Reuters
Thu Dec 28, 2006
3:33 PM GMT
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's police have arrested more than
16,000 people
in a blitz on illegal miners, razing some of their makeshift
homes more than
a year after a controversial government slum clearance
campaign.
The official Herald newspaper said on Thursday that 16,290
people in illegal
mining were arrested in the past three weeks as police
sought to end
unlawful but thriving trade in minerals.
Police were
not immediately available to comment.
The slum clearance, officially
dubbed "Operation Restore Order", was seen by
senior U.N. officials as
drastically worsening Zimbabwe's economic crisis as
bulldozers destroyed the
homes or livelihoods of more than 3 million people.
President Robert
Mugabe has defended the campaign as necessary to root out
crime.
Police have burnt temporary homes used by the panners near the
mining
fields, recovering 3.2 kg (7 lb) of gold, 524,000 kg of gold ore and
4,876
pieces of diamonds.
Zimbabwe is in the throes of a deep
economic crisis marked by unemployment
above 80 percent, the world's highest
inflation rate above 1,000 percent,
shortages of food, fuel and foreign
currency and increasing poverty levels.
The collapse of commercial
agriculture -- once the largest employer -- has
pushed thousands of people
into illegal mining with the minerals being sold
to middlemen on the black
market and smuggled to neighbouring countries
where prices are
higher.
Many people are especially attracted to gold panning, which
offers a quick
return despite dozens dying each year from the collapse of
shallow mines.
The government accuses powerful politicians and
businessmen of buying
minerals from panners and smuggling it
outside.
"A few greedy fat cats have monopolised the industry and engaged
every other
person in the villages, farms and elsewhere to recklessly pan
for gold and
other precious minerals," Augustine Chihuri, the country's
Police
Commissioner was quoted as saying by the Herald.
"We are also
worried about the level of siltation in our dams and land
degradation,"
Chihuri said referring to extensive destruction of the
environmental by the
panners, who include women and children.
Mining has overtaken
agriculture as the top foreign currency earner, with
critics blaming
Mugabe's seizure of white-owned commercial farms for blacks,
for plunging
the farming sector.
The Herald
(Harare)
December 28, 2006
Posted to the web December 28,
2006
Harare
The Chinese government yesterday refuted claims by
Zimbabwe's Ambassador to
China Cde Chris Mutsvangwa that the two countries
were negotiating a US$2
billion loan facility to stabilise the country's
economy.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mr Qin Gang was quoted in
the China
Daily newspaper as saying: "After seeing this news, we looked for
confirmation with the relevant departments and there is no such
deal."
Last week, Cde Mutsvangwa told journalists in Harare that
Zimbabwe and China
were about to open negotiations for a US$2 billion loan
facility to help
stabilise the economy.
"China's government is ready
to negotiate with the Government for a US$2
billion loan facility to help it
fight inflation and other aspects of the
economy," he said.
He also
said the Chinese government had appointed a project officer to
handle the
deal and a delegation led by Finance Minister Cde Herbert Murerwa
and
Reserve Bank Governor Dr Gideon Gono would soon be heading for Beijing
to
discuss the deal.
Cde Mutsvangwa said this at a ceremony in Harare at
which the Chinese
government handed over more than 22 000 tonnes of compound
D fertilizer for
Zimbabwe's agricultural sector.
Cde Mutsvangwa could
not be contacted for comment yesterday.
The Zimbabwe Standard
28
December 2006
Bulawayo - Zanu PF politburo member, Emmerson
Mnangagwa, says he is
aware of attempts by a number of former freedom
fighters in the Midlands to
soil his political image. Reports suggest the
Zanu PF succession issue has
split the Zimbabwe National Liberation War
Veterans' Association into two
camps. One camp supports Vice-President Joice
Mujuru, the other Mnangagwa,
the Minister of Rural Housing and Social
Amenities. Mnangagwa made the
comments in an interview last week after
learning that war veterans
reportedly aligned to Mujuru recently wrote to
President Robert Mugabe,
claiming he was fuelling factionalism in the
province. Zanu PF sources said
the Midlands' war veterans' secretary-general
Shadreck Makombe and Godfrey
Pambuka, the association's leader in Kwekwe
district, wrote asking Mugabe to
intervene by reining in Mnangagwa. The two
alleged Mnangagwa was victimising
members of the pro-Mujuru camp. Pambuka
confirmed in an interview his group
had appealed to Mugabe "to stop
Mnangagwa from sowing seeds of division in
the province". He said he would
be forced to approach the President
personally if nothing was done. "With
Mnangagwa we have different interests,
but if he continues with his bad
manners, I will personally approach the
President," Pambuka said. "Every
leader is liable to criticism and I believe
that we had and we continue to
have a right to do so. I don't want to talk
much about the letter we sent to
the President."
Mnangagwa accused the war veterans of tarnishing
his political image.
He said: "These are people among the war veterans'
association and in the
party in the Midlands vanoda kusvibisa zita rangu
mupolitics (who want to
tarnish my image). Where do they get the powers?"
Mnangagwa would not shed
more light on the issue or entertain any other
questions from The Standard.
