FinGaz
Clemence Manyukwe Staff Reporter
MDC
gives ZANU PF one-week to deliver
TALKS between ZANU PF and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) hung by a
thread yesterday after Morgan Tsvangirai's
faction, in its most definite
move yet towards ditching the process and
pulling out of elections, gave the
ruling party a week to deliver on
promises made during ongoing negotiations.
The MDC faction's demands
include a new constitution, the repeal of
repressive media and security laws
and the granting of the right to vote to
Zimbabweans living abroad before
next year's elections.
The Tsvangirai faction's national executive met
yesterday while the Arthur
Mutambara faction's and the ruling party's
negotiating teams were in South
Africa, thrashing out outstanding matters as
the process headed into the
home stretch.
The Financial Gazette
understands that all parties in the process have
agreed that the talks must
be concluded by Saturday, December 15.
Tsvangirai's faction of the MDC will
hold an executive meeting a day later,
spokesman Nelson Chamisa said late
yesterday, to review progress. It is at
this meeting that the decision
whether or not to boycott the polls is likely
to be made.
Tsvangirai is
under pressure from hardline supporters within his party and
civil society
allies to withdraw from the polls, so as not to lend President
Robert Mugabe
legitimacy.
They said a free and fair election was not possible without its
demands
being met.
"The national executive resolved that while
acknowledging the ongoing
deliberations in Pretoria, the MDC demands that
ZANU PF delivers on the
following tangible imperatives and deliverables
pending the meeting of the
national council of the party on the 16th of
December 2007 to review the
whole progress of the dialogue," Chamisa
said.
"A new constitution must be introduced prior to the elections as
agreed. The
reconstitution of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC),
according to what
was agreed under Amendment number 18 in particular, and a
new voters' roll
as a prerequisite for free and fair
elections."
Observers said it was now impossible for the talks to deliver
most of the
MDC's demands, especially on a new constitution. The Southern
African
Development Community (SADC) mediator, South African President Thabo
Mbeki,
has already told negotiators it was too late to discuss a new
constitution,
and has instead urged the two parties to negotiate on
electoral reforms to
ensure a free poll.
The MDC also demanded that the
delimitation of constituencies must be done
according to what was agreed to
in the talks. The party also called for an
end to alleged acts of
violence.
It said ZANU PF "must implement agreed principles with regards to
POSA
(Public Order and Security Act), AIPPA (Access to Information and
Protection
of Privacy Act), the Broadcasting Act and electoral laws … (and
that) the
international community must be allowed to operate unimpeded in
monitoring
of elections."
The opposition party's firm stance is in sharp
contrast to the upbeat
comments made by President Mugabe about the talks.
The process represented
the "dawn of a new era" in relations between ZANU PF
and its opponents, he
said.
Delivering the state-of-the-nation address in
Parliament on Tuesday,
President Mugabe said: "The ongoing talks between
ZANU PF and the MDC
factions have ushered in the dawn of a new era of
constructive engagement
across the political divide. Already one spin-off
from this process has been
the narrowing of differences and the
establishment of broad consensus."
The negotiations, which began in March,
have seemed shaky at critical stages
of the process.
On August 21, during
a heated debate in Parliament, MDC legislators accused
ZANU PF of flagrantly
flouting agreements that had been reached thus far.
This debate took place
days after cordial exchanges between the two sides
following the passing of
constitutional amendments, with Justice Minister
Patrick Chinamasa telling
Members of Parliament on September 18 that there
was "unity of purpose"
between the two sides.
But MDC chief whip Innocent Gonese pointed out how ZEC
had proceeded to
unilaterally appoint officers and prepare for delimitation
against
agreements on far reaching reforms for the commission.
Contrary
to what was agreed on the role of members of the uniformed forces
in
elections, new members appointed to the commission recently have military
backgrounds.
This afternoon, ZEC will announce a committee to lead the
demarcation of
constituencies, a process that is well behind time, but over
which the
opposition has demanded further scrutiny.
Another result of the
talks, the Electoral Amendment Act gazetted on
November 16, bars state
security agents from involvement in the running of
elections.
A boycott
of the elections will, however, only leave the opposition in
further
disarray, unless Tsvangirai can persuade the rival faction, led by
Mutambara, to follow suit.
But Gabriel Chaibva, spokesman for the
Mutambara faction, said yesterday:
"We have had Constitutional Amendment No
18 in Parliament and the Electoral
Amendment Bill. Look at those pieces of
legislation. We have no good reason
to doubt that our demands for free and
fair elections will not be met."
Asked about ZEC's use of personnel who
should be barred under the new law,
he said the Electoral Amendment Bill was
still a proposed legislation, and
when it becomes law, "we believe that it
will be followed."
FinGaz
Rangarirai Mberi News
Editor
FORMER Finance Minister Simba Makoni has offered a brutal
assessment of
Zimbabwe's political climate, saying greed and corruption have
replaced the
old values of the liberation struggle.
"I very much
prefer the Zimbabwean of old to the new Zimbabwean," Makoni
said on
Tuesday.
"The old Zimbabwean was admired, envied across the region and
worldwide. The
new Zimbabwean is only despised, mocked and pitied by his
neighbours."
The old Zimbabwean, said Makoni, accepted responsibility for his
or her
actions, but now only shifted the blame for failure to
"detractors".
"The old Zimbabwean leader I knew was there for service, the
new one is only
there for privilege and to be served," he said.
The new
Zimbabwean had become "arrogant, rude and greedy".
Asked when this "new
Zimbabwean" had replaced the old one, Makoni said:
"There was no abrupt end
to the era of the old Zimbabwean, no specific
cut-off date. It was a gradual
process, starting with little signs," he
said, citing the Willowgate scandal
of the late 1980s.
Makoni recalled President Robert Mugabe's immediate
reaction when the story
of the vehicle scandal broke. "I was with the
President when the news first
came out. He expressed surprise at the
reaction (to the scandal), he said
'isn't there even worse corruption
elsewhere in this country'".
Makoni, a member of the ZANU PF politburo, is
seen by some as one of the few
reformists left in the ruling
party.
However, many doubt that he has the necessary political clout, or the
will,
to lead like-minded people in a coalition of groups opposed to an
extension
of President Mugabe's rule that has been speculated on for some
time.
For his views, Makoni has been referred to by a Herald columnist as a
"noxious weed" that must be "carted to the edge of a maize field".
This
was after he called for economic reform in Zimbabwe while answering a
question at the World Economic Forum in South Africa in June.
But on
Tuesday, Makoni suggested ZANU PF allowed contrasting views.
"ZANU PF is like
any other voluntary organisation. Its members will have
differences of
opinion. But there are those most basic, minimum common
denominators that
bind members together. I believe even as a nation, we need
to find those
areas of agreement, those common denominators, matters upon
which we have no
disagreement, and build upon them."
He lamented the emergence of what he
termed "the 'dai, dai' (if only)
Zimbabwean, who is no longer independent,
but dependent and impoverished."
He said there was urgent need to "rekindle
the hope and promise of our
liberation".
Fay Chung, another former
Cabinet minister in President Mugabe's government,
said at a public meeting
this week that she was dismayed at the return,
under the current
administration, of the methods of oppression and fear
employed by the former
white regime.
"Some people say President Mugabe has become a tyrant, but I
actually think
he has, in fact, lost control."
FinGaz
Dumisani Ndlela Business
Editor
BANKING institutions are scrambling for fresh equity capital on
renewed
fears of a hike in capital levels, likely to be announced by the
Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor during his monetary policy statement
for
2008.
Sources said bank chiefs had been forewarned about the
imminent hike in
capital levels, and were already jostling for new capital
ahead of the
planned announcement.
The situation had resulted in at least
three of the four financial
institutions that had earmarked trading their
discount house and merchant
banking licences for commercial banking licenses
going back to the drawing
board, or to wait until clear guidelines are given
by the central bank on
the issue.
