The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zim Standard

Cracks in Zanu PF
By our own staff

Provincial leaders cry foul over suspensions A TIME bomb could be ticking in
Zanu PF provincial structures because of simmering discontent over President
Robert Mugabe's unilateral suspension of the party's six provincial

The move could cost the party dearly in next year's general elections,
observers say.
Senior Zanu PF officials who spoke to The Standard last week said the
suspension of the six chairpersons confirms what the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) and other Zimbabweans have always been saying: that
Mugabe was a " real dictator".

The six were suspended just days ahead of the Zanu PF congress for attending
a meeting called by the junior information minister, Jonathan Moyo in
Tsholotsho, without the approval of the Politburo.

The six Zanu PF provincial chairpersons are from Bulawayo, Matabeleland
North and South, Masvingo, Manicaland and Midlands.

"Democracy entails the right of people to elect their leadership. When their
right to do so is vetoed, what democracy can we be talking about," said one
of the suspended Zanu PF officials.

The opposition MDC was also quick to condemn the suspension of the six,
saying Zanu PF only wanted elections whose outcome was pre-determined.

"The crime of the six chairpersons who were suspended is that they sought to
vote in candidates of their choice, which is what an election is all about.
But no, according to Zanu PF, those who exercise their right to free choice
must be punished," said Paul Themba Nyathi, the opposition party's

Zanu PF party sources said yesterday the six were not likely to appeal
against their six-month suspension from party affairs since there is no
independent body to hear their side of the story.

The sources also said there was no point in appealing against their
suspension since President Mugabe had already tried them and found them

"Our case was unfairly treated by the presidium hence the silence. It defies
logic to appeal to the central committee or the politburo when Mugabe found
us guilty even before we were tried," said a party source.

"These people have invested a lot in the ruling party but with this sad
development, they have been dealt a severe blow."

Some of the provincial chairpersons contacted by The Standard refused to
talk about their suspension.

Zanu PF Matabeleland North provincial chairperson, Jacob Mudenda, referred
The Standard to the ruling party national chairperson John Nkomo.

Themba Ncube, Zanu PF, chairperson for Bulawayo province, said besides the
presidium, he had already presented his case to the party's spokesperson,
Nathan Shamuyarira, who has sole authority to comment.

The Matabeleland South provincial chairperson, Lloyd Siyoka, also referred
all questions to Shamuyarira, who could not be reached for comment last

Nkomo admitted that most of the suspended Zanu PF provincial chairpersons
were "unhappy and bitter" about their suspension.

"However, I cannot comment over the matter because Cde (Elliot) Manyika is
the one who is looking into that matter," Nkomo said.

Manyika, the Zanu PF national political commissar, could not be reached for
comment yesterday.

Jabulani Sibanda, the leader of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War
Veterans Association (ZNLWVA), who was slapped with a four-year suspension,
said it was not clear whether the suspension was a final verdict or whether
he would be afforded a hearing.

But if it was final, he said, the move was a threat to democratic
principles, as the suspended members should have been accorded a fair
hearing to defend their positions.

"The people of Zimbabwe should fight for democracy no matter where the
threat to democracy is coming from. Whether the threat is from the top
echelons of the party or from below. We will fight for democracy.

"Time is on the side of the truth and the future belongs to the fearless,"
Sibanda said.

A defiant Sibanda, who denied that he attended the Tsholotsho Indaba, said
he would have attended the meeting if he had been free to do so.

Sibanda also described Moyo's development projects in Tsholotsho as "a
cleansing act" of killings by Mugabe's North Korean-trained 5 Brigade in the
region in the early 1980s.

The war veterans' leader said the so-called "Tsholotsho Declaration" was a
creation of "ill-minded people" like Obert Mpofu, the Matabeleland North
Governor, who he said were "Mugabe's bootlickers".

Mpofu could not be reached for comment.

Other Zanu PF officials who spoke to The Standard questioned why Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Masvingo Governor Josaya Hungwe, Minister of
State in the Vice President's Office, Flora Bhuka and deputy chairman of
ZNLWVA Joseph Chinotimba were not suspended when they also attended the same
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Zim Standard

ZCTU mulls strike action over prolonged Aids levy: top official
By Kumbirai Mafunda

ZIMBABWE'S powerful labour movement, the ZCTU, which forced the government
to scrap the controversial development levy in 1998, is now pondering what
action to take following the government's intention to prolong the Aids

The ZCTU - and Zimbabwean business people - argue that nationals and
companies in the southern African country are among the most highly taxed
people in the world.
Acting Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa retained the 3% Aids levy in his
2005 national budget, which was introduced in January 2000 amid public

This was despite his undertaking to scrap the tax after December 2003, an
intention he announced during his 2003 National Budget statement during when
he said "sufficient funds would have been accumulated by end of 2003. Hence,
I propose that such funds be placed in an endowment fund and that taxpayers
cease to contribute towards the Aids levy".

However, in his 2005 statement last month Murerwa made a surprise U-turn,
retaining this additional tax on workers and companies and stating that
"additional resources in support of the health sector are (going to be)
available through the Aids levy".

The ZCTU, which says it applauds Murerwa for increasing the tax-free income
threshold to $1 million per month, says the Minister should have stuck to
his word and lessened further the workers' tax burden.

Besides the 3% Aids levy, Zimbabwean workers who earn salaries and wages
that are above $1 million a month - which itself is now not enough to
sustain a family of four - are taxed 40% of their salaries.

ZCT Secretary-General Wellington Chibebe told Standard Business that the
HIV/Aids committee of the union's general council is currently consulting
over the issue of the continued Aids levy.

"The Aids levy, like the tax issue, is one of the agenda items for 2005. So
once a position is adopted by the general council it becomes our
resolution," said Chibebe whose union once forced the government to scrap
another unpopular tax - the development levy - through waves of strike
action that brought the country to a halt in 1998.

He said the ZCTU was concerned that the distribution of Aids funds had been
politicised with only those well connected being the main ones benefiting.

"From the time of inception our worry has been that the supposed
beneficiaries are not benefiting at all. If ever they are, the benefits are
cursory and paltry," Chibebe said.

However other analysts defended the Aids levy arguing it was important to
maintain it, considering the increase in the cases of the HIV and Aids

Estimates indicate that HIV/Aids is claiming at least 3 000 able-bodied
individuals weekly in Zimbabwe posing one of the major challenges for
business development. In addition 25% the adult population is estimated to
be infected with HIV/Aids.

Tendai Biti, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) secretary
for economic affairs, said Murerwa was over optimistic during his 2003
National Budget statement when he said it was time to scrap the Aids levy.

Labour activists and economic analysts reason that the tax, which is levied
at 3% of individual and company income tax, puts a strain on already heavily
taxed workers.

They also protest that the proposed transfer and control of the Aids fund
into the hands of the ruling Zanu PF party would be counter productive. At
its fourth National People Congress held in the capital last week, the
ruling Zanu PF activists lobbied for the party to be allowed to administer
Aids funds.
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Zim Standard

State backs down on FSI take-over
By Rangarirai Mberi

GOVERNMENT has stood down on attempts to take over FSI Agricom Holdings,
Mutumwa Mawere's troubled agro-processing business.

Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa said in
an Extraordinary Government Gazette published Friday that the reconstruction
order issued on FSI Agricom on September 7 had been cancelled.
The order had been issued on FSI in terms of the Reconstruction of
State-Indebted Insolvent Companies regulation, under which Government can
seize control of a company that is deemed unable to repay debts derived from
public funds.

Government had justified its order on FSI by alleging massive mismanagement
at the firm, saying the company's failure would see the loss of 5 000 jobs.
FSI is currently retrenching staff, seeking to cut huge losses incurred on
its outgrower schemes, hurt by a similar scheme from the Reserve Bank of

No reasons were officially given for the decision to rescind the order, but
The Standard understands that Reggie Saruchera, who had been appointed
administrator of FSI, found that FSI was not as heavily indebted to
Government as earlier suspected. However, Saruchera could not be reached for
comment yesterday.

Friday's back down on FSI comes after a controversy surrounding an
application by Mawere's SMM Holdings, the country's sole producer of
asbestos, to bar Government from taking over its operations. Reports said a
record of the case had allegedly gone missing at the courts.

Loyce Matanda-Moyo, the Director of the Civil Division in the Attorney
General's office, also denied a press report that the High Court had issued
an order interdicting the State from taking over SMM.

Government's move on FSI had raised fears that senior officials were after
the company's assets, which include Rogate, Bosbury, Risboro farms outside
Chegutu and Essex farm in Selous. FSI holds land covering 4300 hectares, 1
125 ha of which is developed. FSI is the holding company of FSI Cotton, FSI
Farms, FSI Farm Mechanisation and FSI Soya.

Senior Government officials are said to have targeted some of Mawere's vast
business interests, which stretch from finance to mining. Government has
appointed a ministerial committee to oversee the operations of SMM, which is
allegedly at the centre of various foreign currency crimes that the Sate
wants Mawere to face.
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Zim Standard

Govt moves to curb 'Zhing zhong' imports
By our own staff

THE days of Asian businessmen who are flooding the country with low-priced
and fake goods are numbered. On Friday the government announced the
imposition of punitive duty on Asian imports.

Through Statutory Instrument 223 of 2004 gazetted on Friday the Acting
Finance Minister, Herbert Murerwa, amended the Customs and Excise (Tariff)
Act to allow for the imposition of huge tariffs on Asian imports mainly from
China that haveflooded the local market since early this year.
The new 'anti-dumping legislation' is effective 16th of August 2004.

In the meantime, The Standard has established that foreign goods flooding
the local textile and clothing market since the government introduced its
'Look East' policy are forcing local indigenous players out of business.

Clothing and textile industry players said the market was rapidly moving
towards uneconomic prices which adversely affects local manufacturers.

Players in the industry say imports flooding the market have put up to 30
000 jobs at risk.

Jacob Gwavava, the president of the Clothing Industry Workers' Union told
The Standard that a number of indigenous firms had closed because big
companies that have been contracting them were scaling down operations.

"Cheap Chinese goods are negatively affecting our industries. They are
literary dumping cheap clothes onto our markets. The best thing these guys
should have done was to open up factories in the country and not to bring in
these cheap finished goods," Gwavava said.

Under the revised tariffs men's and women's overcoats, caps, cloaks, skirts,
jackets, t-shirts, blankets, dresses and trousers will now be levied 60%
import duty plus $250 000 for every kilogramme (kg) weighed. Footwear
incorporating protective boots now attract duty of 60% as well as $50 000
for a pair. Following the hike in tariffs Chinese imports are set to be more
expensive than those produced locally.

"The competition in future will now be based on quality rather than on
price," said economic commentator Eric Bloch who added that the new
legislation would go a long way in levelling the playing field in the
clothing and footwear sector.

An economist with the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries, Bernard Mufute,
said the legislation would keep out imports from China, adding , "It will
help the local industry."