Another faction of the war veterans led by
Harris Ncube, the chairman of the
Midlands provincial association, said
Pambuka and Makombe were waging "a
personal war" against Mnangagwa. Ncube
said: "The letter has nothing to do
with the Midlands war veterans. It's the
opinions of those two guys. They
also had no legal authority to write the
letter. I should have signed the
letter as the chairman of the province."
The Midlands, like many other Zanu
PF provinces, has been rocked by
factionalism, condemned by Mugabe at the
recent Zanu PF conference in
Goromonzi. Mujuru and Mnangagwa are considered
the leading contenders in the
succession battle. Mugabe, who is pushing for
the harmonisation of the
presidential and parliamentary elections, has
indicated the he will not
leave office in 2008, as previously
suggested.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe
news
New Zimbabwe
By Mutumwa D. Mawere
Last updated: 12/28/2006
21:18:23
THE constitution of Zimbabwe defines the country as a sovereign
republic
with the Constitution as the supreme law.
Under the
constitution, the country's Head of State and Head of the
Government as well
as the Commander in Chief of the Defence Forces is the
President. At
independence, the President was a titular head of state and
the Prime
Minister was the Head of the Government.
Zimbabwe has not been privileged
to have any other head of government than
its incumbent, President Mugabe,
who assumed the role of an Executive
President in 1987 following the unity
accord between Zanu PF and ZAPU in
1987.
In 1987, President Mugabe
was elected by Parliament as the first Executive
President of the country
and, therefore, his legitimacy as President was
derived from Parliament and
not directly from the people of Zimbabwe. In
1990, he was elected directly
by the people through a popular vote pursuant
to the amended Constitution of
the country.
The debate that has been generated by the decision of Zanu
PF to harmonise
the Presidential and Parliamentary elections exposes the
immaturity of
Zimbabwean politics as well as the limited understanding of
the
constitutional and legal framework that underpins a sovereign nation
like
Zimbabwe. More has been read into this decision than is merited by the
facts
on the ground.
It is common cause that a party that holds more
than two thirds of the seats
in parliament has the right to amend the
constitution of the country and, in
fact, Zanu PF has used its majority in
parliament to make significant
changes to the constitution including the
reintroduction of the senate last
year. It is also important to note that
the real casualty of the decision by
Zanu PF to reintroduce the senate was
the opposition that split into two
irreconcilable factions with no evidence
of any split in Zanu PF.
The senate debate is now gone and yet analysts
would want the public to
believe that the proposed constitutional amendment
by Zanu PF and the
procedural issues that necessitated the resolution to be
referred to the
party's central committee should be taken as a sign that
Zanu PF is a
fundamentally divided party. No explanation is provided by
these analysts
about the manner in which Zanu PF has consistently and
effectively used its
majority in parliament to enact a series of laws and
constitutional
amendments without any evidence of revolt against the
Executive.
It is also ironic that there has been no debate within Zanu PF
about the
role and functions of an Executive President like President
Mugabe. The
attention that has been focused on Zanu PF before and after the
just ended
conference confirms the allegation that the only real debate
about the
future of Zimbabwe has to be located within the ruling party and
those who
seek an alternative appear at best to be reactionary and devoid of
any
strategic vision.
Being an observer of political developments in
Africa in general, I have
come to the inescapable conclusion that Zimbabwe
appears to be three
countries in one and the last twenty years of a
monolithic power structure
has left the country more divided and confused
than at independence in 1980
when the common agenda was the creation of a
unitary sovereign state in
which equity and growth would characterize the
future.
It is important to recognise that a new nation within the nation
of Zimbabwe
has been created and this nation is peopled by politicians,
journalists,
political commentators, top businessmen (including some from
the UK) and
others obsessed with the country's political crises or rather
Zanu PF's
perceived succession quagmire, arguments with the Bush and Blair
administration over the causal link between the economic meltdown in
Zimbabwe and the targeted sanctions regime, corruption scandals, the
quasi-fiscal operations of the RBZ, and the lack of action on the urgently
needed economic reforms.
The second Zimbabwe is to be located in the
black or parallel market where a
few well connected individuals are making
significant inroads into the
wealth accumulation enterprises often using
primitive methods. A new class
is emerging in Zimbabwe fueled by a
dysfunctional economic system
characterized by opaque governance structures
where rent seeking behavior is
rewarded while genuine enterprise is
criminalized. This Zimbabwe is proving
to be more efficiently run without
any accountability. Even the President of
the country may not have a clue
about the real size of this hidden economy
and the extent to which his
colleagues in the executive branch of government
as well as members of the
judiciary and legislature may be active
participants in the undermining of
the rule of law and property rights.
Judging by the speeches of the
President on matters regarding corruption, it
is evident that he may be
living in an ivory tower insulated from the real
second Zimbabwe and its
cancerous impact on the future of the republic.
The third Zimbabwe is
found in the run-down private and public institutions.