The Financial Gazette reported in
October that the National Discount House
Holdings (NDHH) and Trust Finance
House (Trustfin) had submitted
applications to the central bank for the
conversion of their current banking
licences into commercial banking
licences.
Interfin Merchant Bank was reportedly mulling taking the same
route, but its
board was still weighing the cost, while ABC Holdings, a
merchant banking
group with a primary listing on the Botswana Stock Exchange
had hinted it
would roll out an aggressive retail banking bouquet.
ABC
Holdings was understood to be still stuck to its initial plan, and would
roll out retail banking independently in January, sources indicated,
discounting reports of a planned takeover of a local retail banking
group.
It was not immediately clear if ABC would launch its retail banking
services
under the merchant banking operation, or if it would launch a
fully-fledged
commercial bank unit of its own.
NDHH was understood to
have "temporarily put on hold" commercial banking
plans, while sources said
Trustfin would wait for a signal from the monetary
policy statement before
making a firm decision.
Details obtained by The Financial Gazette
indicate
that the central bank might push for commercial banks to raise
their capital
levels to $3 trillion, from current levels of $100 billion,
with merchant
banks, building societies and finance houses being pushed to
raise their
capital levels to $2 trillion.
Discount houses would be compelled to raise
their capital levels to $1.5
trillion, while capital levels for asset
management companies would be at
slightly below $500 billion.
A bank
executive indicated that it was indeed prudent for financial
institutions to
increase their capital levels to cover their increasing risk
profiles.
"Capitals levels have been significantly eroded by inflation
and are no
longer commensurate with financial institutions' risk profiles.
The central
bank has previously notified bankers to start building adequate
capital
levels on their own without being forced to do so," the executive
said,
indicating that a few banking institutions had already started doing
so.
FinGaz
Staff
Reporter
THE United States has added 40 more people to a list of members
of President
Robert Mugabe’s government on whom America has slapped travel
and financial
sanctions.
Washington already has 130 people on the
list, but US assistant secretary of
state for African affairs Jendayi Frazer
said on Monday that the American
government would expand that list to impose
financial restrictions on six
more ZANU PF figures, and travel bans on an
additional 36.
The US is also to deport eight children of senior government
officials
studying in the US, taking a cue from Australia, which was the
first to take
such action in August.
“It is intolerable that those
closest to (President) Mugabe are enjoying the
privilege of sending their
children to the United States for an education,
when they have destroyed the
once-outstanding education system in their own
country,” Frazer said. The
latest order revokes study visas, freezes assets
and bars Americans from
engaging in any transactions or dealings with those
listed.
Reacting to
the new US measures, President Mugabe described the action as
vindictive and
driven by racial hate.
“They are obviously sanctions that have no rationality
and sanctions that
are vindictive,” President Mugabe told journalists on
Tuesday after
delivering his state-of-the-nation address in
Parliament.
“You have to look at them in that light, that the Americans have
no cause.
Their cause is just hatred, hatred of us, and I would like to
believe that
there is some racialism in it also.” The new list includes
names of nine
state security officials who Washington accuses of involvement
in human
rights abuses and “anti-democratic” activities in recent
months.
President Mugabe and members of his government frequently blame the
sanctions for Zimbabwe’s economic crisis, but the US ambassador to Zimbabwe,
James McGee, has insisted that the measures only target the ruling
elite.
FinGaz
Clemence Manyukwe Staff
Reporter
STATE-controlled beef marketer, the Cold Storage Company (CSC),
has lost 98
percent in potential revenue due to the government price blitz,
a report by
a parliamentary committee has revealed.
A parliamentary
portfolio committee on lands and agriculture, which
interviewed beef
producers in Matabeleland South, was told of the startling
revenue loss
during an inquiry into the operations of the parastatal.
Matabeleland South
is traditionally Zimbabwe’s largest producer of beef and
problems faced by
farmers in the region normally reflect the difficulties
encountered by the
rest of the livestock sector countrywide.
“Your committee heard that CSC’s
operational constraints were further
compounded by government price
regulations. Prior to the government
directive on price controls in July
2007, CSC’s Bulawayo abattoir was
slaughtering 20 000 cattle per month,” the
committee said.
“Since the time of your committee’s fact-finding visit, CSC’s
Bulawayo
abattoir is slaughtering 20 beasts a day, which represents two
percent of
its capacity utilisation.”
Livestock producers told the
committee that due to low prices offered by CSC
as well as the
hyperinflationary environment, farmers would rather keep
their cattle as a
hedge against soaring inflation and only sell when a
pressing need for cash
arises.
The report said the government’s decision to reduce farm sizes under
the
controversial land reform exercise to an average of 400 hectares was not
viable as this resulted in overstocking, which has led to a serious
depletion of grazing pastures.
Apart from the problems of depleted
pastures, farmers said they had no
vaccines and chemicals.
“This has led
to cattle in communal areas straying into Botswana in search
of greener
pastures,” your committee was told. “These farmers said that even
if their
cattle were found and correctly identified in Botswana, they were
never
repatriated to their owners in Zimbabwe but were shot by the Botswana
army.”
The farmers told the Members of Parliament that 70 cattle that had
strayed
into Botswana this year were yet to be recovered.
The report
says: “A1 farmers told your committee that their cattle last
dipped some
time ago and hence they feared that their animals would succumb
to
tick-borne diseases.”
CSC was established in 1937 to promote the production
of beef in the
country.
Prior to 1994, it had operated as a commission
until its dissolution in
September 1994 to pave way for CSC’s
commercialisation.
A combination of unviable prices and the haphazard land
reforms have
however, conspired to compound the viability woes at CSC and
within the beef
industry.
In 2001, the parastatal had a capacity of 600
000 cattle per year, but
throughput has suffered a major dent since then
also because of the droughts
and high interest rates.
So bad was the
situation at CSC that in the late 1990s it had become a
target for hostile
take-overs after failing to extinguish its debts.
Government had to come to
CSC’s rescue with a $10 billion package in 2004
after corporate vultures had
started circling the Bulawayo-headquartered
parastatal.
Turnaround
experts have recommended that the parastatal seek strategic
partners,
franchise some of its operations and shed non-core activities in
order to
operate viably.
It had however, been hoped in government circles that the
closure of private
abattoirs in July this year under the controversial price
blitz was to
result in CSC enjoying unfettered monopoly in the beef industry
but alas.
The sub-economic prices, as noted by the parliamentary portfolio
committee,
have starved CSC of cattle from the farmers. The parastatal has
also found
itself caught between a rock and a hard place as it cannot charge
viable
prices against the backdrop of spiralling overheads.
Apart from
owning four abattoirs, CSC has a canning plant whose production
is mainly
for export. It also operates distribution depots in Harare, Gweru
and Mutare
and owns seven ranches and 191 751 hectares of feedlots.
FinGaz
Zhean Gwaze
Staff Reporter
ZIMBABWE should prepare for an even higher food import
bill as a new global
report warns of a sharper rise in world food prices
owing to income growth,
climate change, high-energy prices, globalisation
and urbanisation.
The International Food Policy Research Institute
(IFPRI), in a report
released this week titled “The World Food Situation:
New Driving Forces and
Required Actions”, said millions of people from
developing countries would
be affected by food price increases in the coming
years.
According to the report, cereal prices could increase by 10 to 20
percent,
benefiting certain countries and population groups, but negatively
affecting
others.
The report paints a gloomy picture on Zimbabwe, which
became a perennial
importer of grain and cereals after the controversial
agrarian reforms of
2000.
These predictions could mean that Zimbabwe must
revise its food import
budget. Finance Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi, in his
2008 national budget
presentation last Thursday, said Zimbabwe’s grain
import bill had doubled to
US$405 million this year.
Wheat production for
2007 is estimated at 144 870 metric tonnes (MT), which
would be 40 percent
lower than the 2006 yield of 242 000 MT.
