most poor people
in Africa, they had no title
to their land, which was communal and overseen
by traditional chiefs. Over
the last five years, the Malawian government
seized the land and handed it
to supporters of former President Bakili
Muluzi, who remains powerful.
"Local communities were just pushed off their
land," says one person who
followed the Thyolo incident. "When I asked one
minister why ... he just
mumbled something."
This type of
expropriation is all too common. In Zimbabwe, "the biggest
losers of the land
program have been black Zimbabweans," International
Crisis Group special
adviser John Norris told reporters in 2004. In Malawi,
the new land reform
policy, approved in 2002, concentrates an extraordinary
amount of discretion
in the hands of the land minister and other top
bureaucrats and allows the
government to take communal land--where the
poorest live--without consulting
traditional leaders. Meanwhile, in Namibia,
leading ministers have become
gentleman farmers, traveling to the farms they
have obtained on weekends and
using them as status symbols. "Big politicians
already have affirmative
action loans to buy farms ... and government will
just keep subsidizing those
big politicians," says Robin Sherbourne, a
Namibian land reform expert. In
Zimbabwe, Mugabe has seized nearly eleven
million hectares of land, much of
which has gone to his political
supporters. One study of Malawian land reform
shows that some 28 percent of
the nation's total land area currently lies
idle, suggesting that the arable
land is being taken by wealthier interests
who don't know how to use it or
don't want to.
Unlike white farmers,
poor blacks have few unions to protect them, matter
little to foreign
investors, often don't understand the judicial process,
and receive far less
press coverage. "Average people don't know about land
reform.... When you go
out to communities, they'll tell you they don't know
about the policy," says
one Malawian land expert who works closely with the
poor.
Strong
opposition parties might expose the corruption inherent in many land
reform
policies. Yet, even in South Africa, no opposition party garners more
than 13
percent of the vote. Southern Africa also hasn't yet developed a
vibrant
nonprofit culture. "Without NGO pressure, you have a greater chance
of land
just going to politically connected people," says Oxfam's
Robin
Palmer.
Across Blantyre from Newlands, in the gritty industrial
suburb of Limbe,
Robert White is hardly as relaxed as the old British
farmers. The advocacy
director for Oxfam's project in Malawi, White is an
idealistic young
Malawian with a long face and a slick, shaved head. His
eyelids droop, and,
at times, he seems ready to collapse at his desk. He has
reason to be tired:
Oxfam Malawi is one of the few organizations battling for
the poor's land
rights in a society where colonial rule, followed by
post-independence
dictatorship, eviscerated civil society. He is essentially
alone. "Oxfam
basically pushes ... the government to listen more to the
people in the
process of land reform," says White, noting that he hasn't
found many
allies.
Donors, who contribute mightily to government
budgets, can exert pressure to
ensure that land is not given to political
elites. (In Malawi, aid money
accounts for nearly half the state budget.)
Unfortunately, many donors
aren't stepping up to the plate. For instance, the
German government, still
the largest aid donor to Namibia (its former
colony), seems to be stalling
on playing a financial and advisory role in
that country's land reform, says
Rogier van den Brink, of the World Bank in
Pretoria.
The result of these land grabs is disaster. Handing
land to people who don't
know how best to farm it decreases crop production
in an already
famine-prone region. In Malawi, after the land in Thyolo was
handed to the
new inhabitants, many couldn't farm the rough soil,
contributing to serious
hunger and violent unrest in the area. "It's been a
disaster," admits one
land reform specialist. Across Malawi, a combination of
poor weather and
ill-trained farmers taking over land has led to the worst
maize harvest in
more than a decade. The U.N. Food and Agriculture
Organization predicts that
40 percent of Malawians, some five million people,
may be at serious risk of
hunger this year; the World Food Programme has
issued an emergency report
and an appeal for aid to Malawi. In Namibia,
meanwhile, Jane's Intelligence
Review reports that the handing over of former
commercial farms has been
disastrous, with land "degenerating back to
subsistence existence."
The worst-case scenario can be outright famine.