It is also to be
found in the majority unemployed and vulnerable groups
whose access to
health, water, power and other essential services has been
permanently
compromised by bad policies. In this Zimbabwe, Christmas and New
Year means
nothing and yet they are told everyday that the root cause of
their poverty
is to be found in the conspiracy of the Bush and Blair
administration or the
Anglo-Saxons who remain determined to decolonize the
country. In this world
the opposition finds its support particularly among
the urban underclass and
poor. The last 26 years has seen this segment of
the population increasing
by the day and yet confused about the underlying
causes of the political,
economic and social crises facing the country. This
Zimbabwe is
understandably angry at Zimbabwe one and two.
Gaps between the political
elite and the ordinary citizens and between poor
and rich exist in many
African countries but in Zimbabwe they are becoming
more acute by the day
partly induced by senseless policies of the RBZ. The
President is convinced
that a web of criminals, businessmen, imperialist
conspiracies driven by a
regime change agenda, power hungry Zanu PF
politicians, and corrupt public
officials are the root causes of the problem
in Zimbabwe.
The journey
of sovereignty has been complicated by a historical legacy that
can provide
good raw material for any politician who is power hungry. The
argument is
crafted intelligently in such a manner that even those aspiring
for a higher
office will soon realize that there is no vacancy. For how can
a nation that
was founded from the womb of a brutal colonial regime think of
a regime
change inspired by the same evil forces that oppressed the
majority? Having
accepted that Zimbabwe's sovereignty has no market and
cannot be auctioned
to the highest bidder, it is then argued that no other
political formation
than those that fought for independence should be
qualified to take charge
and determine the destiny of the country.
It is also argued that the
people of Zimbabwe spoke at the last two
elections i.e. Presidential and
parliamentary when they chose a Zanu PF
President and a Zanu PF-led house.
Given that the need to harmonize the two
elections has economic and
political justification, it is then argued that
there is no reason to have
an election in 2008 where in the unlikely
circumstances an opposition
President is elected but with a poison
parliament, Zimbabwe will be better
off than have President Mugabe who can
claim that without him, it would be
unthinkable for Zanu PF parliamentarians
to have won the election if they
had run on other political labels.
President Mugabe can legitimately claim
that the party was instrumental in
achieving the electoral success and as
such there is nothing wrong about the
party deciding to harmonies the two
elections and in so doing ensure that
any constitutional crisis is
avoided.
President Mugabe can draw comfort from global developments in
Latin America
where candidates with similar ideological positions to him
have been
democratically elected, and in the case of Venezuela's Hugo
Chavez,
re-elected. Against a global environment that is hostile to
developing
nations, it is then argued that Zanu PF's best weapon to deal
with the
challenges cannot be anyone other than President Mugabe.
In
as much as Zanu PF has defined the agenda for the last 26 years, it is
argued that any viable solutions for the country should necessarily come
from the party. If the opposition accepts that Zimbabwe is a sovereign
country and a republic whose source of legitimacy is the people of the
country, then how can they challenge the constitutional right of a majority
party to decide what is good for the country. The parliament of Zimbabwe was
democratically elected it is then argued and as such has the power to elect
a President to fill in the vacancy for the period 2008 through
2010.
In Zanu PF, it is instructive that there is no other individual who
has
dominated the party as President Mugabe and it is unthinkable that the
Central Committee of the party would challenge him. If persons like Mavhaire
who once was quoted as saying: "Mugabe must go" can see sense in coming back
to Zanu PF and being appointed to the Politiburo, then it is argued that the
prospect of anyone mounting a challenge to Mugabe is technically non
existent.
Even ZAPU came to its senses and accepted the unity accord
rather than
trying to challenge Mugabe. In raising these issues, it is
important that
those who seek change invest in understanding what, if any,
are the
appropriate strategies of effecting the kind of political and
economic
reforms that Zimbabwe needs. It would be counterproductive for
people to
invest time and effort in analyzing what the perceived factions
within Zanu
PF may have in mind about the proposed constitutional changes
when it is
common cause that the party has only one bull in the kraal. The
party has
used President Mugabe to fight in every election including
parliamentary
elections.
Those who have observed the Zimbabweans
political scene would agree that the
last parliamentary election was indeed
a referendum on Mugabe and to the
extent that the opposition accepted to be
part of the governance structure
of the country on the basis of the results,
they have less legitimacy now to
begin to challenge the proposed changes. In
a democracy, those who represent
minority parties know the consequences of
the decisions taken by the
majority party. In fact, democracy is founded on
the tyranny of the majority
even if it is known that the changes they seek
to make to the constitution
may not have the popular support.
In as
much as Zanu PF has defined the post colonial agenda, it is incumbent
upon
those who seek change to define the post Mugabe era without relying on
any
help from the same party that they seek to unseat. It is interesting
that
even the opposition parties are banking on Zanu PF central committee to
challenge Mugabe's hegemony instead of defining what their agenda should be.
It would be fool hardy for any incumbent governing party to invest in its
own demise as many are expecting Zanu PF to do. Why would President Mugabe
choose to leave office in 2008 when his party has the parliamentary majority
to constitutionally ensure that by 2010 the opposition is sufficiently
weakened to challenge the party? Equally, the President who was against the
constitutional reforms that led to the formation of the MDC appears now to
be the proponent of far reaching changes that may return Zimbabwe to the
pre-1987 era where a Prime Minister was elected by the Parliament. Under
this dispensation, it will be more difficult for any populist opposition
candidate to lead the country in the future.