Production this year will fall far
short of annual national requirements
estimated at 400 000 MT, leaving a
shortfall of about 255 000 MT that would
need to be imported.
Zimbabwe
has suffered severe bread shortages since the collapse of
commercial
agricultural production in 2002.
The United States based Famine Early Warning
Systems Network, in a recent
report, said maize prices on the open market
and in farmer-to-farmer
transactions had increased gradually, and would
continue to rise this year
because of increased demand and diminished
supply.
In August this year, the highest maize prices were recorded in
Matabeleland,
Masvingo and Manicaland provinces, where supplies were most
limited.
A contract for the supply of 400 000 MT of maize was secured this
year with
the government of Malawi.
The IFPRI report says: “Global food
demand is shifting from grains and other
staple crops to processed food and
high-value agricultural products, such as
vegetables, fruits, meat, and
dairy products. Although many smallholder
farmers would like to take
advantage of new income-generating opportunities
presented by high-value
products, there are serious barriers to entering
this market, including the
capacity to address safety and quality standards
and produce large
quantities for food processors and retailers.”
The report warns that the
majority of poor people, who live in households
that are net buyers of food,
would be worse off as higher food prices make
it more difficult for them to
afford a healthy diet.
FinGaz
Dumisani Ndlela Business
Editor
ZIMBABWEANS should next year brace for the worst crisis despite
projections
of an economic turnaround underpinned by a projected bumper
harvest,
analysts warned this week.
Indicating that the recession,
now in its eighth year, had not yet bottomed
out, analysts said the country
should prepare for the worst experience in
years as inflationary pressure
was likely to intensify, further straining
the defenceless domestic currency
whose battering has been compounded by
acute foreign currency shortages in
the country.
Although the Central Statistical Office has not yet released
inflation
figures for October, reports indicate that year-on-year inflation
for the
month jumped to an all-time high of over 14 000 percent, and was
likely to
escalate further to end the year at nearly 20 000
percent.
Finance Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi last week indicated that the
economy,
which has contracted by a cumulative 40 percent since 2000, would
grow by
four percent in 2008 on anticipated growth in the agricultural
sector,
improved industrial performance and economic programmes by the
grassroots,
including the hard-pressed small and medium
enterprises.
“This implies a nominal gross domestic product of $16 000
trillion and a
decline in the end period inflation of 1 978 percent for
2008,” Mumbengegwi
said.
But analysts and economists discounted
Mumbengegwi’s optimistic projections,
saying history had proved that despite
huge cash injections for farming
projects in the past, new farmers were
doing very little on the land,
instead diverting cheap funding from the
central bank into speculative
activities.
“Fundamentally, we’re faced
with a mammoth task in terms of turning around
the economy,” said economist,
David Mupamhadzi, indicating that there were a
number of structural
constraints that hampered companies from increasing
productivity.
The
central bank unveiled a raft of measures, among them a foreign currency
package to compel farmers into the fields, as well as cheap cash under the
Agricultural Support and Productivity Enhancement Fund.
Banking on
forecasts of a favourable rain season, the Reserve Bank governor
Gideon
Gono, who has complemented the financial packages with the
distribution of
high-tech farming machinery and implements, has dubbed the
current farming
season “the mother of all agricultural seasons”.
But indications are that
very little is being done on the ground, and the
effect of a poor
agricultural season will translate into poor productivity
in
industry.
Industry stopped producing last July after a government blitz that
forced
prices down by at least 50 percent, resulting in many manufacturing,
distribution and retail companies picking up significant losses.
Gono
recently unveiled another financial package to revive industrial
operations
and boost productivity, but nothing has so far come out of that
bailout
facility.
There have been reports that the cheap funds for both agricultural
and
industrial production have been diverted to the stock market, which has
experienced a phenomenal rally over the past few months. Apparently, the
country would need huge foreign currency amounts to bolster industrial
production.
Manufacturers say even with cheap funding from the central
bank, they are
unable to do much because critical raw materials would still
need to be
imported.
Productivity has suffered immeasurably from foreign
currency shortages,
which have hampered the importation of raw materials,
spares and energy
supplies.
The failure by manufacturers to source scarce
foreign currency from the
official market has driven them to the parallel
market, where the exchange
rate for the Zimbabwe dollar is significantly
depreciated.
Indeed production costs have been regularly going up, mainly due
to the
diminishing value of the domestic currency, which has weakened
against
international currencies, as well as demand for higher wages and
salaries.
But companies have been unable to pass the higher production costs
to
consumers because of a rigid government pricing policy, resulting in a
marked reluctance to produce.
“The key challenge has been the pricing
framework. We need to create an
environment that allows companies to
produce,” said Mupamhadzi.
Yet demand for almost all basic and non-basic
commodities in the country
remains very strong, but companies have scaled
down production and are
operating below capacity.
Inevitably, this
effectively means people have to pay higher prices to get
what they want
because they are competing for few goods.
Should the demand-supply imbalances
persist, Mupamhadzi warns, inflationary
pressures will intensify. So far,
nothing appears to be in place to level
the scale.
FinGaz
Stanley Kwenda Staff
Reporter
IT’S 11:30am. Three of Harare’s main roads have been closed
down, as have
several stores. The occasion is the “Million Man and Woman
March” to show
support for the ruling ZANU PF party leader, President Robert
Mugabe.
A multitude of both the young and old, clad in a variety of ZANU
PF regalia,
is stampeding down the 10-km stretch to Highfield.
But by the
time the crowd reaches its destination, Zimbabwe Grounds, many do
not have
anything left in them.
Hunger, ever present everywhere else in the country,
is an integral part of
the day’s proceedings.
An announcement is made
through the public address system that a person has
fainted, as the crowd
sways to a Simon “Chopper” Chimbetu tune.
The march also gives a new insight
into the open abuse of public resources.
The Machipisa bus terminus
temporarily serves as a parking depot for buses
and trucks emblazoned with
familiar logos: the Zimbabwe Iron and Steel
Company, the Zimbabwe Smelting
Company, ZESA, the National Railways of
Zimbabwe, the District Development
Fund, a host of district councils and
other public agencies.
The marchers
represent a kaleidoscope of colour, making the march a sort of
ZANU PF
fashion show.
First lady Grace Mugabe, ever the fashion icon, is outstanding
in a floral
ensemble featuring party colours, trendy black sunglasses and a
black beret.
President Mugabe abandons his official vehicle, the Mercedes
Benz S600 Guard
Pullman, at the entrance to Zimbabwe Grounds. He and his
wife hop into an
open black Nissan 4x4, saluting supporters as they enter
the venue.
Various placards greet him; “Mugabe is right,” one says and
“Mugabe Chete”,
another declares.
Even the raunchy “Sele” rhumba dance is
not out of order and is performed
with gusto in front of the presidential
party.
As the Nissan slows to a halt, the President’s handlers rush forward
to help
him disembark. He waves them aside, and jumps off unaided.
As he
approaches the venue, the President’s security details have already
provided
some entertainment. Some of the agents are calm and composed;
others run
around seeming unsettled, while still more mingle with the
journalists — in
a hunter and hunted scenario. After all, both groups are on
duty. alists are
then ordered to sit on the ground so that everyone can
catch a glimpse of
the President. Master of Ceremonies, Elliot Manyika —
who, later, cannot
help but take a nap during President Mugabe’s long
speech — chooses his
words carefully. He addresses President Mugabe as
“chef”.
Ministers
jostle to be in the presidential entourage.
Spare a thought for Minister of
State Security, Didymus Mutasa. He must rue
the day he was introduced to the
diesel n’anga. He makes sure to sit as
close to President Mugabe as he can.
But he soon looks uncomfortable as
President Mugabe once again returns to
the embarrassing theme of the diesel
saga.
Deputy Youth Minister Saviour
Kasukuwere goes the extra mile to pay homage
by climbing up a tree to catch
a glimpse of the man he calls the “centre
striker”.