Minimal import duties were doing little to stem the influx of Asian goods
but the stricter tariffs are seen as an overdue attempt to stave off the
imminent collapse of Zimbabwe's once vibrant textile industry, analysts

The influx of Asian goods ranked high on Zimbabwean manufacturers' list of
worries, which also include, hard currency shortages, triple-digit
inflation, high interest rates, shrinking consumer demand and political
instability. Quite a number of jobs had been lost as companies either closed
or scaled down operations.

Political pressure for government to do something about the 'Zhing Zhong'
imports from Asia mounted late this year when Zanu PF legislator and
businessman Philip Chiyangwa led a parliamentary portfolio committee on
industry, international trade and foreign affairs on a tour of some of the
shops that have sprouted around the country.

But while local businessmen celebrate the punitive duty on Asian imports, it
still remains to be seen how the government will deal with the massive
influx of batteries, playing cards, toys, tooth brushes, nail varnish,
electric irons and radios among the assortment of brightly attractive
products available at stalls in flea markets across the country.

Established local companies which used to subcontract small indigenous
companies were also scaling down operations, making life very difficult for
small companies.

Fred Mpofu, general secretary of the National Union of the Clothing
Industry, said his union was so worried about the future of the clothing
industry that he had approached the National Employment Council for the
Clothing Industry to lobby the government to protect the industry.

"Right now, competition from Asian products, especially those from China, is
grossly unfair. Down town, you can buy a Chinese shirt for $14 000. You can
hardly get a locally manufactured shirt for less than $100 000," Mpofu said.

Mpofu said a number of clothing factories in Bulawayo, such as Ascot and
Label, were already feeling the pinch. They were either retrenching workers
or had gone on three-day working weeks.

Long winding queues can be seen on a daily basis at Chinese shops,
particularly in the capital, as Zimbabweans, hard-hit by a recession now in
its fifth year, jostle to buy imitation designer clothes sold at below
market prices. Increasing queues have only served to encourage further
importation of the fakes.

Mpofu said there was no way Zimbabwean companies could match competition
from the Asian products. "China has several advantages over us. It has easy
access to cheap raw materials and it enjoys cheap labour and has modern
technology. We cannot compete against them," he said.

Another leading clothing concern Paramount Garment Works has already started
scratching off their contract list a number indigenous companies, but
production manager at Paramount identified only as a Mr Care refused to
discuss the matter.
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Zim Standard

MDC pleads with IMF to stay Zim expulsion
By our own staff

THE main opposition party, the MDC, has pleaded with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) to spare Zimbabwe, which faces possible expulsion from
the global lender's ranks next month.

The fund's Executive Board meets in January in Washington to consider
Harare's possible expulsion from the 184-member fund.
Harare is in arrears of an overdue debt that runs into billions of dollars.

Sharmini Coorey, the IMF's head of mission confirmed meeting the opposition
party but could not be drawn into revealing much referring The Standard to a
press statement released by the international lender last month.

A three-member MDC delegation led by Tendai Biti, the party's secretary for
economic affairs met a visiting IMF mission that left the country yesterday

The opposition party reasoned that it would not be constructive for Zimbabwe
whose membership dates back from September 1980, to be compulsorily expelled
from the fund .

".it would be much easier to start from a situation where Zimbabwe is still
a member rather than having to start with re-applying for membership of the
Fund," reads part of a paper that was presented to a four-member IMF
delegation during Thursday's meeting.

The IMF board, which cut off balance of payments support to Zimbabwe five
years ago and shut down its Harare office is widely expected to expel the
country from the institution. Harare is US$290 million deep in arrears to
the Bretton Woods institution.

The IMF mission, which also held several meetings with the Reserve bank
Governor Gideon Gono, the treasury and economic consultants, is expected to
recommend to the board the action to take with regard to Harare's default on

The MDC's economics' committee also disputed the government's repeated
claims of an economic renaissance pointing at growing poverty.

But in his 17th state of the nation address delivered in parliament last
week President Mugabe reiterated that Zimbabwe's economy, which has been in
a tailspin since 1998, had turned the corner.
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Zim Standard

Aids deaths multiply as specialists flee
By Caiphas Chimhete

A critical shortage of specialist physicians in the country has
significantly contributed to the current high Aids-related deaths as people
living with the disease are failing to access regular expert medical help
and treatment, doctors and Aids activists have said.

They said some of the people who died from the pandemic could have survived
longer if they had access to expert medical care, drugs as well as proper
dietary nutrition.
Presently it takes between one and two months for a patient to access a
specialist doctor in a government hospital, they said.

Susan Mbiriyakura, an official with The Centre, an Aids advocacy
organisation, said some people who succumbed to Aids/HIV might not have died
if Zimbabwe had enough specialist doctors and drugs.

She said that there were cases where Aids patients received "wrong
medication" from inexperienced doctors, thereby endangering one's life. Good
medical care prolonged one's life, she said.

"Some of our members live up to 20 years after being diagnosed HIV positive
because we give them 'positive living lectures' and we also facilitate that
they access a specialist doctor," said Mbiriyakura, a counsellor with The

At least 3 800 people are dying from Aids related illness every week in
Zimbabwe, one of the countries in southern Africa with the highest number of
deaths due to the disease. The other countries are neighbouring Botswana and
South Africa.

Latest statistics from the Health Professional Council (HPC) indicate that
there are 369 specialist doctors in the country. Out of these, there are
only eight pathologists, five neurologist surgeons and one clinical

An official with the council said the number of specialist doctors could be
much lower because some of them had left the country. "Most of those on
council's register are no longer in the country because they don't notify
anybody when they leave," said the source.

Christopher Mushonga, an orthopaedic surgeon, said it took at least one
month before a patient saw a specialist doctor because of the current
shortage. He said the scenario was bad to any patient but worse for Aids

"Their immune system will be down and so they suffer from a host of problems
such as appendicitis, pneumonia or broken bones which take long to heal, so
they need specialist attention. The current situation is really bad for
people living with the disease," said Mushonga, who runs private surgeries
in addition to working in government hospitals.

President of the Zimbabwe Medical Association (Zima) Billy Rigava, also
conceded that shortage of specialist doctors had a negative bearing on the
people living with Aids. He was, however, quick to point out that the
foundation of the health sector was based on primary health care since, in
most countries, doctors were concentrated in urban centres.

"Certainly, the shortage of specialist doctors is a worrying issue,
especially with high incidents of Aids but strengthening our primary health
care is equally necessary and important," said Rigava, who estimated there
were 200 doctors remaining in the country.

There is not single doctor in some districts. For example, said Rigava,
Kariba district had no doctor and relied mainly on nurses in government

Mushonga estimated that of the 200 doctors, 75 percent of them could have
left the country for greener pastures. Most of the doctors seek better
working conditions and salaries in countries such as Botswana, South Africa,
United Kingdom, Canada and the USA.

According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)'s Human
Development Report for 2004 Zimbabwe has about six ordinary doctors for 10
000 patients.

The University of Zimbabwe trains an average of 80 doctors a year, a number
too small to satisfy local demand because as soon as they gain some
experience they leave the country.

Zimbabwe is not committing enough financial resources to the crucial health
sector. The UN Report says on avera

ge the country is committing less than 3 percent of its gross domestic
product (GDP) to the health sector.
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Zim Standard

Poverty drives out residents of Avenues flats
By Caiphas Chimhete

INCREASED incidents of violent crime and prostitution are driving residents
of Harare's Avenues to seek accommodation in safer areas such as the city's
eastern and northern suburbs, The Standard has established.

Residents who spoke to this newspaper last week said it was becoming
increasingly difficult to live in the Avenues areas because of rising cases
of robbery, thefts, muggings and prostitution.
They said prostitutes and foreigners, mostly from Nigeria, the Democratic
Republic of Congo, Liberia, Rwanda and Pakistan, peddling hard drugs and
dealing in foreign currency had turned the once tranquil area into a "red
light district".

In recent years, a number of flats and houses have been turned into brothels
and shebeens, which have become springboards and havens for thieves and

Residents said despite police raids against prostitutes and criminals, the
Avenues area remained highly dangerous and unfit for raising children.

"Those who can afford are moving out because of the high crime rate. It is
very dangerous to walk alone during the night in those unlit streets. That
apart, how can you raise children in that red light district," said Sam
Chikaura, who resides in the Avenues.

Another resident, who requested anonymity, said she was contemplating moving
out of the area despite its proximity to the central business district
(CBD). She said she had been robbed and her clothes stolen from the washing
line several times.

"If I had some money, I would have moved out to suburbs such as Mt Pleasant,
Greendale or to flats near the State House where it's secure," she said.

She said most of people remained in the Avenues area because it was a
walking distance to the CBD and would not incur transport costs.

Boysen Mutembwa of Bard Real Estate said crime had increased in the Avenues
because of prostitution. "Crime is bad for the property market but it does
not mean values are going down in the Avenues," Mutembwa said.

He said crime led to the development of cluster homes by the rich in
Harare's northern suburbs and the security associated with clusters.

"Security in the Avenues is poor and those with money are moving away into
cluster homes," Mutembwa said.

But an official with Southgate & Bancroft, a real estate company, however,
said the middle and lower income earners still preferred living in the
Avenues because of its proximity to the city centre.

She said apart from crime and vice, some people were deserting the area
because they were failing to keep up with the high rentals currently being
charged. A one bed-roomed flat commands about $1,2 million a month.

"It is difficult to categorically say people are moving out because of crime
because some are dying to get accommodation in the area. In fact, there are
a number of factors including high rentals," she said.
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Zim Standard

Zanu PF wants its history taught in schools
By our own staff

THE Zanu PF government will introduce the ruling party's history in primary
schools if what transpired at last week's Congress is anything to go by.

This was immediately condemned by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
and other Zimbabweans who equated the concept to that used to brain wash
members of the Hitler Youth Movement under German dictator, Adolf Hitler.
Presenting the Social Services, Health and Education committee report during
last week's ruling party Congress, the Minister of Health and Child Welfare,
Dr David Parirenyatwa, said the teaching of Zanu PF's history would be done
in conjunction with the Commissariat Department of the ruling party.

"It is the recommendation of this committee that children at primary school
should be taught the history of Zanu PF so that they have an appreciation of
their party," said Parirenyatwa, who is assumed by many to be a moderate and
a technocrat within the ruling party.

Zanu PF insiders said the brain-washing onslaught would be unleashed on
rural school children to keep them from straying.

"We should target rural school children. They have no other sources of
information and if we catch them young, they would not want to hear about
any other political party except Zanu PF," said a senior Zanu PF official.

Ironically, Parirenyatwa's ministry is responsible for the welfare of
children and subjecting them to a partisan history would not be serving
their welfare.

MDC spokesperson, Paul Themba Nyathi, described the plan as "sinister".