What is interesting in
the debates about succession is the lack of reality
tests to the assumptions
that inform many conclusions. If one carefully
examines the Zanu PF
constitutions it will be abundantly clear that anyone
who is not supported
by the four Mashonaland Provinces will have difficulty
in becoming a leader
of the party. Mashonaland has four votes where only
need two votes to
determine who becomes a leader. Given this structure, it
is unthinkable that
President Mugabe will fail to garner the support he
needs to make the
changes that entrench his own party as well as ensure that
the party is well
positioned to determine the successor. By making the
changes to the
constitution, Zanu PF may actually have out-witted the
opposition having
drawn lessons from the Malawian and Zambian disasters
where successors
turned against the very people who had made them.
The President's term
will end in 2008 and as such his universal mandate will
no longer exist.
Under the constitution, extraordinary powers have been
vested with the
President on the basis that his legitimacy was drawn
directly from the
people. It is not clear whether a President who has
assumed such powers can
continue to be vested with the same powers when his
mandate has ended and he
will only be indirectly elected by parliament. It
is important that the
debate shifts from the right of a majority party to
make constitutional
changes to the powers of the President in the
transition.
If a
President is elected by parliament, who is he then accountable to? What
kind
of role should such a President have? Can parliament elect someone who
is
not a Parliamentarian as a President of the country with executive
powers? I
am reminded that in South Africa, the President is elected by
Parliament
from among its ranks. The real devil is in the details and it is
important
that people of Zimbabwe and all Africans interested in the
progress of the
country keep their eyes on the price rather than focusing on
irrelevant
constitutional debates.
Zimbabwe may have irreparably lost its identity
as a one nation with a
common value system to inform its strategic choices
including succession.
With three nations in one, the Zimbabwean reality is
more complex and
confusing to lend itself to simple interpretations. A
complex reality calls
for careful analytical and conceptual reflections and
insights that can only
add value to the nation building
enterprise.
The third and often forgotten Zimbabwe may in the final
analysis determine
the outcome rather than Zimbabwe one and two where state
and non-state
actors from both the ruling and opposition parties may not
exhibit any
distinguishing characteristics to assist citizens in making the
right
choices and developing appropriate actions required to transform a
stolen
and outsourced republic. To what extent will the proposed
constitutional
changes address the fundamental economic, social and
political challenges
that Zimbabwe faces can only be answered by those who
see in political power
the solution to all problems while blind to the fact
that their exit may
release the country to move to higher heights and
deliver promise to its
people without favor or prejudice.
Mutumwa
Mawere's weekly column appears on New Zimbabwe.com every Monday. You
can
contact him at: mmawere@ahccouncil.com
New Zimbabwe
By Dr Alex T. Magaisa
Last updated: 12/28/2006 21:18:10
"WE
ARE going to do it this way because that is the way that we have always
done
things here. It has worked before and will continue to work in the
future.
There is no need to change".
Farai, an engineer colleague recounted his
experience during his stint at a
mine in Bindura, a small mining town
located about 55 miles from Harare.
Having been at the mine for a year
and armed with knowledge gained from
years spent at University, Farai and
his colleagues thought they could bring
in fresh ideas to improve the
inefficient systems and procedures at the
mine.
It did not take them
very long to realise that each time they tried to make
suggestions for
change, they simply hit a brick wall. The old timers who had
been at the
mine long enough to have become inseparable parts of the mine
architecture
were not ready for change. They were afraid of change, even
when Farai and
his fellow colleagues proved to them that it was more
efficient to make
certain changes.
The old timers would respond with a nonchalant shrug
followed by a
calculated pause during which they contemptuously stared at
the young
fellows from top to bottom, repeated for maximum effect, and then
say
dismissively, "Young man, I have been here 35 years, my father was here
30
years and before that my grandfather was here since he was a boy. During
all
that time, things have been done this way and they have worked for us.
Why
change?"
Most readers may find this scene familiar or similar to
situations they have
encountered when either they have faced resistance to
change or they have
been the ones that have resisted change, for no reason
other than that that
it is the way things have always been. If not, it is
probably just a matter
of time.
Change is a phenomenon that most
people find difficult to deal with. Even
when it is necessary and
inevitable, many people still find it hard to come
to terms with change.
Sometimes even the mere thought of change strikes fear
into the hearts of
most people.
Having observed events and circumstances obtaining within
Zanu PF (the
ruling party) circles in recent times, it is arguable that
perhaps the
single greatest challenge it faces is to overcome the fear of
change. This
is not simply change on the broader political and economic
landscape, but
change within its own ranks - internal
transformation.
Given the malady currently affecting the MDC and the
consequent loss of
momentum within the opposition movement generally, most
eyes have once again
focused on Zanu PF and whether or not it has the
capacity and will to
change. This has admittedly been a narrow focus, which
is centred not on the
wider politics and policies of Zanu PF but simply on
the issue of succession
of President Mugabe.