Ablution facilities
provide yet another spectacle with marchers queuing at
the single block of
toilets available.
Ironically there is no place at the high table for the
foot soldiers,
Jabulani Sibanda and Joseph Chinotimba, who were instrumental
in the
organisation of the march.
The only time they get to speak is when
Sibanda is asked to lead the
chanting of a few slogans.
Meanwhile, a
group of police officers fume at one of their own. An irate
senior officer
has summoned his subordinates and scolded them for not
identifying a
suspicious looking man perched atop a tower-light, only to be
told the
offender is one of the details on duty.
President Mugabe’s long speech
contains nothing new. He makes jibes in
passing against the recently
deceased Ian Smith, and reiterates his
government’s plans to take over
foreign-owned mines and manufacturing
companies, which he once again claims
are sabotaging the economy. It could
well have been last year’s
speech.
It was inevitable that questions would be asked about the march, the
most
obvious after the event being, “what now”?
“They are marching like
this, but they don’t allow the MDC (Movement for
Democratic Change) to
march. Besides, after all this, what will this march
solve? There is still
no bread in the shops, no transport,” says one man,
who must have a death
wish, as he shouts at the top of his voice as the
multitude of ZANU PF
supporters streams out of Zimbabwe Grounds.
Indeed, “what now”, now that the
march has come and gone, and the President
has flexed his muscles at his
internal and foreign critics?
Do the stores now suddenly brim with goods? Can
consumers now flick switches
and the electricity comes on? Can the people
now turn the taps and water
flows out?
Do the three million Zimbabweans
who have left the country now come rushing
back home? Does Zimbabwe now stop
begging for food from its neighbours?
And, how much can be read into the
absence of key ZANU PF figures from the
march?
For many observers, the
march was simply a chance for President Mugabe to
assure himself he still
has his grip on power. His relief at the end of the
march was
unmistakable.
“I want to thank you for choosing me to represent you in 2008.
I will never
let you down, and you too must not let me down, “ said
President Mugabe to
applause from weary supporters.
At a public meeting
of the Southern Africa Political and Economic Series
Trust on Tuesday,
political analyst Ibbo Mandaza was scathing in his remarks
about the march.
“I don’t understand why people would march to celebrate
failure,” he
said.
Former Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo, was even less
charitable.
“It was a farewell march,” he said.
He likened President
Mugabe’s election strategy to that of disgraced UANC
leader Abel Muzorewa,
who splurged on trains and buses to swell numbers at
his rallies.
Nobody
really knows what happened to the “million” marchers after they did
the
job.
The last some eyewitnesses saw of some of them, they were waiting,
huddling
together to keep warm in the evening’s chilly weather.
Some were
left stranded in the streets of Harare and at war veterans’
offices along
Fourth Street as they as they struggled to source cash for bus
fares back to
their homes.
FinGaz
Zhean Gwaze Staff
Reporter
Zim’s record of trampling on basic freedoms continues to
deteriorate
ZIMBABWEANS will be apprehensive about a growing onslaught
against their
most basic freedoms when they mark International Human Rights
Day on Monday.
On December 10, 1948, the General Assembly of the United
Nations adopted and
proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to
be observed by all
member countries.
But human rights groups and the
opposition say Zimbabwe’s human rights
situation continues to deteriorate,
despite claims by the government the
ongoing talks between the opposition
and the ruling party show it embraces
dissent.
At the beginning of the
year, Zimbabwe witnessed the brutal attack on
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai and at least
50 members of his party and
civic leaders by state security agents.
Tsvangirai was attacked during a
rally organised by the Save Zimbabwe
Campaign, a coalition of churches,
civil society organisations and
opposition groups.
During clashes with
unarmed opposition supporters throughout that day,
police shot and killed
opposition member Gift Tandare.
At least four journalists were arrested,
beaten and had their equipment
seized while they were covering the
disturbances.
Dozens of activists were arrested and detained over the next
three months on
“terrorism” charges, which a High Court judge subsequently
ruled had been
trumped up by the police to nail President Robert Mugabe’s
opponents.
The battering, especially of Tsvangirai, attracted worldwide
condemnation,
resulting in Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa likening
Zimbabwe to a
“sinking Titanic”.
In July, the government embarked on an
arbitrary slashing of prices it said
was being undertaken to protect
consumers from exploitation by greedy
businesspeople.
But the crackdown
only emptied supermarket shelves and drove businesses of
all sizes to the
brink of bankruptcy.
An economic meltdown that has pushed annual inflation to
8 000 percent in
September has seen most Zimbabweans failing to make ends
meet, unable to
afford basic commodities and failing to access basic health
care.
National Constitutional Assembly chairperson Lovemore Madhuku noted
that
global human rights treaties demand respect for human dignity and the
sanctity of life, but that in Zimbabwe, “we are far away from any semblance
of respect for human rights”.
Madhuku said it was essential to keep
pushing the leadership to recognise
the need to respect human rights through
demonstrations, after negotiations
have failed to yield results.
United
States assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Jendayi
Frazer,
noted this week that there have been more than 6 000 instances of
human
rights abuses in Zimbabwe reported by non-governmental organisations
since
January.
“The attacks, arrests and abductions continue unabated with more
than 500
instances of human rights abuses reported each month. In fact, the
number of
victims requiring medical treatment this year alone was 3 463 —
nearly
triple that of 2006. So the defenders of freedom in Zimbabwe are
under
attack,” she said.
“It is extremely important for the international
community to put pressure
on this regime to accept freedom of expression
rather than beating people
down — to prepare for free and fair
elections.”
Frazer said although the Southern African Development Community
countries
were mediating between the MDC and the ruling ZANU PF through
South African
President Thabo Mbeki, the most important aspect of signing an
agreement “is
actually implementing an agreement.”
FinGaz
Staff Reporter
THE growing
influence of Zimbabweans on financial markets worldwide is now
well
documented. But few would have bet on the odds that two of the country’s
leading lights would be caught on opposite ends of a foreign race
row.
Peter Moyo has just quit as head of Alexander Forbes, one of South
Africa’s
largest financial services companies, after the company’s new
owners, Actis,
announced they were appointing a white executive to the newly
created post
of executive chairman.
Moyo’s sympathisers see this simply
as big white capital appointing its own
man to baby-sit a black
executive.
The story has captured the imagination of South African business
media, with
much of the debate split along racial lines.
But for
Zimbabwean observers, the interesting bit is that Actis, the British
equity
fund accused of plotting against Peter Moyo, is headed by none other
than
Nkosana Moyo, the former Zimbabwe Trade and Industry Minister.
Nkosana Moyo
is partner at Actis, which he joined in 2004 after two years at
the
International Finance Corporation, and heads its Africa division.
Nkosana
Moyo is managing some US$3 billion for over 70 international
clients.
Actis led a consortium to take control of Alexander Forbes
earlier in the
year, winning the required 75 percent shareholder support
after some
controversy over the takeover.
Following the takeover, Actis
announced the appointment of Bruce Campbell, a
former executive of Mutual
& Federal, as executive chairman. This riled
Peter Moyo, who has now
announced his resignation, citing “differences with
the board”.
To add to
the controversy, Actis has now appointed Campbell CEO, and
announced a new
black chairman, Sello Moloko. Fodder for conspiracy
theorists is the fact
that this new chairman, unlike Campbell, has no
executive powers.
In a
country still struggling with race, the saga has inevitably taken on
racial
overtones.
Jimmy Manyi, president of the Black Management Forum, a grouping
of black
executives, and Public Investment Corporation CEO Brian Molefe,
believe
Actis would have handled the situation better had Peter Moyo been
white.
Peter Moyo has not yet revealed his plans after Alexander Forbes, but
he was
quoted last week as saying: “There are a lot of exciting things that
I can
do. I am still young (44) and have a lot of energy.” He was in
Zimbabwe
recently for the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce’s annual
business
awards.