"The whole plan is based on a sinister agenda to brain wash children of poor
people in rural areas while the children of the chefs will be allowed to
attain full intellectual capacity."

He said as was the case with the National Youth Training Service, the
children would be schooled in attitudes of intolerance. "The expected
outcome is that the children will be turned into zombies ready to glorify
Zanu PF all the time," Nyathi said.

Already, students who complete secondary education are being trained under
the National Youth Training Programme amid accusations that they are drilled
to become intolerant of political parties other than Zanu PF.

Graduates from the camps have been accused of beating up and raping members
of the MDC.

Asked for, comment, the Minister of Education, Sport and Culture, who also
sat in the committee said: "It may have come out that way when the issue was
raised but I think it should be taken as the history of the liberation

He would not commit himself to when the programme was expected to start."I
will wait for the commissariat to approach the ministry," said Chigwedere
whose experiments in education have all ended up as spectacular failures.

He referred further questions to the secretary for the commissariat in the
Politburo, Elliot Manyika.

But Manyika was equally evasive. "On that issue, please find out from the
national party chairman, Comrade John Nkomo."
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Zim Standard

Action not words, will end poll violence

THE outcome of the Zanu PF Congress held a week ago demonstrated the extent
to, and the speed with which the ruling party's members and followers fall
into line when their leader cracks the whip.

During his 17th State of the Nation Address on Thursday President Mugabe
reiterated his government's determination to ensure the March 2005
parliamentary elections will not be marred by incidents of violence from
"whatever quarter". Bravo Mr President!
There is no doubt that Zimbabweans will overwhelmingly welcome an election
that is not marred by violence. However, there is also no doubt supporters
of Zanu PF, against whom the police in the past have appeared powerless, are
perpetrators of the bulk of the election violence in this country. While the
majority of Zimbabweans hope that peace will prevail during the general
elections, the challenge is whether President Mugabe's words can be
translated into concrete action.

When he told the Zanu PF congress that it was time for the party to deliver
on its commitment on women occupying a third of the decision-making posts in
the ruling party and that the preferred candidate was Mrs Joyce Mujuru, none
of his members openly disagreed.

Equally, if President Mugabe is sincere in his commitment to a peaceful
parliamentary poll next March, none of his party supporters should defy his
directive and go unpunished. For many Zimbabweans, however, there is a huge
credibility gap - as wide as the Sahara desert - in what the President says
and what then later transpires.

During the 2000 parliamentary elections, President Mugabe openly exhorted
his supporters to "strike fear in their hearts" meaning the Zimbabwean white
community, amid chants of Zanu ndeyeropa - a party that spills the blood of
the living.

It is doubtful that President Mugabe means his ruling party desires peaceful
elections, because violence has always worked to the advantage of Zanu PF as
it coerces people to vote for it or threatens them with the consequences of
a possible return to war. Many with fresh memories and experiences of what
the war for the struggle for liberation was, live in perpetual fear.

It is equally doubtful President Mugabe could be training youths under the
national youth service scheme when what he desires is peaceful elections. It
is common knowledge that since 1985, Zanu PF has successfully introduced
violence as a weapon, in its arsenal, for winning elections.

The one scenario that seems set to guarantee peaceful general elections is
if the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) pulls out of the
contest and Zanu PF is left on its own.

However, even if such a scenario were to present itself, the in-fighting
among Zanu PF supporters - as witnessed in Masvingo and Mabvuku, for
example - over differences about who should be officially nominated by the
party for the March 2005 parliamentary elections demonstrates the governing
party's inability to deal with its own members and possibly lack of
political will to crack the whip at those predisposed to violence.

Where the government and the ruling party have appeared to act against their
supporters, no sooner have these been convicted than they were granted
amnesty. Our suspicion is that President Mugabe's pledge to fight violence
was for the consumption of the international community.

If he and his government are committed to peaceful election, then he should
have no qualms about allowing regional and international observers to come
and see how the campaigning and proper voting process are conducted. He
should also demand an end to the hate language and the threats to the
opposition by himself and the leadership of his party. The government can
only be afraid of allowing foreign observers, if it is fully aware that
there is something amiss and to hide.

Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri, has instructed his officers to
practise zero-tolerance to violence. The proof of President Mugabe's
commitment to a poll free of violence and Chihuri's zero-tolerance to
violence lies in their willingness to translate their expressions of intent
into thoroughgoing action.

The Commissioner of Police decried the setting up of bases, as well as
bussing of people from one constituency to another, saying these should
stop. Human rights organisations and the accounts of victims of violence at
the hands of well-known and identified perpetrators have gone without police
action. We wish he could for once, act on what he says and the culprits
brought to book.

The tragedy is that no life should be lost or property destroyed in order to
secure a vote for someone. Recourse to violence confirms that a party and
its candidates have nothing to offer that is why violence is used to force
people into supporting candidates they would not voluntarily vote for.

Last week the police took delivery of a new fleet of vehicles, which
according to the police, will be used by the Highway Patrol. There is no
doubt there should be more discipline on the roads, but the new resources
should not just benefit the Highway Patrol. The loss of life or property on
the roads is no greater than the loss of life as a result of punishment for
not supporting a political party whose vision and ideals are not for the
greater good of the country.

It is not illegal to support a political organisation other than the ruling
party. We fought the despicable Smith regime in order to have freedom to
choose and not for everyone to march like a boyscout.

There has never been a desire on the part of Zanu PF to drive violence out
of the election processes because it has served the interests of the ruling
party very well. President Mugabe can score a double by practically and
concretely denoun cing violence, promoting peaceful elections and demanding
that law enforcement agents crack down on perpetrators of violence
regardless of party affiliation.

Words cost little. Actions talk best.
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Zim Standard

Behold the banana split republic
overthetop By Brian Latham

DIVISIONS in the central African basket case's ruling party worsened this
week, leading to speculation that the country would soon become a banana
split republic. The misinformation minister's ejection from the ruling Zany
Party's central committee led to further debate about whether he had been
working clandestinely for the More Drink Coming Party all along.

The move left the ruling Zany Party reeling in a certain amount of disarray
as its members speculated about moving towards an election next year with
its chief spin doctor in no mood to cooperate.

However, it wasn't in such disarray that it wasn't able to pass yet another
bit of enabling legislation. If readers of this newspaper believe the new
NGO Act isn't enabling, then they are wrong. The new law enables the Zany
Party, the Zany police and anyone else connected to Zany structures to close
down anyone who might be helping victims of violence. In that sense, the law
couldn't be more enabling.

So, the troubled central African banana split republic doesn't mean that the
Zany Party is any less vindictive - or that a new mood of conciliatoriness
has emerged from within the ranks. Stand by for some formidable action
against anyone taking foreign currency from enemy states.

Over The Top understands that Zany structures will tolerate NGOs taking
money from friendly states like Cuba, China and North Korea - but sadly none
of those states have any money and even if they did, it isn't the sort of
currency even troubled central Africans would want.

Enemy states are those western powers with the sort of money troubled
central Africans like best. The sort of money that actually buys things you
can use. In the interest of helping troubled central Africans understand the
new law, it needs to be explained that friendly states offer a currency
known locally as zhing zhong. If anyone offers you this money, make sure you
count it - and your fingers - afterwards.

Of course, zhing zhong money doesn't actually work. It only buys things like
zhing zhong shoes, shirts, electrical appliances and ugly ornamental
lights - and none of those work either.

Still, the new law leaves troubled central African NGOs with a conundrum.
They can break the law by accepting proper western money which buys much
needed food, bandages and pain killers, all of which are useful given Zany
law enforcement measures. On the other hand, they can legally (well, almost)
accept zhing zhong money which doesn't really buy anything except things
that don't work and aren't any use.

The new Zany split party is, of course, making heavy use of laws that were
drafted by ministers that are no longer in favour. That means that if
there's a cabinet reshuffle, it doesn't really matter. The laws already
exist and the ministers have served their purpose so if they're cast into
the wilderness, tough luck. The Zany Party's been doing it for the last 30
years, so no one should be surprised by what is happening.

Anyway, the new law coming from the split Zany Party isn't a surprise, but
it is unfortunate news for victims of Zany violence and other enemies of the
state who may find they're now adding bandages to the long list of things
that are in short supply in the troubled central African police state.
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Zim Standard

Africa's ex-presidents: a blessing or a curse?
By Peter Farlam

IN ROUGHLY one short decade, a new political phenomenon has spread across
the African continent: Where ex-presidents once were rare, now they are

More than a dozen make up the short list, which includes some of the biggest
African names of the past half century: Jerry Rawlings, Kenneth Kaunda,
Nelson Mandela, Daniel arap Moi - and now Sam Nujoma and, later this month,
Joaquim Chissano.
Encouragingly, most were forced from office by constitutionally imposed term
limits - a measure of how entrenched democracy has become in Africa in the
15 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall.

And while most have resisted the temptation to try to retake the national
political stage, at least overtly, the growth of this august class of
African statesmen begs a question: Do they represent a new resource that
can, and should, be exploited more deliberately for common good?

Back during the heyday of post-colonial strong-man rule, when it required
the law of force rather than the rule of law to dislodge an occupant from
State House, post-presidential career options were minimal.

Exile was the only safe bet for deposed leaders such as Idi Amin, Mohammed
Siad Barre and Mengistu Haile Mariam. Change by ballot box has brought new
options for former leaders. Some, to be sure, still try to pull the strings
of power.

In Malawi for example, former President Bakili Muluzi remained national
chairman of the ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) after his chosen
successor, Bingu wa Mutharika, won the April 2004 election with 35% of the

The same thing happened in Zambia, where former President Frederick Chiluba
remains leader of the ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) more
than two years after Levy Mwanawasa took office in July 2002.

Namibia is heading into a similar situation. The country's founding
president, Sam Nujoma, hand-picked his successor in last month's election
and will retain control of the ruling Swapo.

That trend is potentially destabilising. Both the UDF in Malawi and the MMD
in Zambia are now factionally divided. In the latter's case, Mwanawasa has
attempted to neutralise his predecessor by getting parliament to lift
Chiluba's immunity from prosecution on more than 60 charges of corruption
and theft.

In Namibia, incoming President Hifikepunye Pohamba is a lifelong loyal
comrade of Nujoma's, ensuring that there will be little room in the ruling
party or government to adopt policies Nujoma rejects.

As Graham Hopwood of the Windhoek-based Institute for Public Policy Research
points out: 'Pohamba has always done what Nujoma has told him.'

But for every possibly worrying example, there are positive ones, too.
Zambia's Kenneth Kaunda has actively encouraged African leaders to take a
more pro-active response to HIV/AIDS. Botswana's Sir Ketumile Masire oversaw
the complex peace talks on the Democratic Republic of Congo.

And South Africa's Nelson Mandela has lent his formidable negotiating skills
to a myriad of problems both on and off the continent.