In Zimbabwe, large tracts of
land were handed to so-called "cell phone
farmers"--members of Mugabe's
party who continued to live in the capital. The
handover to these new,
unskilled landlords cost some 90,000 Zimbabwean farm
workers and small-scale
farmers their jobs and ruined what was once Africa's
breadbasket. Since the
land-grabs began, the amount of land under cultivation
in Zimbabwe has
fallen by half, and the United Nations has warned that,
during Zimbabwe's
bleakest periods, some seven million people in the country
are susceptible
to famine. Now, even Mugabe's government admits it will have
to import more
than one million tons of grain this year. And Zimbabwe's
famine could
destabilize the rest of the region. Two million Zimbabwean
migrants have
already poured into South Africa, and Zimbabwe's famine adds to
a regional
food crisis that is severely stretching donor
resources.
Even these statistics don't tell the whole story on the
ground. As one BBC
reporter found in Zimbabwe, "Hungry people queue for the
meager rations
offered by church workers, their children's hair already
changing color from
malnutrition ... [S]ome compete with wild animals for
what they can
scavenge." This, not the end of the white farming culture
embodied in places
like Newlands, is the real harvest of land reform in
southern Africa.
Joshua Kurlantzick is the foreign editor at
TNR.
News24
13/12/2005 08:50 -
(SA)
Zimbabwe is a country in collapse. So is it any wonder that
other elements
of society are in a similar state... like cricket?
It's
hard to figure out just what is at the root of the problem in
Zimbabwean
cricket.
Those of us on the outside can only guess at, and gauge from
what we see on
television - and it's not good.
The Zimbabwean national
team, once pretty competitive at international
level, now looks as if it
would struggle to hold its own in a good club
league.
The
International Cricket Council, much like the United Cricket Board of SA
and
Thabo Mbeki, has practised the art of quiet diplomacy towards
Zimbabwe.
It appears not to have helped much, but the picture is probably
a lot more
complicated than the easy options offered by all the kneejerkers
we have
heard over the past few weeks.
What seems clear, however, is
that after independence in 1980 - and
following some conciliatory remarks by
Robert Mugabe (which he quickly
forgot) - cricket conducted itself as very
much a white man's preserve, with
only a token nod to
transformation.
It took the Zimbabwean team a long time to transform and
this delay
postponed the painful process of kickstarting
transformation.
South Africa almost fell into the same
trap.
Fortunately there were people who dragged SA, albeit kicking and
screaming
at times, through the process - which is not yet complete,
however.
Racism in the Zimbabwean dressing-room
There was also
strong evidence of racism in the Zimbabwean dressing-room
that is now,
hopefully, in the past.
The cricketers themselves appear to have realised
that their best hope of
survival is to unite against elements of official
corruption which have
ridden on the coattails of the reactions to the
racism.
This is where the ICC and other cricket bodies can help rescue
the game in
Zimbabwe.
The sponsors will also have a potent role to
play. But they cannot delay.
Taitendu Taibu is acting like a prima
donna
It is hard to distinguish between the good guys and the bad guys in
this
sordid saga, especially with the national captain, Taitendu Taibu,
acting
like a prima donna.
He has shown little sign of leadership and
has opted instead to go away and
sulk.
Admittedly, this is based on
reading the situation from afar, but there
seems to be no one close enough to
the pit-face to make a considered
judgment.
The establishment Zimbabwe
press has given a biased portrayal and the
dissident voices all have their
own agendas.
Nevertheless, there seems to be some hope.
A high
court judge, Ahmed Ebrahim, appears ready to take on the hierarchy
(or at
least negotiate some path towards normalcy) and should be
supported.
Mysterious behind the scenes role
According to Taibu,
the governor of the Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono, is
playing some mysterious
behind the scenes role, which has the captain's
support.
What Gono's
standing is, however, is unclear.
The chairperson of the Zimbabwean
Cricket Union, Peter Chingoka, who once
seemed a reasonable man, now appears
in thrall of the dodgy managing
director, Ozias Bvute.
Overshadowing
all this is the presence of Themba Mliswa, who seems to be
nothing less than
a gangster if Taibu's allegations against him are to
be
believed.
Certainly he appears to be a lackey of Mugabe's ruling
Zanu-PF.
Is there a way out? Probably not.