It is part of the
biographical approach that has been largely applied in
conceptualising,
analysing and understanding the Zimbabwean problem; an
approach under which
essentially all the shortcomings and challenges facing
the country are
invariably blamed on the leader of the ruling party,
President Mugabe. This
school of thought posits that if there is internal
change in Zanu PF and
President Mugabe retires sooner, things are more
likely to get better in
Zimbabwe. Simple and straightforward as it might
appear, it is not entirely
convincing that his departure will easily wash
away the myriad of problems,
which arise from more than one source.
Nonetheless, it is hard to dismiss
the view that, even if only for image
purposes, change in leadership is a
necessary consideration at this stage.
It matters no more whether it is
right or wrong, but it seems clear that the
problems of Zimbabwe have become
so closely aligned to the name of the
President that one would be forgiven
for suggesting that whoever replaces
him, whether or not he belongs to Zanu
PF, there is likely to be a change in
perceptions, both locally and
internationally, putting aside the argument
that the changes in perception
may be misguided. Implicit in this approach
is the assumption that new
leadership could usher a new approach to the
political and economic issues
affecting the country.
Undoubtedly, those who have considered the
Zimbabwean problem through the
biographical approach that focuses
principally on President Mugabe would
probably be persuaded to take a
different look at the country in terms of
engagement. Perhaps that is why
even the staunchest critics of Zanu PF have
probably been willing it to
drive change from within, seeing as it is that
the body and spirit of the
MDC seems to be dithering at critical times.
This approach may be too
simplistic and narrow since it ignores the myriad
of causes of the crisis
and the impact of the political culture in Zanu PF,
which even President
Mugabe himself has struggled to control and contain.
Yet still, in a country
where hope is waning by the day, anything that
represents change, even in
the form of personnel at the top level is
probably regarded as a credible
goal and achievement
Surely, some people in Zanu PF realize that change
is necessary and is
ultimately inevitable, no matter the attempts to
postpone it. How come then,
from time to time, there does not seem to be an
appetite for and the will to
pursue change that is ultimately to its and the
country's benefit? It seems
to me that there is the familiar reluctance in
Zanu PF, and even fear to
accept and cope with change.
A story is
told in my favourite book, Paolo Coelho's The Alchemist, of a man
who finds
it very difficult to embrace change, even when he knows that it
could
benefit him materially. Having joined the merchant whose business is
to sell
crystal glass, the main character, the boy on a mission to find his
treasure
at the pyramids, proposes that the business could be enhanced if
they
install a display cabinet outside the shop, showcasing the crystal
glasses.
The merchant is reluctant at first because he fears people might
knock over
the cabinet and break his glasses. After some persuasion, he
concedes to the
plan and the level of business increases. Later on, the boy
notices that
people who walk up the hill where the shop is located, often
complain of
thirst and tiredness. He proposes to the merchant that they
should start
selling tea in the crystal glasses. The people would find
something to
quench their thirst and having tasted tea in crystal glasses,
they might
even end up buying the glasses as well.
One would have thought this would
be a great plan for the business, which
any merchant would be keen to
embrace. But our merchant reacts rather
differently. He explains to the boy
that he has been in the business of
selling crystal for three decades and
knows the character of crystal very
well. He admits that if they start
selling tea in crystal glass, his
business will expand but he says he is
reluctant to do it because he fears
that it would mean he would have to
change his way of life. He says:
"I am already used to the way things are
. The shop is exactly the size I
always wanted it to be. I don't want to
change anything, because I don't
know how to deal with change. I am used to
the way I am."
I sometimes wonder whether this is the same mode in which
Zanu PF operates.
Perhaps they cannot even imagine a world without President
Mugabe. He has
led the party and the country for so long that for them he is
now part of
the natural order. They see no reason to change anything. They
probably fear
change because they do not know how to manage it. Unlike his
detractors,
they see him as a victim of external machinations. They are used
to the way
they are and do not know how to deal with change, especially
given the
factional divisions centring on the battle for succession. They
cannot even
dare talk about succession openly because they do not know how
to deal with
it. Like the merchant, they do not want to be forced to "look
at wealth and
at horizons [they] have never known". But in the end, as did
the merchant,
Zanu PF just has to realise that, "sometimes, there is just no
way to hold
back the river".
Hard as it might be for many people to
swallow, it is futile to deny that
Zanu PF is a critical player on the
political landscape, more so now than a
few years ago when the MDC was seen
as the agent of change and salvation.
The MDC leadership in both factions
must pick up the pieces and realise what
most of their ordinary members have
said all year - that they ought to
become a more solid and focused unit. For
the MDC as well, the message is:
Change or Perish. Arguably, attention is
shifting to Zanu PF not because it
promises greatness but because it has
remained entrenched in power and
observers sees little chance of overcoming
it especially with the opposition
in its current sorry state.
erhaps
some people have come to the point where they think that sometimes
you just
have to face the harsh reality and live with what you have, hoping
for the
best. Zanu PF has never had a better opportunity in recent years to
make
positive steps and rehabilitate its image in the eyes of the people.
Yet
Zanu PF has shown a remarkable reluctance to embrace change. It has
postponed inevitable change whilst not reducing the burden on the citizens.
In fact the postponement serves nothing except to perpetuate the misery of
the citizens.