Later in December 2004, Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano will be the
next long-serving African leader to bow to the mandate of presidential term
limits. He'll retain the leadership of the ruling Frelimo until 2007 and his
chosen successor, Armando Emilio Guebuza, has a clear shot at the
presidency. But Chissano has already signalled his desire for pursuits
beyond State House. Sometime in the new year, he has announced, he'll start
a peace foundation bearing his name.

Across the border in South Africa, senior officials of the ruling African
National Congress at least openly hope that President Thabo Mbeki will
retain a leadership role in the party even after term limits force him to
step down from the presidency in 2009.

Sbu Ndebele, a prominent ANC cadre, makes the point that the ANC will still
need Mbeki's 'skills, wisdom and vision' and that 'there is no political and
constitutional reason to give it up' at the party level.

Fair enough. But Mbeki will still be a relatively young statesman when his
second terms ends in 2009. And since he has established himself as an
eloquent advocate for parity between the wealthy North and developing South,
there's every reason to believe that he'll play new roles on the
international stage after he leaves the presidency.

In the meantime, Africa has a new resource. It would be a shame not to tap
into it. - eafrica journal.
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Zim Standard

New body for informal sector
By our own Staff

WITH the majority of the population in the country now in the informal
sector after the demise of traditional business, a number of informal
business associations have come together to form the Zimbabwe Chamber of
Informal Economy Association.

The association's main objectives include protecting the interests of the
informal traders in the country.
Speaking at a Press briefing, Valentine Chikonyora, the president of ZCIEA
said the association represents everyone who operates within the informal

"Membership to ZCIEA is open to all Zimbabwe informal economy business
associations and currently the chamber is composed of 25 chapters and about
125 informal economy traders associations throughout the country,"
Chikonyora said.

He said the informal sector was playing a very important role in developing
the country's economy and is helping to close the gap of high unemployment.

"More than 75% of the country's population is unemployed and the rate of
unemployment has been increasing as a result of the economic structural
adjustment programmes in the early 1990s. ZCIEA is a direct response to the
collapse of the formal set-ups," he said.

Wellington Chibebe, the Secretary-General of ZCTU said the coming in of
ZCIEA was a welcome development and would also go a long way in addressing
the problems faced by informal traders.

He added that the only way to have the problems in the country's economy
solved is to admit and recognise that the informal sector is important to
the development of a country.

ZCTU Chief Economist Godfrey Kanyenze said the flourishing of the informal
sector was a clear sign of how bad the country's economy is at the moment.
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Zim Standard

Cultural revival or political posturing? (Continued from last week.)
Sundayopinion By Desmond Kumbuka

BUT perhaps, there is a basic rationale why politicians incessantly exhort
the masses to maintain their culture; not to lose sight of their true
African identity by following their customs and traditions, many of which
steeped in ignorance and superstition; elements that thrive in an
environment of abject poverty.

The point is: how many of the African politicians themselves observe these
norms and live by the cultural standards that they expect others to adhere
to. Is this not a way of telling lesser mortals not to aspire to things
beyond their reach lest they become problematic by making demands that can
not be met from the limited resources in their particular countries.

Zimbabweans in particular, and Africans generally have the peculiar
distinction of being able to maintain a dual existence - one at the rural
home and the other in the city. There is something to be said about this
African versatility - the ability to indulge in the best of modern living -
palatial mansions with wall to wall carpeting, microwave stoves, the best in
cyberspace entertainment, a sauna and jacuzzi on the side, all this and
still be able to plunge into a semi-primeval existence where floors are
smeared with cow-dung and cooking is done on wood fires.

In his recent book entitled, "A whole lot of Nonsense, Poverty and the Noble
Savage," author John Hollaway, makes some interesting observations on
reasons why the industrialised West is reluctant to share its wealth with
the underdeveloped third world.

Hollaway contends, that for the first time in the history of mankind on
earth, industrialised nations have created an environment so secure that it
is no longer necessary for their citizens to have many children for their
race and culture to survive.

That there is a feeling within the western world that the economic system
which produces such safe and comfortable lives for them draws too deeply on
earth's resources for it to be allowed to spread to the rest of the globe.

Can the same not be said of Africa's ruling classes who feel that the
resources in their countries are only sufficient to satisfy their own
insatiable greed for wealth and are unwilling to share with their

Is it not reasonable to conclude that many fear this would diminish their
own share if such resources were distributed equitably among their
countrymen. We have, for instance, the recent case in Zimbabwe of
politicians who have between four and six vehicles at their command, going
to officiate at a ceremony to inaugurate ox-drawn ambulances for rural

Current moves by government to grant vehicles to traditional chiefs and
provide electrify at their rural homesteads will seem to the more gullible
to be the ultimate equitable distribution of wealth. But what sense is there
in providing vehicles where there are no roads, or electricity where there
are no appliances to use it for.

And in order to perpetuate the disparities in wealth levels, African
politicians pay lip service to wealth creation and little tangible
assistance is given to create citizens that are as wealthy as those in urban
centres in the hope that the poor can live happily in their time-honoured
ways, as Rousseau envisaged in his concept of the "Noble Savage", to quote
from Hollaway's book.

Indeed, Is it not strange that wealthy people never seem satisfied with what
they have and continue to exploit every available opportunity, including
their compatriots to create more wealth for themselves.

Why, for instance, does President Mugabe, who over the past 24 years has
been a dependent of the State, need several mansions in Harare, to say
nothing of another vast complex at his Zvimba home built for him almost
gratis by contractors obviously seeking to ingratiate themselves to the
highest office in the land.

Over the past few months, the official media has been brimming with reports
of the President donating computers to rural schools through out the
country. The impression created by the reports is that the President,
through his own generosity and concern for school children in rural areas,
is taking money from his own pocket to purchase the computers. But , as one
letter writer to this newspaper pointed out, the President is paid by the
State and as head of State, has the responsibility to ensure that education
facilities are available to the citizens of the country.

This gratuitous attitude of the ruling class to seek credit for performing
their State functions as public servants manifests itself in many forms in

Some would argue that the government has itself created conditions that have
impoverished citizens of the country, after which it then proceeds to claim
credit for interventions to ameliorate that poverty although it is its
bounden duty to do so.

There are also numerous cases of ministers, MPs and other "benevolent
donors" taking over responsibility of paying school fees for children of
poor parents. Instead of enabling the parents to find jobs so that they can
pay the school fees for their children, the government has been happy to
undermine the self-pride and dignity of the parents by reducing them to
beggars who have to rely on others to educate their offspring.

It is also instructive to note that on the numerous TV programmes featuring
the so called new farmers, their common cry is," if the government could
give us this" or "if government did that." The Zanu PF government has itself
created a dependence syndrome among the citizens so that it can then exploit
them and blackmail them into voting for it through payment of school fees
and donations of various kinds.
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Zim Standard

There is hope yet for Zimbabwe
Sundaytalk with Pius Wakatama

ON 13 March 2000 I wrote in The Daily News about my friend from Ghana,
George Kom. He visited me in Zimbabwe when it was still Rhodesia. This was
after I had visited Ghana.

I had been shocked by the social, political and economic decay, which was
evident everywhere in that country.
As he left Rhodesia, Kom was so impressed by everything he saw. He said if
conditions got worse in Ghana he would like to come and stay here even
though whites were still in control.

This is what I wrote in The Daily News: "In 1980, soon after our
independence George and I attended a conference in Kenya. During the opening
dinner the master of ceremony congratulated Zimbabwe for attaining its
independence after a hard struggle. He asked me to say a few words about my
country. I proudly stood up and thanked the African countries represented
there for assisting Zimbabwe in her struggle.

"After my speech, the master of ceremony asked all to fill their glasses for
a toast to the new Zimbabwe. During the toast I noticed that my friend was
sitting down with his head in his hands and a cynical smile on his face.

"Later on, during the dinner, I went over to his table and asked him why he
did not toast my country. He said: 'My friend, I love you and your country.
But, to be honest, I can't congratulate you. I can only commiserate. In a
few years from now you will be just like Ghana. You were better off with
whites in control. We black people are just not capable of practising
democracy. You will go the way of the rest of Africa.'

"I laughed and explained to George that Zimbabwe was going to be a showcase.
It was going to be an example to the rest of Africa for it had an
established black and white educated middle class with entrepreneurial
skills. I also pointed out that attaining independence late was advantageous
in that we had learnt from African countries, which became independent
earlier, what pitfalls to avoid.

"I am glad that I have not seen George again because I would have had to eat
my words."

Yes, Zimbabwe is now worse off than Ghana. When George visited the country
we were the breadbasket of the region and there was a semblance of order.
Today our once full coffers are dry and we are no longer creditworthy. We
are a pariah State, which is running all over the world looking for likely
friends to beg from. Our traditional partners will not even talk to us
because of the government's violation of basic human rights.

However, if I meet George now I will not be too embarrassed. Events in Ghana
have saved me. That country has proved that George was wrong to say that
Africans are not capable of practising democracy and upholding human rights.
Its economy is on the mend and they have just had their second free and fair

Congratulations Ghana, you have redeemed Africa together with South Africa,
Botswana, Senegal and others. It is our hope that Zimbabwe will one day soon
shed its negative "African caricature" image and join these beacons of hope
for the continent.

At one time Zimbabweans hoped that this would happen with the appearance of
a credible opposition party in the form of the Movement for Democratic
Change. Actually, things have become worse. It is now obvious that things
will only get worse as long as President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF are
in power. Democratic institutions continue to be destroyed and human rights
further abused in the name of "protecting our sovereignty and hard-won

I listened expectantly to our President's State of the Nation address last
Thursday. Since this was on the eve of the anniversary of the December 10
1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, I had forlornly
hoped he was going to at least allude to this historic event.

This was not to be. How could he since according to Zanu PF doctrine human
rights are Western concepts used to "destabilize and undermine the
independence and sovereignty of former colonies" like Zimbabwe?

He went on and on talking about the strides Zimbabwe had made in turning
around the economy. I did not hear the rest of the boring and illusional
speech because his droning voice caused me to doze off. What economic turn
around? I dare him or Governor of the Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono, to go and
address rallies in Chitungwiza, Mbare, Highfield, Dzivarasekwa or Mabvuku
and tell the hungry multitudes there that they are now better off because
the economy has turned around and see what will happen.

In the part of his speech, which I listened to while dozing on and off,
President Mugabe seems to have said that Zimbabwe had taken measures
compliant with the SADC norms, principles and guidelines on democratic
elections as set out in the Mauritius protocol of July 2004, which Zimbabwe
signed. I hope I didn't hear him correctly because that would be a naked

What is true is that his Zanu PF government has moved farther and farther
away from the SADC principles to the extent that even if there is no
violence, as things stand it will be impossible to have free and fair
elections by March next year.