Nkosana Moyo, meanwhile, is forging ahead with plans to
expand Actis’ Africa
portfolio. Recently, he said he planned a new $500
million fund for
investment on the continent next year.
Actis, he said,
as an investor with a 10-year horizon, was excited by Africa’s
opportunities
because the continent’s new generation of leaders was more at
ease with open
global markets; the continent, moreover, was home to 10
percent of the
world’s proven reserves of oil and gas.
FinGaz
Africa File with Mavis
Makuni
A glimpse of electoral processes in three countries
Zimbabwe, Kenya
and South Africa will give the world an idea of how
democratically, freely
and fairly they conduct elections when they hold
polls to elect a president
and parliamentary representatives in the case of
Kenya and ruling party
leaders in the case of the two southern African
countries.
Presidential and parliamentary elections will be held in
Kenya on December
27 while the ruling ANC in South Africa and its
counterpart, ZANU PF in
Zimbabwe will hold congresses earlier to elect or
endorse party presidents.
Incumbent Kenyan president Mwai Kibaki, who will
contest the elections under
the auspices of the Party for National Unity
will be vying for a second
term. His main challengers will be Raila Odinga
of the Orange Democratic
Movement and Kalonzo Musyoka of ODM-Kenya. Seven
other candidates
representing smaller political parties will also be
presidential candidates.
This will be the first election since independence
in 1963 in which the
Kenya African National Union (KANU) will participate as
an opposition party.
In the last elections in 2002, all opposition parties
joined forces under
what they called a rainbow coalition to end KANU’s
40–year dominance as well
as oust Daniel Arap Moi who had been in power for
24 years and was being
accused of increasingly autocratic and corrupt
governance. Ironically, Moi
has endorsed his old political foe, Kibaki for
the forthcoming presidential
election.
Since coming to power in 2002,
Kibaki’s government has in turn been accused
of corruption and has weathered
many storms. Kibaki, who has been accused of
showing intolerance for
divergent views dismissesdhealth minister Charity
Ngilu and regional
co-operation minister, John Koech for backing Odinga.
Opinion polls towards
the end of last month showed Odinga and Kibaki to be
almost neck and neck.
The main campaign issues are the economy,
infrastructural development,
corruption, health care, education and a new
constitution.
While Kenya’s
will be a full-fledged national election, the ZANU PF congress
to be held
from December 11 to 14 and the ANC version beginning on December
21 promise
to produce more fireworks. The main aim of the ZANU PF congress
is
apparently to endorse President Robert Mugabe as the party’s presidential
candidate in national polls to be held next year as well as declare him
president for life.
Following the million-man march in Harare last
weekend whose aim was to show
solidarity with the head of state in his
pursuit of the above goals, the
congress almost seems redundant.
The
President has already accepted nomination, declaring during the march
that
he accepted the expression of confidence in him and would not let his
supporters down. It would however, be interesting to see what would happen
in the hypothetical event that the delegates to the congress voted for a
different scenario from what already seems a fait accompli for the
president.
The most interesting political event to watch will however, be
the ANC
Congress in South Africa when incumbent president Thabo Mbeki is
expected to
fight a do-or-die battle against his former deputy, Jacob
Zuma.
South African media reports suggest that Mbeki is in serious trouble
after a
majority of ANC provinces and structures have overwhelmingly
nominated Zuma
to take over as the ruling party’s president.
If he wins
the contest, Zuma will automatically become the party’s
presidential
candidate in elections to be held after Mbeki’s current term
ends in
2009.
Mbeki seems to have his back against the wall following reports that
his
opponents are working on a strategy to have the congress record a vote
of no
confidence against him if he loses to Zuma in the vote for the party
presidency.
It is suggested that eventuality could spark a constitutional
scenario
requiring the speaker of parliament, Baleka Mbete to temporarily
take over
the reins as acting president. Another possibility being
speculated on is
that Mbeki would be obliged to call an early general
election.
This option, however, seems to suggest more unexpected
ramifications. Mbeki
is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term
after 2009.
The question arises of what it would mean if he called an early
election and
won it. Would he then be able to serve another five-year term?
Whatever, the
answer, Mbeki’s political woes seem immense.
The South
African weekly, the Sunday Times, quotes a senior ANC official as
saying “To
put it bluntly, we cannot live with Mbeki for another 18 months.”
However,
despite the odds being heavily stacked against him, South African
newspapers
report Mbeki to be defiant and preparing to fight the most
difficult battle
of his political life. When Mbeki was asked some time ago
why he would seek
a third term as party president when the constitution
ruled this out, he
retorted that if the leadership of the party approached
him and asked him to
continue, he would find it difficult to ignore their
request.
But the
outcome of the nomination process shows that the ANC leadership has
not
appealed to Mbeki to stay. Undeterred, however, Mbeki now says his fate
should be decided by delegates to the ANC congress in Limpopo this
month.
What has caused Mbeki’s political fortunes to nosedive so
dramatically? An
observer cannot know all the internal goings-on within the
ANC but it is
common knowledge that the South African president has come
under scathing
criticism over a number of issues. One was his approach to
the AIDS
pandemic, which culminated in the Aids Treatment Campaign taking
the
government to court to force it to provide free treatment to ordinary
South
Africans.
Mbeki has also taken some flak over his firing of Zuma,
which was perceived
to be self-serving in so far as it eliminated him from
running for
president. He has also been consistently taken to task at home
for his
equivocation with regard to the Zimbabwean crisis.
Despite
basking in the glow of victory ahead of the ANC’s Polokwane
conference, Zuma
has problems of his own.
He still faces the threat of prosecution for
corruption arising from his
relationship with his former financial adviser,
the jailed Shabir Schaik,
which Judge Hillary Squires described as being
“generally corrupt”.
FinGaz
Rangarirai Mberi News
Editor
SO, after that whole racket over the EU-Africa summit, the meeting
this
weekend opens in Lisbon, Portugal, with President Robert Mugabe
there.
Even after British prime minister Gordon Brown threw tantrums and
said he
would never breath the same air with a man he sees as your standard
African
dictator, the rest of Europe has decided this weekend's meeting with
Africa
must go ahead regardless.
Since that first meeting in Cairo in
2000, the EU and Africa have failed to
hold a meeting as they quarrelled
over whether Zimbabwe should attend or
not. Both sides stood their ground;
Europe would not have President Mugabe
at the meeting, and the Africans
would not go unless he was invited. And so,
for seven years, it dragged
on.
But this weekend, the standoff ends. What has changed?
China.
A
year ago this time, it was China hosting the Africans. At that summit, the
Asian giant pledged US$1.9 billion in trade and investment into Africa, US$5
billion in loans, said it would double aid to Africa by 2009 and bilateral
trade to US$100 billion by 2010. No questions asked.
Europe, on the other
hand, has watched its foothold in Africa slip, beaten
to Africa by China's
more liberal approach on the continent. Led by the
International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, the West's credit
policy on Africa has been
more like "I'll give you money, but you are not to
grow pumpkins, and my
enemies now become your enemies".
The Chinese, on the other hand, are all
business; no deal-breaker questions
asked about who ended up with van der
Merwe's farm or how many ballot boxes
were seen floating down the river at
the last election.
Both Asia — China and India in particular — and Europe and
the US on the
other hand, are hungry for mineral resources, especially
energy, and realise
that Africa is really the last frontier.
The world's
other big oil reserves are already being exploited by major
Western energy
firms, and China has decided to chart its own way through
Africa, from where
it now gets a third of its oil.
This has meant looking past the killings in
Sudan's Darfur region, a subject
that is currently all the rage among rights
campaigners in the West.
Recently, China has given loans of US$2 billion to
Angola and US$5 billion
to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The loans
angered the IMF, which
claimed they would destabilise the two economies.