As with most things in
Zimbabwe, cricket seems to have become embroiled in
the country's greater
travails.
Until there is political change in Zimbabwe, there is little
hope for the
national team in the Test cricket arena.
a.. Archie
Henderson is the former sports editor of the Cape Argus.
December 13 2005 at
06:53PM
The confiscation by Zimbabwe of Mail & Guardian
publisher Trevor
Ncube's passport is a step back for Nepad, the paper's
board of directors
said on Tuesday.
"The confiscation of Mr
Ncube's passport is yet another step backward
in Zimbabwe's decline. It
marks another sad day for Africa and a step back
for the New Partnership for
Africa's Development (Nepad), the continental
programme aimed at lifting our
continent high," M&G chairman William Makgoba
said in a
statement.
Makgoba is also vice-chancellor of the University of
KwaZulu-Natal.
Ncube's passport was confiscated in Bulawayo shortly
after the
Zimbabwean arrived there from South Africa.
The move
appears to be the first under a recent constitutional change
there that
allows Zimbabwe to strip government critics of
passports.
"The board of M&G Publishing, which
publishes the Mail & Guardian, is
shocked at the confiscation of CEO
Trevor Ncube's passport. This effectively
places Mr Ncube under country
arrest," Makgoba added.
"We call on the government of Zimbabwe to
urgently return Mr Ncube's
passport to ensure that his freedom of movement
is returned to him. We have
no doubt that Mr Ncube is being punished for
shining the light of truth on
the rights abuses in Zimbabwe, a country which
he loves and of which he is a
son.
"In addition to his own
bravery in writing and speaking about his
country, Mr Ncube also publishes
the Zimbabwe Independent, the Standard and
the Mail & Guardian, all
newspapers which continue to write about the
plights and rights abuse in
these trying times." - Sapa
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
13 December 2005
The Daily Mirror newspaper
reports that the clerk of Parliament Austin
Zvoma said on Monday that a fund
set up to provide Senators with official
vehicle loans is inadequate. Zvoma
said this at the induction seminar for
Senators, where he also presented a
paper on the composition, powers and
functions as well as the administration
of parliament.
Zvoma gave no exact figures for the funds available
for the
vehicles.He calculated that according to information he had been
given by
the Treasury, a 4X4 vehicle would cost around Z$1,8 billion. At
almost 2
billion dollars a vehicle, the total will be close to 132 billion
Zimbabwe
dollars. Zvoma also said "The biggest challenge is that it is not
substantial in terms of repayments which we must address". Critics who
opposed the creation of the senate had said the country could not afford
this unnecessary exercise, and already they are pointing to this enormous
vehicle budget as proof of what they feared.
In her opening
remarks, the President of the Senate Edna Madzongwe
said Zimbabweans expect
Senators to justify the re-introduction of the Upper
House on the basis of
work they would do. She also said the induction course
was meant to help
senators realise where they can best participate in the
overall goal of
national development. Yet the shortage of enough funds for
vehicles emerged
as the only issue reported in detail from the seminar. This
has further
fueled the argument that those who wanted to be senators were
only
interested in personal gain.
Time will tell whether the senate will
improve governance in Zimbabwe,
but given the overwhelming majority of
senators belong to ZANU-PF, it is
likely the ruling party's policies on the
media, freedom of expression and
distribution will
prevail.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
A personal experience by Themba
Nkosi
13 December 2005
It is 10 o'clock in the
morning. I am in Francistown, Botswana's
second largest city, named after
miner and explorer, Daniel Francis. I
decide to visit the main post office
to post money home. Inside the post
office there is a branch of the Western
Union Money transfer agency. The
queue at the Western Union section is long
and people are getting impatient
because it is moving at a snail's
pace.
All the people in the queue are holders of Zimbabwean
passports and
they all speak local languages, Ndebele and Shona. The
Zimbabweans are
getting angry after they are told the money has run out.
They have all the
reasons to become angry because they had come all the way
from Harare,
Bulawayo and Mutare to collect their money, do their shopping
and head back
to Zimbabwe.
Zimbabweans in the diaspora are now
sending money to neighbouring
Botswana so that their relatives can get it in
foreign currency. But why are
they collecting the money in another country?