It is gratifying to note that when our dear merchant
finally accepts the boy's
proposal to sell tea in crystal glasses, business
flourishes and he realises
he has done well to overcome his fear of change.
He hires new staff to help
him cope with change. Perhaps one day, as did the
merchant, Zanu PF will
overcome its fear of change and shall embrace it and
learn to cope with it.
It is a big player on the scene and Zimbabwe
desperately needs it to change.
Dr Magaisa is a Zimbabwean lawyer and can
be contacted at
wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
Comment from ISS (SA), 5 December
Chris Maroleng
The
attention of most observers of Zimbabwean politics is currently focused
on
possible developments relating to the bitterly contested presidential
succession, which is expected to feature prominently either informally or
formally at the Zanu PF annual conference on 14-17 December 2006. At this
stage, however, all the fuss and speculation over the presidential
succession could prove yet again to be a storm in a teacup, since its is
still unclear if current President Robert Mugabe intends to step down in
2008 or 2010. As has happened in the past, the issue of presidential
succession may yet again be bypassed, as it has not been noted as one of the
items on the conference agenda, which will be announced by John Nkomo,
Chairman of the ruling party. However, if a decision about succession is not
made at this year's congresses, the postponement of this discussion to the
2007 conference would mean that it would be too late to agree on a
candidate, since the next presidential elections are due in 2008. Given the
backing of Zanu PF's comfortable parliamentary majority, Mugabe could easily
revise the electoral timetable, since this requires no constitutional
amendment. Nor does the constitution limit the number of presidential terms,
so Mugabe could seek re-election in 2008. Faced with the choice of Mugabe
standing again in 2008 or postponing the presidential contest until 2010,
the party barons may prefer the latter option.
The various
factions in the party keen to see their candidate step into the
top spot
have used all manner of instruments to bolster their chances, while
simultaneously trying to undermine the credibility of their intra-party
rivals in the succession stakes. Ruling party barons, featuring the likes of
Vice-President Joyce Mujuru, Rural Housing Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa,
Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, and Parliamentary Speaker John Nkomo,
have been mooted as possible candidates for the succession. Joyce Mujuru is
considered to be the heir apparent, but the political terrain is fast
changing, as allegations of corruption in her political camp emerge. Mujuru
is believed to have already alienated potential allies in the party, among
them senior politicians who backed her against Mnangagwa in 2004 in the two
Matabeleland provinces. As a result she has since lost the trust and
confidence of Matabeleland kingpins within Zanu PF, such as Vice-President
Joseph Msika and John Nkomo, who were upset when she indicated that she
would back Obert Mpofu for the vice-presidency, should she get into office.
An indication of Nkomo's displeasure was his failure to come to Mpofu's
defence when the parliamentary committee recommended that Parliament charge
Mpofu with perjury over his testimony on the Zisco affair.
As
indicated above, one of the favoured instruments used to discredit
intra-party rivals in the succession race is the so-called fight against
corruption. One of the country's worst corruption scandals, which is being
referred to as "Ziscogate", is seen as the latest weapon in the succession
contest and is currently sending shock waves through the ruling party. Its
tremors are being felt widely, and Mugabe is under increasing pressure from
certain members of his Cabinet to take action against Cabinet members and
ruling Zanu PF party officials who are implicated. According to South
Africa's
Mail and Guardian, "In a three-hour presentation, Justice Minister
Patrick
Chinamasa advised Mugabe during a Cabinet meeting that there was
'prima
facie' evidence of perjury against Mpofu, that Cabinet members were
involved
[in the Zisco scandal], and that Parliamentary Speaker John Nkomo
should be
given a chance to appoint the parliamentary privileges and
immunity
committee to get to the bottom of Ziscogate". The potentially
negative
consequences for the government and the ruling party have not gone
unnoticed
by Zimbabwe's Central Intelligence Agency (CIO), which is reported
to have
advised Mugabe last month that releasing the Zisco report would
damage his
government and create a "confidence crisis". The new intriguing
twist to the
saga is how the politics of succession within the ruling Zanu
PF party -
which pits Vice-President Joyce Mujuru and Emmerson Mnangagwa
against one
another - is affecting whether or not the truth about what
happened at Zisco
will come out.
It emerged this week that a
confidential and controversial National Economic
Conduct Inspectorate (NECI)
report into corruption at Zisco implicates
members of a faction aligned to
retired General Solomon Mujuru, the
kingmaker within the ruling party, and
his wife, Joyce, in the Zisco
scandal. The NECI is an investigative team
within the Ministry of Finance.
According to recent press reports, several
high-ranking government officials
in Mujuru's camp have been implicated in
this report. Irrespective of which
faction eventually emerges victorious
from this bruising succession battle
it is unlikely to result in a
resolution of the political and socio-economic
problems that have afflicted
Zimbabwe. This is partly because neither Mujuru
nor Mnangagwa, the
favourites, possess the necessary skills or backing to
win over party
radicals, who want to take land redistribution further and to
nationalise
the biggest companies. This would be no way to cool the
international
confrontation, cut a deal with the International Monetary Fund
and World
Bank and reverse the economic slide. Zanu PF's best hope would be
a
reconciliation candidate such as Simba Makoni, who kept away from the past
decade's political violence and corruption and is respected across the
political spectrum.