When Angola ditched an IMF
programme for Chinese money in 2005, director
Peter Gakunu, in typical IMF
style, said: "The government will end up coming
back to the Fund." Angola is
yet to do so. Angola and the DRC need cash for
infrastructure — the Congo
loan is to rebuild its rail network — and China
needs oil and other
minerals. Africa would rather take China's money than,
as Zimbabwe has done,
pine at the doors of the Washington lenders for loans
that really are
miniature in comparison to what's available from
China.
So, can the EU-Africa summit this weekend help the West slow down the
Chinese juggernaut and temper Beijing's growing clout on the
continent?
Although changes could well be attempted, it is unlikely that the
West will
shift its position so much as to take on China, which is less
averse to
risk, and less given to pestering potential business partners on
rights
issues, than the West ever can be. Besides, unlike Europe or America,
China
does not have too many people to account to - at home or abroad — for
its
foreign actions.
With a booming economy that has given it an arsenal
of US$1.46 trillion -
the world's largest reserves — it is China that looks
more likely to retain
the upper hand for a while longer.
Chinese
companies are on a massive shopping spree, and are desperate to
diversify
out of US treasury bonds and outside of their home market.
On Monday,
shareholders in Standard Bank, Africa's largest bank, voted in
favour of
selling 20 percent of their bank to the Industrial and Commercial
Bank of
China (ICBC) for US$5.6 billion. The deal gives Chinese interests
even more
momentum across Africa, using Standard Bank's network.
The largest steel
companies of the world are now either Indian or Chinese
owned. Sinosteel,
China's second biggest steel trader, even has change to
spare to buy
Zimasco.
For ordinary Africans, whose lives have hardly improved under either
IMF
regimes or China, the best that can be hoped for is that African leaders
take important lessons from the China-Europe controversy.
The most
important one is that it is only when countries, as China has done,
have
built strong economies, lifted most of their people from poverty, and
are
able to bring some economic clout to the world table, that they can tell
the
rest of the world to sod off without sounding silly. Before they do,
they
must spend their days poking into the mailbox, waiting for invites to
either
Lisbon or Beijing, content with being mere pawns in a bigger game.
FinGaz
Vote Muza
There is
more to this scandal than meets the eye
I have pondered a great deal about
the constitutional or legal implications
of the recent arrest of the
Attorney General Sobusa Gula-Ndebele by the
Zimbabwe Republic
Police.
With much hesitation for fear of flaunting the sub-judice
rule, I have
finally resolved to pass comment about this legal event that is
obviously a
bigger paradox than what others might not have expected. I shall
however
deliberately avoid dwelling on the merits or demerits of the facts
that have
caused the Attorney General’s arrest. Of course, my comment is in
addition
to some insightful and persuasive arguments criticising the
Attorney General’s
arrest that have already been made by reputable
constitutional law experts.
First, I will attempt to define who the Attorney
General is as well as deal
with his main functions. This I will do in order
to create the necessary
background for better comprehension of the present
discussion. In our
current constitutional set up, the Attorney General is
the chief legal
advisor to the state and government. He sits in the cabinet
as an ex-folio
member, and his main role there is to advise on legal issues
affecting
government and the state. Our constitution is clear about the
functions of
this important official. Thus, in addition to some of his
roles, he has a
prerogative to prosecute in all criminal matters. A quick
check in my
comprehensive Oxford Dictionary confirms the meaning of the word
“prerogative” as an “unfettered power” and under his circumstances this
entails, to prosecute or not prosecute any criminal presented to him by the
police for arraignment in court. This is no ordinary power thrust on the
Attorney General by the law. It is authority that is derived directly from
the constitution, and not any other inferior legislation. He exercises this
power alone and is not supposed to be under the influence or control of any
force be it, political or otherwise. Being the state’s Chief prosecuting
authority, the police or any other law enforcement agencies are accountable
to him in so far as investigation of matters are concerned.
I have
serious doubt as to whether whoever directed the arrest of the
Attorney
General first sought proper legal advice. I am also in doubt as to
whether
that advice was sought from capable constitutional law experts, be
they
academics or legal practitioners. I have my own reasons for
entertaining
these doubts. It is basic knowledge that as any average person
acquainted
with law is expected to know, that the chief state prosecutor is
the
Attorney General. It should also have been known by the perpetrators of
this
constitutional blunder that arresting Gula-Ndebele while he is still
active
in office would create legal hurdles. On whose desk is the police
docket
going to end up at within the Attorney General’s Criminal Division?
It is
obvious that this docket will one way or the other end up on
Gula-Ndebele’s
desk. It is inconceivable that the police might attempt to
use any other
prosecuting authority other than that established by law. In
the same vein,
it is unexpected that this docket might end up at one of
Gula-Ndebele’s
subordinates, to be entrusted with the power and authority to
prosecute the
Attorney General who is his senior.
In fact there is more to this scandal,
than meets the eye. Who has the final
on whether or not to prosecute this
matter? Now is it conceivable that
Gula-Ndebele might use his constitutional
powers authorising his own
prosecution? I my view, it would be easier for a
camel to go through the eye
of a needle than for the Attorney General to
open the way for his own
prosecution in the criminal courts. There is a real
and strong possibility
that if this docket was to be submitted to the office
of the Attorney
General for prosecution, it would simply rot there, and may
never enter any
courtroom.
Other legal commentators have argued that
rational move under the
circumstances of our law would have been to remove
the Attorney General from
office first so as to open the way for his
possible prosecution. Such a
prosecution would have to necessarily be
proceeded by an inquiry to
investigate the merits or demerits of any
allegations the man might be
facing. This is what other democratic countries
do.
However, in our case the story is completely different and the reason
being
the excessive power that is now being enjoyed by the executive arm of
the
state that has seen individuals placing themselves above the law aware
that
no one will touch them. This excessive power is more pronounced within
the
ranks of the security forces that have in many documented cases been
contemptuous of the law by arresting innocent people, ignoring court orders
and many other vices they are guilty of. No wonder, the Zimbabwe Republic
Police have not hesitated to face the controversy, and embarrassment of
arresting the government’s chief legal advisor in circumstances that are
hardly justifiable. —muzalaw@yahoo.co.uk
FinGaz
Comment
PEOPLE'S
budget; My foot! A lot had been expected of Samuel Mumbengegwi last
week to
provide the energy needed to jump-start the country's failing
economic
engine, but the Finance Minister's first full budget following his
appointment in February did not live up to expectations.
It had been
hoped, and rightly so, that in the midst of the chaos spawned by
government's angry-mob-economic policies Mumbengegwi would emerge as the
knight in shining armour and confound his many critics. But after his
unconvincing budget presentation last Thursday, his critics felt vindicated
as many people were left wondering whether there was still anything positive
to hope for. In fact, there is not!
The 2008 national budget, to all
intents and purposes, is a wish list devoid
of strategy on how government
intends to respond to a multiplicity of
challenges confronting the country's
economy. In the court of public
opinion, its emptiness is yet another
confirmation that the fiscal side of
the economic equation remains the
missing link in efforts to revive
faltering economic fortunes. Instead of
taking the lead, the fiscal
authorities have conveniently subordinated
themselves to other economic
agencies lauded for averting the total collapse
of the economy despite their
limited scope.
The 2008 national budget has
the effect of aggravating an already bad
economic situation by widening the
budget deficit and fuelling inflation,
which the state-run statistical
agency is having difficulties in tracking
due to the shortages of basic
commodities.
Granted, it was always going to be difficult for the Finance
Minister to
stabilise the wobbly economy, let alone steer it out of the
current crisis
with crucial elections staring the government straight in the
face. But
then, men and women made of sterner stuff are known to rise to the
occasion
when least expected. Certainly, Mumbengegwi is not one of them. His
wild
projections are based on recovery in the agricultural sector, which has
already got off to a poor start this season because of the unavailability of
critical inputs such as seed, fertiliser and fuel, occasioned by the
uncertainty over security of tenure among other things.