It's not hard to find out why.
Zimbabweans, by nature, are enterprising
people. When they cannot get what
they want in their own country, they will
find it somewhere else.
They have suffered a lot under the Zanu
(PF) government and have
become masters in survival tactics. What is
interesting is that all of them
who are at the Western Union branch here are
getting their payments in Pula,
which has become the strongest currency in
sub-Saharan Africa, if not Africa
as a whole.
Early this year
the government in Zimbabwe asked Western Union to stop
making payments in
United States dollars. Gideon Gono, the central bank
governor said people
who were receiving their money in foreign currency were
fuelling the black
market. But who ended up with an egg on his face? - Gono
of course, because
Zimbabweans are now collecting their money from another
country because
nobody wants the useless Zimbabwe dollar anymore.
'What does the
government expect us to do. Our children send us money
in foreign currency
and they want to pay us in Zimbabwe dollars, no way,'
said Mavis Masuku from
Nkulumane in Bulawayo. She arrived here in Fancistown
the previous day and
slept in the bush.
She says if Gono had allowed Zimbabweans to
receive their money in
foreign currency, people would not be travelling to
Botswana everyday to
collect it. Tinashe from Harare tells the same
story.
'Does Gono think we are fools? We don't want his useless
dollar' he
says. 'While I was in the post office, the Western Union ran out
of cash
three times. The branch is not used to handling so many customers in
a day.
Batswana are now complaining that the Zimbabweans overwork
them.'
'Nearly all the people I serve here everyday are Zimbabweans
and they
are too many,' said the woman at the counter. When the cash runs
out,
Zimbabweans wait until the money comes. When they move in the streets
of
Francistown or Gaborone, Zimbabweans are easily identified by the way
they
dress, talk and behave.
Money that is supposed to be going
to Zimbabwean banks is now going to
Botswana, which has one of the world's
fastest growing economies. In the
evening I meet Tadios who is working as an
accountant for a construction
company in Francistown. Tadios says he comes
from Norton and got the job in
August while visiting Botswana to sell his
curios.
I have no work permit but I hope to get one next year, says
Tadios. He
later promises to take my fiance to another company to introduce
her to one
of the directors. He tells me Zimbabweans must help one another
especially
when they are in a foreign land. I agree with him because that is
what we
should do as humans and refuse to be used by politicians to divide
us along
tribal and racial lines.
Tadios takes me to
Francistown's area 'W' to interview Zimbabwean
women who have become a
disgrace to their fellow countrymen and women. These
women, says Tadios, are
now selling their bodies in Botswana just to get the
Pula. Its degrading and
distasteful, and very few of the women want to speak
to me for obvious
reasons. Some of them are married.
That's life in Botswana for
Zimbabweans.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Web India
Durban |
December 13, 2005 10:50:58 PM IST
Zimbabwe's players have welcomed
support from their international
counterparts in their battle with their
board but remain sceptical that it
will help them bring change to the game in
their country.
The Federation of International Cricketers' Associations
(FICA) and the
South African Cricketers' Association (SACA) have questioned
the
International Cricket Council's (ICC) reaction to the crisis in
Zimbabwe,
where high profile players have accused officials of
mismanagement.
''The game's handling of the present Zimbabwean issue has
disillusioned and
disappointed the majority of players around the world,''
FICA chief
executive Tim May said in a media statement today.
SACA
chief executive Tony Irish said in a statement: ''In Zimbabwe, cricket
is in
tatters. Surely we should be hearing the ICC's voice in relation to
the
standards and behaviour of those administering the game in that
country?''
Zimbabwe players' representative Clive Field accepted May's and
Irish's
support with mixed feelings. ''We have a delinquent administration
that seems
to bunker down even more when it is criticised,'' Field told
Reuters from
Harare.
''I doubt this will cause shock waves in Zimbabwe but it might
help that
they know that the players in the rest of the world are concerned
for their
Zimbabwean brethren.'' Field made clear his frustration with the
ICC. ''We
were concerned a week ago that we didn't want to upset any
applecarts at the
ICC but increasingly it seems to be clear that they aren't
going to do an
awful lot in the short term,'' he said.