With the passing of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the NGOs Act I thought
the government had reached the limit in passing repressive laws. They had
now outdone Ian Smith and his Rhodesia Front government. How wrong I was.
The Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Bill is on its way to becoming
law. This Bill when passed by our docile, hand clapping and totally bemused
Zanu PF legislators will effectively silence all opposition or criticism of
the government. For voicing disagreement, even in private, with anything the
government says or does one can be jailed for 20 years or be fined

I don't think that this is the limit. What is now left is for the government
to pass a law, which forbids citizens from even thinking "thoughts which are
false or which if expressed may bring the person of the president, the
government or any of its departments into disrepute". For thinking such
unpatriotic thoughts one can be jailed for life.

I feel strongly that, under the present circumstances, it would be a mistake
for the MDC to participate in next year's general elections. Yes, I do
believe in miracles as a Christian. However, there is a difference between
faith and folly. Refraining from participating in the elections will not be
cowardice, as some seem to think. It is pragmatic wisdom.

Shona wisdom says "Chinobhururuka chinomhara". What goes up comes down. Zanu
PF is on its way to self-destruction. The cracks are already visible so let
us stand clear before the blast. We will just watch as Zanu PF cadres fight
to death for uncontested seats. I also don't think the six provincial
chairpersons who were suspended for attending Jonathan Moyo's Tsholotsho
meeting will take it sitting down. After all, they were not handpicked into
their positions by President Mugabe as was the Minister of State for
Information and Publicity. They came up from the grassroots through the
structures of the party. They wield a lot of power.

The Zimbabwe Liberation War Veterans' Association (ZNLWVA), whose
chairperson, Jabulani Sibanda, was suspended for four years, is rather
uneasy and restless.

It has been a strong ally of Zanu PF but now wants to assert its
independence from the party. What this will lead to is anybody's guess.

After Zanu PF self-destructs a new order will emerge. Then we will be able
to say with Nelson Mandela, who upon receiving the Nobel Peace Prize said:
"Thus shall we live, because we will have created a society which recognizes
that all people are born equal, with each entitled in equal measure to life,
liberty, prosperity, human rights and good governance. Such a society should
never allow again that there should be prisoners of conscience or that any
person's human rights should be violated.

"Neither should it ever happen that once more the avenues to peaceful change
are blocked by usurpers who seek to take power away from the people, in
pursuit of their own, ignoble purposes."

He, who has ears to hear, let him hear.
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Thousands Still in Need of Food Aid in Zimbabwe By Tendai Maphosa
      13 December 2004

The World Food Program continues to feed hundreds of thousands of people in
Zimbabwe despite government claims that there is enough food for everyone.

Earlier this year the World Food Program distributed food aid to close to
half of the 130,000 people of Mudzi district in northeastern Zimbabwe.

Food distribution stopped for many after the government declared that
Zimbabwe has enough food and will not need assistance. That claim is
disputed by the donor agencies and even by a parliamentary committee made up
of members of the ruling ZANU PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic

The WFP is still helping to feed those considered vulnerable despite
government orders to stop food distribution.

Among those the WFP considers at risk are infants and school children and
those infected by HIV and AIDS.

One of those who receives food aid is 19-year-old orphan Elizabeth Shoko who
lives with her grandmother. She said stopping food aid would make life very
difficult for them.

"f it stops it kills us, we do not have anybody to give us food again so if
they stop we are going to suffer a lot," she said.

It is the rainy season in Zimbabwe and people in Mudzi are hoping for good
rains so they can harvest enough to feed themselves and maybe even have
crops to sell.

For most of the district's people agricultural production is the only source
of income. Bad harvests over the last four years has plunged many of them
into poverty.

Rudo Katsande says while the government has disbursed some free seed corn to
some families, it is not enough. She says if the farmers do not get any
fertilizer they won't harvest much.

Zimbabwe is experiencing its worst economic troubles since independence 24
years ago. Its agriculture, once the source of foreign income, has collapsed
after several years of drought.

But donor agencies and analysts however also blame the drop in production on
the country's chaotic land reform program. Under that program, white
commercial farms have been expropriated and the land, which was to be
distributed to landless blacks, ended up mostly in the hands of President
Robert Mugabe's top officials.
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New Zimbabwe

CIO officer grilled over Mafuyana's death

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 12/14/2004 07:12:57
THE inquest into the death of Joanna "Mama Mafuyana" Nkomo continued Monday
with the prosecutor grilling an operative from the Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) on why she telephoned her bosses instead of the hospital
when she collapsed.

Agness Hadzidzi, the CIO operative who made Mafuyana's bodygyuard following
the death of her husband, nationalist leader Joshua Nkomo, told coroner,
Bulawayo magistrate John Masimba that when the deceased started vomiting she
phoned her bosses.

She added that as part of her training she had done first aid. But she could
not say why she did not phone the doctor instead of her handlers.

"When the deceased started vomiting I immediately phoned my bosses because I
did not know what to do," she said.

Dr. Atwell Mari, who treated Mafuyana before her death also gave evidence at
the hearing which was instituted after the late national heroine's daughter,
Thandiwe, said she suspected foul play.

Dr. Mari said the deceased's lungs had too much water which he described as
"unnatural". He could not, however, be drawn to say whether this was due to
poisoning or not insisting that this was not normal.

This corroborated evidence that was given by another doctor, Stanford Mathe,
who said Mafuyana's death was due to "foulplay".

One of the key witnesses, Collen Shava, who was Mafuyana's driver, died
early this year. Three other witnesses did not testify because the coroner
said he was satisfied with the evidence that was gathered during the inquest
and would give a determination on January 13 next year.
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Land Reform Moves Ahead

The Herald (Harare)

December 13, 2004
Posted to the web December 13, 2004

Walter Muchinguri

PLANS are underway to ensure, after the major land reform of the past five
years, that all of Zimbabwe is properly surveyed, compensation for
improvements calculated, lease agreements monitored and land use properly

In this context, the Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement is now
seeking to fill 155 vacancies for professional and technical staff in the
departments of the Surveyor-General, Resettle-ment and Land Information

The Department of the Surveyor-General has several vacancies for senior
professional staff, including the post of Surveyor-General itself, and the
ministry wants to fill these vacancies as soon as possible in addition to
recruiting chief land surveyors for its Harare and Bulawayo offices.

But among the most critical of the technical staff required for this
department are 44 land survey technicians whose duties will include
negotiating for land and improvements, conducting preliminary valuations and
co-ordinating with other departments on compensation.

The technicians will be responsible for processing leases for business sites
in resettlement schemes and commercial areas, reviewing expired leases for
both business premises and homesteads, processing lease transfers, following
up lease rental arrears, and recommending cancellation of non-operational

Apart from land survey technicians, the department was looking for land
officers who will, among other duties, administer the land acquisition
policy, facilitate land acquisition, gazette resettlement farms, co-ordinate
land planning and handle delisting applications.

Also in demand are land technicians in the Department of Valuation and
Estates who will share some of the duties of the land survey technicians.

Officials within the ministry said the recruitment exercise was expected to
make the job of flushing out multiple farm owners much easier.

The ministry had launched a major clampdown on multiple farm owners as it
winds up the land resettlement programme and shifts its focus to production
on the farms.

This has resulted in some people including some ministers and high-ranking
officials being forced to surrender excess land.

The issue of multiple farm ownership came to light following the production
of a report by the Presidential Land Review Committees appointed by
President Mugabe and led by former Secretary to the President and Cabinet,
Cde Charles Utete.

The contents of the Utete report led the President to assume responsibility
for dealing with multiple landowners.

He subsequently appointed Cde John Nkomo to head the Ministry of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, a separate entity from the Ministry of Agriculture.
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Herewith, as promised, Friday's Herald (10th December 2004) new listings of
Section 5 notices, under Lot No. 160 with 229 properties listed.


Please take note that there is an ERROR on the Section 5 notices (Herald
10.12.2004, page 12) pertaining to the time period granted for "letters of
objection" which refers to a closure date on the 10th January [2004?]. This
should surely read 10th January 2005!


Preliminary Notice to Compulsorily Acquire Land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of subsection (1) of section 5 of the Land
Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President intends to acquire
compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for resettlement purposes.

A plan on the land is available for inspection at the following offices of
the Ministry of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet
in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and resettlement between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.
from Monday to Friday other than on a public holiday on or before 10
January, 2004.

(a) Block 2, Makombe Complex Cnr Harare Street and Herbert Chitepo Avenue,
(b) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, CF 119, Government
Composite Block, Robert Mugabe Way, Mutare;
(c) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 4th Floor, Block H
Office, 146, Mhlahlandlela Government Complex, Bulawayo;
(d) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, M & W Building, Corner
Park/Link Street, Chinoyi;
(e) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 1st Floor, Founders
House, The Green, Marondera;
(f) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 19 Hellet Street,
(g) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Exchange Building,
Street, Gweru;
(h) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Mtshabezi Building,
First Floor, Office No. F20, Gwanda;
(i) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Ndodahondo Building,

Any owner or occupier or any other person who has an interest and right in
the said land, and who wishes to object to the proposed compulsory
acquisition, may lodge the same, in writing, with the Minister of Special
Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, Private Bag 7779, Causeway, Harare, on or before
10 January, 2004.

J L NKOMO Minister of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and
Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement

Minister of Special Affairs in the
Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.
LOT 160 SECTION 5, 10th December 2004
>From Herald

Grouped by District, Listed by:
Deed of Transfer.
In name of.
District of.
Measuring ha

Lot 160 Section 5 10.10.2004

1. 3645/2000. Damsbo Investments P/L. Beitbridge. Remainder of Bothasrus A
of Nuanetsi Ranche A. 7 246,3511 ha.
2. 4431/87. Junction Estates P/L. Beitbridge. Lot 2 of Nuanetsi Ranche A. 9
581,9223 ha.
3. 1189/67. Bubani Ranch P/L. Beitbridge. Lot 1 of Nuanetsi Ranche A. 28
577.2993 acres.
4. 543/91. Amity Holdings P/L. Bubi. Dollar Block. 10 467,8325 ha.
2730/87. Pretorius Parquet Flooring and Tiling Company (1969) P/L. Bubi.
Subdivision B of Subdivision C of Rouxdale. 225,4160 ha.
305/65. Westfield Farm hOldings P/L. Bulalimamangwe. Remaining Extent of
Westfield. 2 985,58 acres.
7. 722/93. N&R Agencies P/L. Bulalimamangwe. The Remainder of Double vale.
855,1776 ha.
8. 2300/83. Federick Ian Harding Nesbitt. Bulalimamangwe. The Remainder of
St. Andrews of subdivision A of McGeers Luck. 347,3309 ha.
9. 2300/83. Federick Ian Harding Nesbitt. Bulalimamangwe. Subdivision A of
St. Andrews of subdivision A of McGeers Luck. 80,9295 ha.
10. 2001/94. Emblehope Enterprises P/L. Bulalimamangwe. Mali. 2 569,5542
11. 43/66. John Andrew Rosenfels. Bulalimamangwe. Ficksburg. 6 520,2991
12. 1719/86. Manda Farms P/L. Bulalimamangwe. Mkuna of Sandown South.
827,4119 ha.
13. 1719/86. Manda Farms P/L. Bulalimamangwe. Subdivision B of Manda.
422,1963 ha.
14. 1719/86. Manda Farms P/L. Bulalimamangwe. Anfield. 1 947,2438 ha.
15. 1719/86. Manda Farms P/L Bulalimamangwe. The Remaining Extent of Manda.
605,1671 ha.
16 60/80. Alan Fredrick York. Bulalimamangwe. Sudivision 18 of Sandown
South. 831,1565 ha.
17. 1719/86. Manda Farms P/L. Bulalimamangwe. Manda. 438,5801 ha.
18. 405/55. John Andrew Rosenfels. Bulalimamangwe. Klipfontein. 3 126,29

19 7/4. Biffen Ranching P/L. Bulawayo. The Springs Ranch. 3 332,2970 ha.
20. 6/94. Fiffen Ranching P/L Bulawayo.. Remaining Extent of Heany Junction
of Imbesu Block. 1 359,2100 ha.