Mumbengegwi is
forecasting the economy to grow by four percent from an
estimated decline of
5.7 percent this year and yet there is not the
slightest demonstrable hint
to suggest that the recession in the real sector
is bottoming out. The
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank,
whose projections have
gained a fair measure of respect, predict the
domestic economy would
contract by 3.6 percent in real terms in the outlook
period.
The Minister
was also silent on measures to tame inflation, attract the
elusive foreign
capital and nurture the small to medium size enterprise
sector. Mumbengegwi
expects the roller coaster-like inflation monster to
recede to levels below
2 000 percent in 2008 in an environment where all
stops have been pulled off
on money supply growth. He expects government to
spend $7.8 quadrillion
against $6.1 quadrillion in revenue, leaving a budget
deficit of about $1.8
quadrillion whose method of financing will determine
the direction inflation
would take going forward.
With lines of credit having dried up after the IMF
pulled the plug on
Zimbabwe in 1998, Mumbengegwi will bank on the central
bank to bridge the
gap. Unless government changes its bad boy image
internationally, the only
other way to balance its books would be for the
lender of the last resort to
suppress interest rates in order to contain
government borrowings while
running the printing press at Fidelity to fund
government's needs. The $1.8
quadrillion deficit is on the conservative side
by any stretch of
imagination. The formal economy has been retreating
underground to escape
Soviet Union-style controls.
Whereas employment
levels were estimated at 20 percent in the past, the
figure could be much
lower now because of the brain drain and massive
retrenchments that are
swelling the numbers in the un-taxable informal
sector.
In order to
stimulate demand, the Finance Minister has released more
disposable income
into the economy. The tax-free threshold has been
increased from $4 million
per month to $30 million, while pay-as-your-earn
tax bands were spread to
end at $500 million, above which income will be
taxed at 47.5 percent with
effect from January 1 2008. The tax-free bonus
was also increased to $75
million with effect from November 1 2007. The
taxpayer is unlikely to feel
the benefits of these measures due to the
escalating cost of living and the
shortages of basic goods. The prices of
the few available commodities have
also started rising in response to the
increase in customs duty exchange
rate and other presumptive tax adjustments
contained in the 2008
budget.
Without meaning any offence to the Minister, it is our considered
view that
Mumbengegwi has failed on his first attempt. By failing to provide
solutions
to the country's problems, he must do the honourable thing;
resign.
Loyalty without deliverables is not doing the country any
good.
FinGaz
Mavis Makuni
IT
was perhaps unpatriotic but I have to confess that in the past, I never
used
to find state-of-the-nation addresses and other presentations such as
annual
budgets that give an overview of how the nation is faring, gripping.
My
view was that whether or not I understood the issues covered did not have
an
immediate direct bearing on me as long as those responsible for running
the
country knew how to take care of things. The only issues that most
ordinary
Zimbabweans like me took a direct interest in pertained to income
tax
because that affected our earning power. But it was never a matter of
economic life or death as it is now because then, with patience and careful
budgeting, one could achieve certain goals.
Not any more. With most
facets of life no longer certain and predictable
under the prevailing
untenable economic atmosphere, one can simply not win,
even with the
patience of Job and the cunning of a fox.
As I listened to President Robert
Mugabe's state-of-the-nation address on
Tuesday, I felt strongly that the
true determinant of the state of a nation
is the extent to which ordinary
people — the masses — are able to access
essential commodities and services
as well as undertake routine tasks,
freely and unobtrusively without any
hassles. True, all the other
high-sounding aspects such as tourism, trade,
bilateral relations and
solidarity with other countries go into the brew
that represents the sum
total of a nation but for whose benefit are these if
they are not means to
guarantee the dignity and intrinsic value of the
individual as well as
safeguard his or her inalienable rights? As one writer
has put it, "The
state, the union and the corporation are measured in terms
of their
usefulness to the individual."
From the points raised in the
President's speech, it is clear many state
institutions and parastatals now
exist for existence's sake, they no longer
serve to make it possible for
ordinary people to pursue happiness and a
better quality of life. On the day
of the state-of-the-nation address, I
fumbled in the dark to get ready for
the day because there was no
electricity in my residential area. I needed to
get into town very early to
queue up at the bank in the hope of withdrawing
some cash. I left
empty-handed and listened to His Excellency's oration in
town on an empty
stomach. I had no cash to even contemplate the gruelling
hunt for something
to eat for lunch. What state is this nation in when it is
now the norm for
shops to stock no food and banks to have no money?
The
President said about the widespread electricity problems: "The country
this
year experienced unprecedented disruptions in power and fuel supplies,
largely due to shortages of foreign currency and on account of the projected
regional power deficit." But whatever the official explanation is, the
nation cannot be faring well when urban residents have to revert to a rural
way of life, which requires them to gather firewood, dig wells to draw water
and spend long hours in queues hunting for food. Democracy, as an American
congressman once said, "is liberty plus groceries". The reality in this
nation is that most people can no longer afford three square meals a day and
some regularly go to bed hungry. Those who can access food cannot always
cook it because residential areas can go for months without electricity or
water or both.
The National Incomes and Pricing Commission has not
brought any relief to
the consumer. If the truth be told, it has made things
far more difficult
than they were before the Cabinet Task Force on Price
Monitoring and
Stabilisation ordered an arbitrary reduction of prices in
July. Since then,
locally produced essential goods have been rarer than
gold. The prices of
essentials imported under the Basic Commodities Supply
Side Intervention
Facility are out of reach for the ordinary Zimbabwean who
is either
unemployed (the majority) or earns a salary far below the poverty
datum line
and the inflation rate.
For Zimbabweans not to be assured of a
dependable and safe supply of
something as basic as water is another
indication of the true state this
nation is in. "The problem of limited
water supplies continues to haunt
several of our urban areas as teething
problems associated with the transfer
of bulk water supply to ZINWA
persist", the President said. "As part of
measures to redress the situation,
government will drill boreholes in the
affected areas so as to augment
existing water supplies."
First of all, an institution that takes as long as
ZINWA is doing to find
its feet will always be a toothless bulldog and
therefore redundant. The
transfer of water supply jurisdiction from
municipalities is not only
incomprehensible on account of ZINWA's ineptitude
but because all it has
done so far is to destroy the capacity local
authorities had to operate a
service that although not perfect, at least
guaranteed consumers water
availability most of the time. The reverse is
true since the parastatal took
charge and it will be a mammoth task for the
government to drill enough
boreholes because there are water problems in
every urban centre.
The head of state referred to challenges pertaining to
fuel shortages,
agricultural productivity, service delivery, and corruption,
which have made
life unbearable for the ordinary person. The President
called on Zimbabweans
to shun the "get-rich quick mentality," which is a
misnomer, in my opinion,
because some people in government have been getting
filthy reach for the
last 27 years. Against this background, ordinary
Zimbabweans can no longer
access affordable health care and cannot give
their children a quality
education. His Excellency referred to the brain
drain, which is one more
symptom of all not being well in this nation or
else citizens would not be
deserting it in such unprecedented numbers.
In
his opening remarks the President said the state-of-the-nation address
was
an opportunity to "reflect on our achievements in the year now drawing
to a
close" but there were very few tangible achievements cited. Indeed, if
the
year had been a success and the nation was in robust health, there would
have been no need for the President to "thank our people for their stoic
resilience in the face of these challenges."
mmakuni@fingaz.co.zw
An offensive waste of forex
EDITOR — I fail to understand why
NOCZIM is selling fuel at US$0.80 when
here in the Diaspora we buy fuel at
US$1.30.
I got this information on the NOCZIM website and cannot believe the
Zimbabwean government is again subsiding fuel when foreign exchange is so
scarce.
There is no point in being in business when you are incurring
such big
losses. May I appeal to the authorities to seriously look into this
matter.
I will not be wasting my Homelink foreign exchange to this extent,
sending
money home when things are wasted like this.