IOL
December 28
2006 at 04:50PM
Johannesburg - Wild elephants in Zimbabwe are being
captured and
exploited for commercial purposes, the national council of the
SPCA (NSPCA)
said on Thursday.
Marcelle Meredith, a
spokesperson for the NSPCA said that 10 juvenile
elephants, aged between
five and 10-years-old, were confined in enclosed
bomas in an estimated four
feet of their own dung.
"One elephant has already died," she
said.
The juvenile elephants were forcibly removed from their
natural herds
by Shearwater Adventures in November 2006.
The
remaining elephants were confined in bomas measuring five metres
by five and
2,5 metres by five metres.
"They are bruised and traumatised...
they have already developed
dermatitis," she
said.
Meredith said efforts to remove the animals
from these confines onto
the surrounding 6000 hectares property were refused
by Shearwater
Adventures.
Shearwater Adventures operates
elephant-back safaris in the Victoria
Falls area.
"They should
not have been captured and removed in the first place. To
say that such
operations 'save' animals is nonsense. This is blatant
exploitation -
opportunism for financial gain," she said.
The NSPCA had made an
urgent appeal to the public for financial
assistance in preventing the
capturing and training of elephants. - Sapa
The Herald (Harare)
December 28,
2006
Posted to the web December 28, 2006
Harare
IVORY sales
remain suspended for the fifth month following the industry's
failure to
produce a proper working document to be used in the monitoring
and
regulation of ivory trade.
The development could have prejudiced the
country of millions of dollars in
exports as ivory sales contribute
significantly to foreign currency
generation.
The Parks and
Wildlife Management Authority suspended, with immediate
effect, the sale of
ivory in July this year, saying trade could only resume
after the authority
and ivory dealers come up with a comprehensive working
document.
The
decision was reached after a meeting between the authority and the ivory
dealers association where it was agreed that there was need to formulate an
operational working guideline for the good of the industry.
A
six-member committee comprising three members from each side, was set up
to
work on the document, but up to now, it is still to produce the
paper.
The Parks authority chairs the committee while the Zimbabwe Ivory
Manufacturers Association provides the secretariat.
Parks
spokesperson, Retired Major Edward Mbewe said that ivory sales
remained
suspended.
When it suspended ivory sales in July, the authority said the
drafting of a
working document would create a better working system, making
it possible
for the authority to effectively monitor the activities of ivory
dealers.
The authority noted that the current conditions and regulations
governing
ivory trade was so loose that it gave rise to a good number of
unlicenced
dealers, causing confusion on the market.
As such, the
authority said, there was need to put in place a proper
monitoring mechanism
and stringent conditions that would ensure that all
licenced ivory dealers
adhere to the provisions of the law and the
Convention on International
Trade in Endangered Species.
It also emerged that as a result of the poor
monitoring mechanism in ivory
trade, Zimbabwe had become a major source of
cheap ivory and that negatively
impacted on the local ivory industry.
IOL
December 28 2006 at
04:52PM
Addis Ababa - An Ethiopian court will sentence former
dictator
Mengistu Haile Mariam in absentia on January 11 after a judge said
on
Thursday he needed more time to consider appeals by both sides in
Mengistu's
genocide trial.
Mengistu, who is in exile in
Zimbabwe, was convicted of genocide
earlier this month for the killings of
thousands of political opponents
during a 17-year rule that ended with his
overthrow in 1991.
Judge Medhin Kiros said the court would deliver
its sentence on
January 11, "after considering extenuating statements by the
accused and the
prosecution's argument for a stiffer penalty".
Mengistu was jointly accused with 71 others including former prime
minister
Fikre Selassie Wogderesse, former vice-president Fissiha Desta and
other
leaders of his former military junta.
The Herald
(Harare)
December 28, 2006
Posted to the web December 28,
2006
Martin Kadzere
Harare
THE cost of residential property in
Harare has shot up drastically during
the last quarter of 2006 with prices
being quoted ranging from $25 million
for an incomplete house in the
high-density suburbs to $500 million in the
low-density areas.
A
survey conducted recently by Herald Business revealed that completed
houses
in suburbs such as Glen View, Kuwadzana, Chitungwiza, Budiriro,
Mufakose and
Glen Norah are being priced at no less than $40 million.
Incomplete
houses, usually 4-roomed, are selling at between $25 million and
$35
million, meaning the majority of Zimbabweans can no longer afford to buy
a
property even in the cheapest suburbs of the capital city.
Some years
ago, even those with the least-paying jobs such as industrial
workers could
well afford to buy houses.
Properties in the medium-density suburbs are
selling for between $80 million
and $150 million while those in plush
suburbs have breached the $400 million
mark, with most of them going for not
less than $450 million.
These figures are up from about $4 million a year
ago.
The majority of these multi-million dollar properties were on the
market for
around $50 000 in the early 90s.
However, prices of
residential properties in other cities such as Bulawayo
and Mutare are
relatively lower in comparison to those in the capital.