21. 1865/77. Herculaas Philippus Barnard. Charter. Farm Harvieston.
22. 1745/85. Francia P/L. Charter. Francia of Pennyfeather. 864,2267 ha.
23. 2613/84. Campbells Holdings P/L. Charter.Hebron. 790,8160 ha.
24. 1606/77. Barend Jacobus Bester Kirstein. Charter. Lot 2 of Kuruman.
809,3710 ha.
25. 3538/83. Campbells HOldings P/L. Charter. Farm Maria's Home. 579,5729
26. 2527/74. Alpol P/L. Charter. Remaining Extent of Nyamazaan. 2 335,9855
27. 3856/97. Cornelius Johannes Nel. Charter. R/E of Farm Mountain View of
the Farm Ingolubi. 102,4107 ha.
28. 2524/82. Christiaan Jacobus Albertus Kirstein. Charter. Remaining
of Honey Spruit. 896,2180 ha.
29. 2612/84. Campbells HOldings P/L Charter. Remainder of Inkosi. 1
30. 1951/86. Harvieston Farm P/L Charter. The Remainder of Uitkyk.
31. 4224/82. Carel Jacobus Coetzee. Charter. The Remainder of Veeplaats.
879,2569 ha.
32. 1780/66. Jacobus Johannes Erasmus. Charter. Remaining Extent of
Rushfontein. 1 431,9 morgan.
33. 5174,81. Christiaan Jacobus Albertus Kirstein. Charter. Wilderness.
404,2675 ha.
34. 6113/70. Thoma Scholtz Benade. Charter. Leeuwfontein Ranch. 2 585,7985
35. 14/90. Chigarra Estate P/L. Charter. Belvoir of Chigarra. 2 284,3336
36. 7552/81. Chiredzi Contracting P/L. Chipinga. Whittington Valleys.
478,5941 ha.

37. 2836/85. Neville Hastings Baker. Chipinga. Lot 12A Middle Sabi.
38. 10468/97. Makandi Tea and Coffee Estates P/L. Chipinga. Smalldeel
Estate. 1 804,6964 ha.
39. 4811/87. Ian James Lang. Chipinga. Papnat of Hofstede. 250,2216 ha.
40 2645/90. H De Folard Brown P/L. Chipinga The Remainder of Strepie of
Hofstede. 164,6548 ha.
41. 7584/74. Daiel Johannes Pienaar. Chipinga . Nyatutu Estate. 2 898,0165
42 444/89. Rocky Ridge P/L Chipinga. Nooitgedacht of Avontuur Extension.
981,3297 ha.
43. 2972/73. Elmari Malherre. Chipinga. Mountain View of Fortuna. 213,3408
44. 972/84. Silverton Estates P/L. Chipinga . Lot 8 Of Newcastle. 314,6371
45. 445/89. Excalibur P/L Chipinga. Moolfontein of De Rust of Avontuur
Extension. 163,5548 ha.
46. 4502/93. Jupieter Farm P/L Chipinga . Jupieter of De Rust of Avontuur
Extension. 163,5588 ha.
47. 1076/86. H. N. Orner Investments P/L Chipinga. Gomondoni of Canterbury.
214,1313 ha.
48. 5047/73. Avontuur Estates P/L. Chipinga. Boujans ofDe Rust of Avontuur
Extension. 163,5546 ha.

49. 8225/97. S.G.F P/L. Gatooma. S/D A of Nyamuli. 40,4519 ha.
50. 4616/93. Shilor Hunding P/L. Gatooma. Lot 1 of Railway Farm No. 5.
224,8543 ha.
51. 778/00. Mazarine Trading P/L. Goromonzi. Remainder ofChitara Estate.
495,9681 ha.
52. 3385/86. Mavis elizabeth Jenkinson. Goromonzi. Dana B of Melfort
168,98 ha.
53. 5010/80. Howson Lands P/L. Goromonzi. S/D A of Mashona Kop. 296,0332
54. 7886/89. Learig Farm P/L Goromonzi. Reedbuck Kop A. 361,4507 ha.
55. 5992/79. Kime Properties P/L. Goromonzi. Remaining Extent of Frascati.
901,2694 ha.
56. 5397/85. Chifumbi Enterprises P/L Goromonzi. Remainder of Chifumbi of
Meadows. 552,1045 ha.
57. 3385,86. Mavis Elizabeth Jenkinson. Goromonzi. The Remainder of Dana A
of Melfort Estate. 168,9839 ha.
58. 4799/97. Hustwit Enterprises P/L. Goromonzi. Lot 2 of Buena Vista.
650,9557 ha.
59. Certificate of Consolidated Title No. 480/97. Decayon Enterprises P/L.
Goromonzi.. Lot 3A Buena Vista comprising Lot 3A of Buena Vista, woodlands
of Denedin, Woodlands Extension of Denedin. 533,0461 ha.
60. 7668. Susman & Newfield P/L. Goromonzi. Marden of Swiswa. 1 526,2891
61. 7772/87. P.N. Wingfield P/L. Goromonzi. rochester. 1 292,1817 ha.
62. 5262/59. Tatrick Noel Wingfield. Goromonzi. Lot 1 of Belvedore.
63. 7975/97. The Four L's P/L. Goromonzi.. Lot 1 of Witness. 628,4652 ha.
64. 1624/90. Glentana P/L. Goromonzi.. Fair View Estate. 237,8548 ha.
65. 1775/99. Retzlaff Farm P/L. Goromonzi.. Lonely Park Estate. 1 065,8811
66. 8629/99. Becontree Investments P/L. Goromonzi.. Rots Der Eeue Estate A.
189,5461 ha.
67. 5322/90. Afropol P/L. Goromonzi.. Mwanza Estate. 416,57 ha.
68. 9494/90. Innislaoide P/L. Goromonzi. Leigh Portion of Rudolphia. 59,79
69. 1859/67. John Farncis Freeman Aplin. Goromonzi.. Lot 1 of Summerisland
of Middleton of Mashonganyika. 251,4140 acres.
70. 6131/68. Swiswa Pvt. Goromonzi.. Remainder of New Creagory of Mount
Shannon of Meadow. 863,2816 acres.
71. 4645/79. Chistoffel Johannes Greyling. Goromonzi. S/D F of Sellair.
106,6832 ha.
72. 10053/89. Dunstan Estate P/L. Goromonzi. The Remaining Extent of
Dunstan Estate. 1889,3195 ha.
73. 4464/51. Elsworth Lands Ltd. Goromonzi. Remaining Extent of the Farm
Swiswa. 1 416,1 (no units).
74. 74. 4440/93. Paddock Farm P/L. Goromonzi.. The Padock of Melfort
404,8476 ha.
75. 6214/92. Whiteside Farms P/L. Goromonzi. the Remaining Extent of S/D B
of Weardale. 720,3562 ha.
76. 10614/00. Joseph George Sudlow. Goromonzi. Lot 1 of Mariandi of Nil
Desperandum of Twenydales Estate. 40,4700 ha.

77. 5632/81. Robert Peter McDonald Smith. Hartley. Remaining Extent of
Welcome Home. 590,5295 ha.

78. 509/46. Karna Estates P/L. Lupane. The Remaining Extent of Karna
After registering lot 3 of Karna block. 4 610,9378 ha.

79. 643/61. Rogers Brothers & Sons P/L. Gwanda. Remaining Extent of
Tshabezi. 3 203,8875 acres.
80. 716/70. Rogers Brothers & Son P/L. Gwanda. Remaining Extent of Olympus
Block. 8 951,9668 acres.
81. 15/96. Ladi Ranch P/L. Gwanda. Pirie. 2 530,8495 ha.
82. 15/96. Ladi Ranch P/L. Gwanda. Booiberg. 2 623,77 ha.

83. 6365/91. Johannes Hendrik Ferreira. Hartley. Lisbon. 682,4136 ha.
84. 7317/95. Burnbank Estates P/L. Hartley. Lot 3 of Crown Ranch. 470,5668
85. 8819/97. Stefanus Lombard Triegaardt. Hartley. Lot 1 of Bougainvillea.
835,0913 ha.
86. 1951/91. Gert Johannes Odendaal. Hartley. Ard Behg of Rhodesian
Plantations. 419,1391 ha.
87. 3083/76. Penelope Ann Kirkman and Angus Ross Kirkman. Hartley. The
Remainder of Daisy. 989,2559 ha.
88. 5470/68. Taunton Estates P/L. Hartley. Maine. 2 964,3797 acres.
89. 3907/85. The Trustees of The Skea Family Trust. Hartley. The Remainder
of Railway Farm 30. 461,0728 ha.
90. 4854/74. Derek Homer Scutt. Hartley. Subdivision A of Maple Leaf.
430,8521 ha.
91. 8506/98. CEDOG P/L. Hartley. Lot 1A The Grove. 413,9430 ha.
92. 1990/91. Kent Estate P/L. Hartley. Kent Estate. 9 220,8804 ha.
93. 120/93. Marsden Farm P/L Hartley. Marsden. 1 462,9114 ha.
94. 2689/85. The Trustees for The Time Being of The Delta Trustees.
Lot 1 of Grasmere. 121,4030 ha.
95. 3116/87. Plumway Properties P/L. hartley. R/E of Subdivision A of
Deweras Extension. 506,2125 ha.
96. 65599/91. Edgar Henry Gundry. Hartley. The Remainder of Concession
Hill. 303,5371 ha.