Former Zimbabwe
captain Tatenda Taibu cited administrative mismanagement and
corruption as
his main reason for quitting the game in his country last
month.
The
chairman and managing director of Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC), Peter Chingoka
and
Ozias Bvute, spent two nights in jail last week while being questioned
about
ZC's foreign exchange dealings. They were released without
charge.
Reuters SC DB2211
News24
13/12/2005 18:10 -
(SA)
Fred Katerere
Nelspruit - A Mozambican who hoped to take an
enormous bakkie-load of goods
from Johannesburg to Mozambique, was turned
away when he tried to use the
new Giriyondo border post on
Tuesday.
The border post is in the Kruger National Park and was opened
last week to
link the park to the Limpopo National Park in Mozambique as part
of the
Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park.
When Quessane Mapsanganhe
heard about the new gate, he was excited at the
prospect of a shorter route
from Johannesburg to Chokwe in Mozambique's
southern Gaza
province.
But on Tuesday, Mapsanganhe was told he needed a four-wheel
drive vehicle to
use the roads on the Mozambican side of the
border.
"I pleaded with the border officials to transport my load in
batches, but
they said the route was open only to 4x4 bakkies," he
said.
He then had to drive another 300km to Nelspruit and about 140km
further to
Lebombo border post at Komatipoort.
Officially open next
year
It would then take a further 80km from the border to Maputo, before
he could
head north to Chokwe.
Mapsanganhe makes a living by
collecting goods in South Africa and
delivering them to people living in
Chokwe.
Raymond Travers of Kruger National Park said any member of the
public could
use the public roads in the park, even they carried big loads
like
Mapsanganhe.
"The road is a free access road and any member of
the public can drive
through that road," he said.
The Giriyondo border
post will be officially opened next year by the
presidents of Mozambique,
South Africa and Zimbabwe.
Business Report
December 13,
2005
By Angus Shaw
Starwood Hotels & Resorts Worldwide Inc is
pulling out of Zimbabwe, ending a
20-year management contract for one of the
troubled nation's landmark
hotels, the group said Tuesday.
The
contract to run Harare's luxury 300-room Sheraton Hotel and Towers
expires
at the end of the month and will not be renewed by mutual agreement
with the
state tourism company, said Mohammed Samy, Sheraton's local general
manager.
The group is also withdrawing services for a linked 4,500-seat
conference
centre.
Sheraton managers and staff will assist in a three-month handover
to the
government-owned Rainbow Tourism Group starting in January, Samy
said. The
hotel is expected to change names in April.
Tourism has
been hard hit in Zimbabwe, which is reeling from political
upheavals and the
worst economic crisis since independence from Britain in
1980. But Samy said
the Harare Sheraton was expected to report a profit at
year's
end.
"Low occupancy is not the main issue. Our contract has come to an
end," Samy
said. "We are leaving on good terms."
The gold-coloured
towers, designed by Yugoslav architects as a symbolic
gateway on the
capital's main western highway, opened during the
post-independence economic
boom in 1985. The now-faded landmark, visible
from at least 20 kilometres
away, was nicknamed "Golden Delicious" by taxi
drivers.
The adjacent
convention centre hosted a summit of the 101-nation Non-Aligned
Movement in
1986. But the complex has seen fewer international gatherings
since
Zimbabwe's economy crumbled in the wake of the often-violent seizure
of
thousands of white-owned commercial farms for redistribution to black
Zimbabweans that began in 2000.
The U.S. State Department has warned
Americans that persistent food
shortages and deteriorating economic
conditions have led to a significant
increase in crime. Nationwide fuel
shortages make internal travel difficult
and unreliable, while severely
restricting the response capability of police
and other emergency services,
the State Department said in a travel warning
issued last month.
The
Sheraton and two other five-star hotels in Harare earlier this year
reported
average room occupancy of around 20 percent. Three hotels shut down
along
the shores of Lake Kariba, where commercial fishing has been crippled
by
shortages of gasoline and equipment.
Along with dwindling visitors, local
hotels have been hit by import
shortages and soaring prices for food, drinks
and services. Inflation hit
502 percent last month. The bar price for
bottled beer rose 40 percent last
week alone. - Sapa-AP