Among other
factors, the price spiral has been largely blamed on Zimbabweans
living
abroad whose high-purchasing power has led to a situation where too
much
foreign currency (converted into local currency) is chasing too few
houses.
The Herald (Harare)
December 28,
2006
Posted to the web December 28, 2006
Harare
THIRTEEN more
people have been killed on Zimbabwe's roads between Tuesday
afternoon and
yesterday, bringing the Christmas holiday death toll to 37
while 231 others
were injured in 355 accidents recorded so far.
Police said there has been
a slight decrease in the number of people killed
or injured as well as in
the number of accidents recorded over the same
period last
year.
Police spokesperson Chief Superintendent Oliver Mandipaka said
last year's
Christmas holiday period claimed 39 lives while 391 people were
injured in
398 accidents.
He said police had so far issued 29 097
tickets to motorists for various
offences compared to 27 796 tickets during
the corresponding period last
year.
Chief Supt Mandipaka said the
latest accidents were due to inattention and
misjudgment.
According
to the police's chief spokesman, most of the accidents occurred in
the
Greater Harare area. And as New Year was just around the corner, police
would continue to mount roadblocks and carry out 24-hour patrols.
"On
these motorised patrols, we will not only be checking out on errant
drivers
but we will also be checking out on any criminal activities," said
Chief
Supt Mandipaka.
On the bright side, Chief Supt Mandipaka noted that no
buses or commuter
omnibuses had been involved in serious road accidents
during the Christmas
holiday.
There were also fewer cases of drunken
driving during the period under
review.
"It is also gratifying to
note that a lot of drivers took heed of the
warning to avoid drinking while
driving as only a few were issued with
tickets for that offence," he
said.
He urged motorists to exercise caution to avoid unnecessary loss of
lives
and injury.
Away from the highways, Chief Supt Mandipaka said
there had been no reports
of serious criminal cases such as armed
robbery.
There were, however, cases of assaults involving people fighting
at beer
outlets.
Last year, 43 people were killed while 398 others
were injured in road
accidents during the festive season.
In 2004, 75
people died while 762 were injured in 936 accidents recorded
during the
festive season.
Most of the accidents were attributed to speeding,
negligence and tyre
bursts.
The Herald
(Harare)
December 28, 2006
Posted to the web December 28,
2006
Midlands Bureau
Harare
THERE was drama at Gweru Provincial
Hospital on Christmas Day as six men
chased an axe and knife-wielding man
through the wards following a
misunderstanding.
Patients and nurses
scurried for cover as the men chased each other in the
wards.
The
spectacle, which lasted for more than 30 minutes, started at the
Cathedral
Hall in the city centre at around 10am and ended in the wards
after police
arrived.
Midlands provincial police spokesperson Inspector Patrick
Chademana said the
six men Timothy Nyathi, Dumisani Nyathi, Austin Viriri,
Tawanda Viriri, Nhau
Mukono and Tinashe Kaseke, all of Mkoba, were arrested
and released
yesterday morning after they paid deposit fines.
The six
were involved in a dispute with Justin Javangwe (27), his young
brother
Brighton (24), and Charles Ndemera.
It is believed the three who --
driving in a Mazda pick-up truck -- turned
in front of the six's car at a
bus stop.
Just as they stopped their car, the six started insulting them,
threatening
to beat them up.
Insp Chademana said on realising that
there could be trouble, the three sped
off along Shurugwi Road.
He
said the other car gave chase and overtook the fleeing car just before
the
hospital, forcing the three to stop.
The six men jumped out of their car
and pulled out the trio.
Insp Chademana said one of them took a cellphone
belonging to Brighton and
smashed it on the tarmac.
Brighton fought
two of the six before he escaped. Ndemera also managed to
flee from the
scene while Justin hid behind the precast wall at the
hospital.
Insp.
Chademana said the six turned to the abandoned truck and one of them
slashed
the tyres with broken beer bottles.
Justin, thinking that the attackers
had gone, came out of his hiding place.
They spotted him and went for
him, forcing Justin to scale the precast wall
and jump into the hospital
premises.
They pursued him through the hospital wards where he sought
assistance in
vain. He ran to the doctor's residence and got into one of the
houses where
he came out wielding a butcher's knife.
Insp Chademana
said Justin threatened the six with the knife but they did
not back
off.
"Realising the futility of his threats, Justin took to his heels
through the
hospital grounds. He came across a man who was cutting firewood
and took the
axe from him.
"Again he threatened the gang with the axe
and knife but they did not
relent," he said.
Insp Chademana said
Justin ran back to the wards with the six still in hot
pursuit.
"He
ran towards the mortuary where he left his weapons.
"He re-entered the
wards and hid in one of the duty rooms where a member of
staff locked him
until Ndemera arrived with police officers a few minutes
later," he
said.
"We later managed to arrest them and went with them to Gweru
Central Police
Station where they were detained.
"Even in the cells,
they made a lot of noise, singing for a long time. They
were only released
today (yesterday) after they paid fines," he said.
Insp Chademana said
most of the assailants were involved in cross border
trading
activities.
"Their behaviour, especially the violence over such a minor
incident, is
alien to Zimbabwe. The influence is indeed foreign," he
said.