97. Certificate of Consolidated Title No. 4732/83. Gent Viljoen Schaap.
Inyanga. Mutsenga Estate. 190,0107 ha.
98. 2805/69. Fredrick August Lothar Weinzheimer. Inyanga. Cotswold. 3
359,1334 acres.
99. 2534/90. Derry of Livepool P/L. Inyanga. Derry. 154,0254 ha.
100. 316/92. Courtney Ventures P/L. Inyanga. Courtnay of Liverpool.
101. 2551/84. Dorien Eric Philp9ott. Inyanga. The Remainder of Minnehaha
Estate. 257,6486 ha.
102. 3480/93. Glen Helen Investments P/L. Inyanga. Lot 70A of Inyanga
80,7918 ha.

103. 4579/91. F.A.B. Goddard & Sons P/L. Insiza. Pongo. 798,3810 ha.
104. 334/93. Charles Robert Holland Hartley. Insiza. The Glade. 2677,2570
105. 2764/92. Idaeve Ranching Company P/L. Insiza. Woodstock. 1 415,0516
106. 4326/88. David Seymour Helfer. Insiza. R/E of Pioneer Block. 3
107. 2077/96. Helfer Properties P/L. Insiza. Farm Obocooso. 1 291,3608 ha.

108. 4398/90. James Gentles Watson. Lomagundi. R/E of Mayfort. 584,9090 ha.

109. 3495/88. Freezing Point Estates P/L. Makoni. S/D A of Fischers Farm.
633,4902 ha.
110. 12966/99. Davel Farm P/L. Makoni. Lifton. 364,2043 ha.
111. 145/86. Marthius Jacobus Martin. Makoni. Arbeid Estate. 404,6778 ha.
112. 252/57. Rhodesia Railways. Makoni. Remainder of Yourkshire Estate.
51,277 morgan.
113. 10616/2000 J. G. Delport P/L. Makoni. Fodga. 353,4955 ha.
114. 1820/69. Wakefields Estates P/L. Makoni. Wakefield. 10 144,3731 acres
115. 1468/54. Lesbury Estate P/L. Makoni. Remaining extent of Farm Urmston.
1 219,0251 morgan.
116. 7410/97. Torrish Farms P/L. Makoni. torrish of Crofton. 617,9654 ha.

117. 1615/93. Ann Jenne Sorensen-Wedel. Marandellas. The Remainder of
Gatzi. 971,4741 ha.
118. 6780/71. Dombi Estate P/L. Marandellas. Dombi Estate. 1 073,7617 ha.
119. 8367/71. Doune Farm P/L. Marandellas. Doune Estate. 965,8940 ha.
120. 1158/69. Hedon Farms P/L. Marandellas. Hedan Estate. 2 923,4078 acres.
121. 7075/83. J. H. Erasmus P/L. Marandellas. Remaining Extent of
628,5403 ha.
122. 8718/91. Idapi Tobacco Company P/L. Marandellas. Idapi. 1 303,6062 ha.
123. 3756/79. Igudu Farm P/L. Marandellas. Remaining Extent of Igudu.
872,1471 ha.
124. 773/91. Golden Cap Estates P/L. Marandellas. The Remainder of Lot HG
Carruthersville. 1 388,1586 ha.
125. 2111/84. Claire Kit Wiggill. Marandellas. The Remainder of Coquetdale
of Rudmans. 119,4115 ha.
126. 8659/90. Elmesbeef P/L. Marandellas. Lot 1 of Elmeswood. 866,2207 ha.
127. 7819/97. Silver Queen Estates P/L. Marandellas. Lot 14 of Wenimbi
Estate. 699,9673 ha.
128. 2551/95. Loujo Farming P/L. Marandellas. Lot 22 of Wenimbi Estate.
542,1331 ha.
129. 2783/93. Malibar FArm P/L. Marandellas. Malabar Estate. 284,6738 ha.
130. 116/96. G.H. Westhoff & Son P/L. Marandellas. Meandu of Longlands.
590,5034 ha.
131. 3487/53. Creighton Guthrie Nocholson Keene. Marandellas. Nyazwitza
portion of Hopeful portion of Alexandra. 472,4682 morgan.
132. 64/94. Pepukai Enterprises P/L. Marandellas. Lot DE Dudley Estate. 98
8875 ha.
133. 5676/73. Petrus Gerhardess Botha. Marandellas. Laasgedink portion of
Pinhoe. 572,3366 ha.
134. 2873/78. Nyambuya Farm P/L. Marandellas. Nyambuya. 649,2407.
135. 158/83. Nurenzi Farm P/L. Marandellas. S/D M of Carruthersville. 1
031,5876 ha.
136. 6012/84. Somerset Farm P/L. Marandellas. Somerset Estate. 973,6153 ha.
137. 1769/96. Rapako Farm P/L. Marandellas. The Remainder of Rapako of
Marandellas Estate. 1332,7101 ha.
138. 1/96. Clare Jane Hugh. Marandellas. Remaining Extent of Farm 7 of
Wenimbi Estate. 651,2950 ha.
139. 7941/61. Igava Farm P/L. Marandellas. Edinburgh. 1 929,9600 ha.
140. 449/51. Mushangwe Estate Ltd. Marandellas. Mushangwe of Eirene. 1
594,143 morgan.
141. 4582/91. Samanyanga Cash Store P/L. Marandellas. Stow Estate. 394,7461
142. 00039/95. Mark Jeremy Freer. Marandellas. Remainder of Farm 5 of
Estate. 514,4222 ha.
143. 2042/83. Redeemer Farming company P/L. Matobo. Adam Farm. 2 569,5584
144. 3859/80. Far Horizons P/L. Matobo. Shumbashaba of Mkulu. 289,9963 ha.
145. 1825/77. Sibintuli Investments Company P/L. Matobo. Betzeba. 1

147. 32/88. Esperanza Farms P/L. Mazoe. Remainder of Esperanza of Moores
Grant. 363,0121 ha.
148. 32/68. Esperanza Farms P/L. Mazoe. Remainder of Highwood Portion of
Culmstock portion of Moores Grant. 290,9666 ha.
149. 32/88. Esperanza Farms P/L. Mazoe. Remainder of Portlock of Moores
Grant. 162,9666 ha.
150. 32/88. Esperanza Farms P/L. Mazoe. Subdivision A of Subdivision B of
Esperanza of Moores Grant. 120,9002 ha.

146. 4054/97. M Sanderson P/L Mrewa. Remainder of Glen Wyvis. 2 459,4372
154. 8839/97. Seasonal Enterprises P/L. Mrewa. Methven Ranch. 2 092,9108ha.
155. 64343/89. Osborne Farms P/L. Mrewa. Lot 1 of Maryland. 761,6397 ha.

151. 4410/82. Wengi Farm P/L. Mazoe. The Remainder of Wengi River Estate.
927,7500 ha.
152. 4410/82. Farnk Thomas Miller. Mazoe. Lot 1 of Farm 37 of Glendale.
368,3351 ha.
153. 6536/80. Howard Philip ARnold. Mrewa. Remainder of Lot 1 of Whispering
Hope. 1 181,8687 ha.

156. 3837/89. Mindoro Ranch P/L. Nyamandhlovu. Sandston Creek. 2 428,5448
157. 2788/97. Thoughtful Farming P/L. Nyamandhlovu. New Cross Estate. 2
082,9767 ha.

158. 1094/86. Daniel Cias Coetzee. Sabi. Remainder of Seacombe. 3 426,3078

159. 7929/87. Good Return Investments P/L. Salisbury. Rudolphia. 802,0700
160. 1132/56. C.B. Allison & Sons P/L. Salisbury. Riseholm. 582,6259
161. 5241/79. Closeburn P/L. Salisbury. Closeburn of Rastenburg. 569,0955
162. 4507/70. Lanark Farm P/L. Salisbury. Lanark. 2 688,9337 acres.
163. 9398/01. John Anthony Bradshaw. Salisbury. Remaining Extent of
571,7622 ha.
164. 2301/94. Allan Francis Munn. Salisbury. Remaining Extent of
Mashonganyika. 209,7241 ha.
165. 1224/71. Nora Developments P/L. Salisbury. Remainder of Binder. 1
335,3681 ha.
166. 2529/96. Atlanta Farm P/L. Salisbury. Atlanta of theMeadows. 546,5099
167. 5481/99. Shepherd Hall Farm P/L. Salisbury. Chakoma Estate. 1 275,9283
168. 8092/94. J Williamson Properties P/L. Salisbury. Remainder of Banana
Grove. 1 233,2532 ha.
169. 3709/83. Shiloh-Shalom P/L. Salisbury. The Remainder of Carnholme.
107,3228 ha.
170. 6116/93. Liemba Farm P/L. Salisbury. S/D A of Weardale. 792,0322 ha.
171. 4312/93. Dorisdale Farming P/L. Salisbury. Thursfield. 41,1338 ha.
172. 3534/59. Steve Delport P/L. Salisbury. Remaining Extent of S/D A of
Twentydales Estate. 990,0608 acres.
173. 4557/72. Andy Green P/L. Salisbury . Glen Avon. 708,3404 ha.
174. 5078/79. V & R Farming. Salisbury. Ramining Extent of Vuta. 518,1475
175. 5992/79. Kine Properties P/L. Salisbury. Frascati. 901,2700 ha.
176. 6560/95. LA Residenze P/L. Salisbury. Lot BD of Marvel. 85,5239 ha.
177. 4592/96. Danbro Holdings P/L. Salisbury. The Remainder of Arlington
Estates. 336,5954 ha.
178. 143/62. J Wight Maud. Salisbury. Beatrice. 275,62 ha.
179. Certificate of Consolidated Title 388/91. T. J. Searson P/L.
Beatrice Estate. 191,196 ha.
180. 7/69. Richard Anthony Frank Ternouth. Salisbury. Canterbury. 3
acres subtract 532.6715 ha.
181. 6932/88. MM Pretorius P/L. Salisbury. Charmaine of Drayton. 304,1502
182. 391/74. Daniel Rudolph Nel. Salisbury. Chelmsford. 802,3747 ha.
183. 7588/90. 7588/90. Asgard Investments P/L. Salisbury. Doune. 667,2276
184. 678/95. Mnadi Farm P/L. Salisbury. Ealing. 734,0360 ha.
185. 2080/84. Guy Stanley Waston-Smith. Salisbury. Alamein. 766,9668 ha.
186. Certificate of Consolidated Title 4542/86. paul Stephanuus Theron.
Salisbury. Friedanthal Estate. 2 417,6115 ha.
187. 2074/69. Tavistock Estates P/L. Salisbury. Inyondo A. 1 086,5811
188. 6862/92. Alidy Farm P/L. Salisbury. The Remaining Extent of Vegnoeg.
428,2571 ha.
189. 5070/85. Charles Campell Waghorn. Salisbury. Subdivision A of
189,1700 ha.
190. 7512/96. Elsna P/L. Salisbury. Lot 1 of Canterbury. 532,6517 ha.
191. 3812/90. W. E. Innes & Sons P/L. Salisbury. Lot 1 of Cavan Estate.
344,7509 ha.
192. 6047/93. Innesfree Pecans P/L. Salisbury. Lot 1A of Corby Estate.
242,7286 ha.
193. 578/72. Samuel Rahamin Levy. Salisbury. Lot 2 of United. 370,2822 ha.
194. 3336/83. T.J. Greaves P/L. Salisbury. Goele Hoop. 764,8364 ha.
195. 7839/99. Joch Investments P/L. Salisbury. Mewstone. 706,6274 ha.
196. 1121/62. T. Caine P/L. Salisbury. Norham. 1710,1397 acres.
197. 9525/99. Paraziva Trading Company P/L. Salisbury. Norway of Sweden of
Herne. 375, 2950 ha.
198. 1070/95. Jetmaster Properties P/L. Salisbury. Nyarungu Estate.
199. 1284/56. Amalinda Estates P/L. Salisbury. Poortside. 307,9032 ha.
200. 1055/75. ARchie Black & Sons P/L. Salisbury. Remaining Extent of
Syston. 882,1544 ha.
201. 12998/99. Rich Harvest Estates. Salisbury. Rusimbiro. 6560928 ha.
202. 4577/76. Kenneth Michael Mumford. Salisbury. S/D C of Gowerlands.
384,6710 ha.
203. 4073/88. Ross Donald Watkins. Salisbury. Scotsbank of Kenombo.
204. 2105/85. Duninne Farm P/L. Salisbury. Shrewsbury. 747,7403 ha.
205. 636/95. Ralston Investments P/L. Salisbury. Farm Silver Oak. 1
206. 5241/01. Caricature Enterprises P/L. Salisbury. Remaining Extent of
Subdivision A of Nyachidze. 606,0968 ha.
207. 5121/87. David Malcolm McVey. Salisbury. Swallowfield. 856,5180 ha.
208. 9525/99. Paraziva Trading company P/L. Salisbury. Remainder of Sweden
of Herne. 374,22420 ha.
209. 5111/80. Mohammed Cader. Salisbury. Unadale of Shisandtsa. 713,4795
210. 3294/94. Verdun Farm P/L. Salisbury. Verdun. 874,5049 ha.
211. 6862/92. Alidy Farming P/L. Salisbury. The Remaining Extent of
Vergenoeg. 428,2571 ha.