I am really offended
by this scant regard for resources.
Livison
Kahondo
UK
----------
The world’s biggest
joke
EDITOR — I would like to question the million-man march
claim by ZANU PF.
Was it really a million? I compared those marchers with
the full capacity of
Rufaro Stadium and found many similarities — 50 000
would be a more
realistic figure.
I have seen a million-person
congregation and I do not think those people
came anywhere close to that. It
is plain stupid to think they can fool all
the people all the time. One
million people, my foot. Even the naive and
delusional Dead BC claimed it
was a million people who took part in the
march. Who counted them? I wonder
if that person went past Grade 3.
That is why someone once opined that we are
being governed by people with
wooden heads. These guys should have their
heads examined because they
daydream too much. Imagine people who can
actually believe that a simple
rock can produce pure diesel. I’m sure that
any n'anga can tell them that he
has muti to tame inflation and these
paranoid guys will fall for it.
Some of them even claim to be Christians but
they still believe in voodoo
economics. These guys are so desperate they
will believe anything that suits
their evil intentions. That is why they
were celebrating the stillbirth of
the biodiesel plant.
They never
trouble their heads with simple questions like: “Where and how do
we feed
the plant with raw materials”. Given the diabolic decision to give
prime
land to amateur and part-time farmers they will never make that plant
produce to full capacity.
We are now the biggest joke in the world
because we do silly things like
claiming those marchers numbered one
million; we celebrate the stillbirth of
a white elephant like the biodiesel
plant and we stupidly believe that a
simple rock can produce pure
diesel.
It is also very silly to think that only 17 percent of our population
has
HIV when more than 90 percent has never been tested. We are all being
fed
silly and stupid lies. Let the truth be known, please.
I love my
Zimbabwe
Tariro
Harare
------------
This is
cannibalism
EDITOR — Mediation talks can result in one thing
and one thing only. The
Movement for Democratic Change will be swallowed and
assimilated by ZANU PF
just as happened to ZAPU under the Unity
Accord.
That is not democracy. It is subterfuge leading to a one-party state.
It is
a state of cannibalistic practices, gorging on the next generation to
preserve the past generation.
When we have eaten our children and are too
weak to build a nation ... then
what?
We are Africans. It is in our
culture to be nurtured in our old age by our
children. It is time to respect
the lessons they have learned while herding
cattle, and allow them to come
home to govern.
It is time to step back with dignity and take our rightful
place.
Assimilation and subjugation will only result in cultural
catastrophe.
Ding Dong
Zimbabwe
----------
NIPC a waste of
taxpayers’ money
EDITOR — In last week’s week’s issue of The
Financial Gazette, one G.
Sibanda called for the National Incomes and
Pricing Commission (NIPC) to let
businesses breathe.
This will not happen
Sibanda as long as Zimbabwe's economic policies are
driven by 'pure
greed'.
Who is benefiting from the chaos in our country now? Those who have
access
to “free fuel” from NOCZIM, which they re-sell on the black market
for huge
profits. Those who have access to “cheap” foreign exchange who are
able to
re-sell it for huge profits. Just look at the type of cars they
drive! Those
who are able to get agricultural inputs every year for resale
on the black
market.
The NIPC is just a waste of taxpayers’ money and as
long as we do not
produce anything because of poor planning, no controls, no
matter how
severe, will help Zimbabwe
Trynos
Gumede
Zimbabwe
--------------
It never
rains
EDITOR — It never rains for poor teachers as ballpoint
pens are now selling
for $3 million. From his/her salary of $14 million we
take $3 million for
the poor fellow’s red pen for marking and another $3
million for the blue
pen.
Again no Christmas for them as a quart of beer
now costs $3 million.
The employer should be more sensitive to the plight of
their employees.
Lovemore Andrew
Magaso
Chitungwiza
-----------
Let good old Smith rest in
peace
EDITOR — What is the hullabaloo over Ian Smith all
about? Can’t good old
Smithy be allowed to rest in peace at all?
I am
referring to the so called “commentaries” in the daily newspaper. The
latest
hogwash was from a gentleman by the name of Stephen Maimbodeyi. He
unashamedly takes Joram Nyati to task for making “absurd” comparisons and
parallels between Ian Smith and President Robert Mugabe. He goes on to
proffer some puerile garbage to support his argument.
Stephen, somebody
told me some time ago that politicians are like two soccer
teams. They are
playing exactly the same game but put on different uniforms
just to be
different!
You say Ian Smith was responsible for incarcerating most of our
ministers
today but you conveniently forget to add that most of them
obtained their
degrees in prison.
To me and I am sure millions of other
Zimbabweans, Ian Smith is a hero. I do
not care what you label me. Yes we
were segregated under Ian Smith but we
never starved.
Yes we were
segregated but we had enough electricity and water. I do not
recall raw
sewage flowing freely in Rhodesia.
Ian Smith’s Rhodesia was under worse
sanctions than now. At least today we
have the support of the Eastern bloc.
Smith had South Africa only for
support. And yet Rhodesia attained its
highest peak in industrial
development during this period. One Rhodesian
dollar could buy you US$2!
No sir, to me Ian Smith was a hero. He only did
what was expedient for the
whites that voted him into power. I would do the
same in his position.
Masawi Munyanyi
Shonhiwa
Harare
---------
Inflation figures are all
hogwash
EDITOR — It really annoys me when I read that the
inflation rate is "x" and
independent analysts say it is really "y" and both
figures are purely
guesswork.
Since 1984 I have been recording costs for
my own edification, but now that
the Central Statistical Office (CSO) is
unable to find commodities in the
shops to do their job, I feel I should
share my records with the general
public.
I am not a statistician, but it
is clear to me that if it cost me $583 655
to buy my groceries last year and
it now costs $561 318 600 then the rate of
inflation is nearly 100 000
percent.
I was able to price most things at two shops (what is the CSO's
problem?).
The six items I was not able to price are best guesstimates from
what I hear
on the streets.
Items like bread are priced at the official
price although it costs three
times that to actually buy bread.
So sure,
there are some distortions, but the trend is there for all to see.
A
McCormick
Harare
------------
Keep up the good fight, Pius
Ncube
EDITOR — Pius Ncube must keep on fighting the good
fight.
In one of Mark Twain's writings, he warns that we must be careful to
get out
of an experience with only the wisdom that is in it and end there,
lest we
be like the cat that sits on a hot stove.
She (cat) will never
sit on a hot stove again, and that is well, but also
she will never sit on a
cold one anymore.
May I equate this with Bishop Pius Ncube's
predicament.
Bishop Ncube's predicament, which to me was a deliberate smear
campaign by
the government, was very unfortunate.
In response Bishop
Ncube retreated and stopped speaking out against the
repressive government,
afraid that he might be set up again.
Whatever it takes, I would like to
encourage Bishop Ncube to keep the good
fight against tyranny.
The stakes
are high for the bishop to retreat in shame. This will be a
victory for ZANU
PF, a victory, which it does not deserve.
Well, I found it to be unfortunate
that President Robert Mugabe celebrated
Ncube's demise. If he is a Christian
he should look up Luke 6:41-42 in the
Bible, I quote, 'Why do you look at
the speck of sawdust in your brother's
eye and pay no attention to the plank
in your own eye? How can you say to
your brother, 'Brother, let me take the
speck out of your eye,' when you
yourself fail to see the plank in your own
eye? You hypocrite, first take
the plank out of your eye, and then you will
see clearly to remove the speck
from your brother's eye'
My respect for
Bishop Ncube is undiminished and he still has the moral
authority to speak
out against all wrong.
We have not forgotten how these same tactics were used
against leaders like
Joshua Nkomo and this time we should not be
fooled.
Soldier on Bishop; speak out against all wrong because the only
necessity
for evil to prevail is for good men like you to do
nothing.
Asher Tarivona Mutsengi
Calgary, Canada