212. 3495/88. Freezing Point Estates P/L. Umtali. Eden Dale. 1 362,0000 ha.
213. 3495/88. Freezing Point Estates P/L. Umtali. Headlands. 1 405,0000 ha.
214. 1688/86. Valley Coffee Plantatoin P/L. Umtali. R/E of Mazonwe. 3
746,2964 ha.
215. Cert. of Registered Title 2487/86. Jean Carol Franklin. Umtali. Lot 1
of Premier Estate. 1 657,0500 ha.
216. 4434/96. D. T. Z. Ozgeo P/L. Umtali. Fairview South of Fairview.
413,4455 ha.
217. 3479/93. Ferndale Investments P/L. Umtali. Nahoon Estate. 444,2658 ha.
218. 7304/98. J R Hildebrand P/L. Umtali. Remaining Extent of Valhalla.
376,0419 ha.
219. 3894/85. Hugo Amos lock. Umtali. Oukar Estate. 867,5035 ha.
220. 423/63. Mapor Estates P/L. Umtali. Lot 2 of Mapembi Estate. 1 903,6362
221. 4412/78. Michael Boswell Brown. Umtali. Lot 12 of Bomponi. 707,5235
222. 673/59. Claremunt Inyanga Orchards P/L. Umtali. Claremont. 3 327,218

223. 2024/73. Bryan H. W. Howes. Umzingwane. R/E of Lot 26 of Essexvale
Estate. 140,0735 ha.
224. 2265/80. Esias Johannes Terblache. Umzingwane. Whites Run Estate. 2
560,9947 ha.
225. 2569/80. Boomerang Farms P/L. Umzingwane. Remainder of Crocodile
Valley. 2 353,9972 ha.
226. 3880/98. Raynes Park Estates P/L. Umzingwane. The Remaining Extent of
Lot 35B of Essexvale Estate. 310,1169 ha.
227. 1676/70. Terence Arthur Bowen. Wankie. Railway Farm 53. 6 008,1250

228. 6908/90. Riverbend Estate P/L. Wedza. Bally David A. 304,5316 ha.
229. 2808/73. Lodewikus Smith. Wedza. Oklahoma Estate. 1 916,2053 ha.


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It's the Economy, Stupid

Sunday Times (Johannesburg)

December 12, 2004
Posted to the web December 13, 2004


AS THE spectacle of political division within the ruling tripartite alliance
unfolds, we should borrow from Bill Clinton's 1992 US election campaign and
write on every flat surface: it's the economy, stupid. How we manage our
relationship with Zimbabwe is important. How we manage our economy is
critical. We can better afford a government that refuses to engage on the
first than we can one that ducks debate on the second.

President Thabo Mbeki has shown, in his response to Archbishop Emeritus
Desmond Tutu's considered intervention after 10 years of democracy, that he
does not welcome gratuitous political advice.

Nor, it seems, does he welcome criticism of economic policies framed in
close consultation with the huge and highly qualified team he has assembled
to run the country from the Presidency.

"The truth", he has taken to repeating, must be respected. And "the truth",
he repeatedly implies, resides with him and his advisers.

After a thorough defence on three of the issues Tutu raised, Mbeki said in
his now famous Internet letter of November 26: "All of us must educate
ourselves about the reality of South Africa today, internalise the facts
about our country, and respect the truth. Together we must avoid the resort
to populism and catchy newspaper headlines that have nothing to do with the
truth and everything to do with the pursuit of self-serving agendas."

When this testy insistence on the primacy of his own knowledge extends also
to the African National Congress's partners in the ruling tripartite
alliance, Cosatu and the South African Communist Party should wonder what
their role is.

Is Mbeki using the alliance partners in the way that unscrupulous businesses
use black managers with long titles and little influence - useful when there
are votes to be won or a deal to be closed, but really no more than
politically expedient window-dressing?

And if he is, do we care?

The leaders of Cosatu and the SACP care. They are deeply frustrated by their
inability to influence the government's broad economic development strategy,
and angry about the repeated postponement of a long overdue summit of the
three ruling parties.

They do concede there is a significant narrowing of their differences over
economic policy, but find it difficult to claim much of the credit.

Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi says the political slanging match
in which he and Tutu have felt the whip of Mbeki's tongue has diverted
attention from progress made on economic policy.

The debate, he urges, should be about economic strategy rather than whether
grown men are mature enough to participate in the national discourse.

Mbeki has done nothing in the past two weeks to encourage engagement on
political questions such as Zimbabwe.

And he and his team have been no more encouraging of debate on economic

While the government's policy factory remains almost exclusively the machine
that is the Presidency, the ANC's alliance partners risk being witnesses to
the making of economic history rather than participants.

They may be nominal partners in Mbeki's government, but when it comes to
issues of economic policy they have no more say than the non-governmental
organisations that line up to plead their causes at the doors of the
Presidency or Treasury.

The most effective alliance work is done at the level of officials in those
ministries - Energy and Land are cited as positive examples - where the
input of the partners is valued. The least effective is at the levels of
Treasury and the Presidency, where appointment books are usually full and
calls often go unreturned.

The dismissive attitude of the national executive breeds a contagious
contempt. Why should a department submit contentious ideas to alliance
scrutiny when the President has little regard for their views?

Certainly, the government made every effort to avoid consulting Nedlac, a
statutory consultative forum linking government, business and labour, on the
corporatisation of the former Public Investment Commissioners who manage the
massive public-service pension savings. Instead of seeking legal advice on
whether to consult Nedlac, it sought advice to legitimise its decision not

SACP deputy general secretary Jeremy Cronin looks for a silver lining when
he cites the success of a four-year campaign for low-cost banking for the
poor, but that is a small return for lending the name and authority of the
SACP to the entire ANC democracy project.

A basic income grant would be a significant prize to bring home, but that
campaign, as Tutu identified, has hit a brick wall.

Cosatu clearly is worried.

"Government programmes are going ahead and, in many instances, consultation
with alliance partners is non-existent. Nor can we claim that Cosatu is
consolidating a progressive economic development agenda," the union
federation said in a frank review last week of progress since its last
national congress in September 2003.

The art of politics allows huge scope for differences over issues such as
Zimbabwe, but the more exact science of economics defines a smaller arena of
contest and requires all participants to accept a set of rules and realities
which, within the alliance, they do.

So the debate that the ANC's partners want is no longer one between
capitalism and socialism but - in the middle ground between those outer
markers of economic policy - one about the nuances of tax to gross domestic
product ratios, acceptable deficit targets and levels of state investment.

The alliance partners want faster land reform, a weaker rand to protect
export-based jobs, and protection from excessive import competition,
including Chinese textiles.

All are controversial proposals that are unlikely to find favour with
business or the Presidency.

But using public-works spending and public-enterprise investment to generate
jobs and growth were anathema in those circles a decade ago, and have now
achieved broad acceptance.

If the SACP and Cosatu are allies, then the government should be willing to
hear them out privately and publicly, and respond to their ideas with
something better than personal insults or a claim to greater knowledge -
what Mbeki calls "the truth".

Cronin says there is no difference over the need for black economic
empowerment and that it should be broad-based, but there is more room than
Mbeki concedes for debate about the effectiveness and appropriateness of the
model proposed for the 15.1% Telkom stake.

He puts a legitimate question when he asks: "Will it bring telephony
opportunities to poor and remote communities or is it just a business

Just because it is a difficult question to answer when the deal is party
stalwart Smuts Ngonyama's ticket to mega-wealth does not mean the government
should be excused from a proper response.

The allies have agreed more than once to improve policy co-ordination and
set up structures to ensure that they engage more vigorously. This has
hardly happened. The commitment has bogged down in differences over the
boundary between appropriate liaison on macroeconomic policy and
inappropriate alliance meddling in the minutiae of government.

Cosatu and the SACP have not given up trying to establish forums that will
give them real influence over the big economic picture, but the time is
coming for them to consider throwing in the towel.

This country has had too many people justify their proximity to power by
saying they are fighting the system from within. It has not worked in the
past, and Mbeki has shown that it won't work now.

The ANC allies may be allowed, although discouraged, to speak out in public
about their concerns, but for them to claim significant recent influence
over the government's economic policies is misleading.

Mbeki and his team in the Presidency rely on their own analysis of the
conundrums of economic management. Any similarity to the mandates of Cosatu
and the SACP is purely coincidental.

If the left wing of the alliance cannot win an early and certain assurance
of ungagged influence, it would be in everyone's best interests if they
ceased the pretence of unity.

For the sake of the entire democracy project, it's the economy, stupid. And
economic wisdom, like the truth, is not the exclusive preserve of the ANC's
inner circle. It is best discovered through free and public interrogation.
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