http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-02-10-voa23.cfm
VOA
By Peta
Thornycroft
Harare
10 February 2009
Zimbabwe's remaining few hundred
white farmers are under intense pressure to abandon their land, crops, homes and
workers on the eve of a unity government. Most white farmers were evicted from
their land by Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe's government earlier this
decade.
Peter Bowen, 42, a white farmer from Zimbabwe, points to his potato
cultivations (File)
Zimbabwe's remaining white commercial farmers are being
threatened with violent eviction or charges of trespass. Several top vegetable
producers have already been evicted from their small holdings on the northern
edge of Harare.
Chris Jarett of the group Justice for Agriculture tells VOA
some of the farmers being targeted are among the 78 who late last year, won a
case before a Southern African Development Community tribunal that declared
their evictions illegal and ordered the Zimbabwe government to re-compensate
them.
Southern African Federation of Agricultural Unions vice president Doug
Taylor-Freeme says vindictive hardliners of the Zanu-PF party are behind
attempts to drive remaining commercial farmers off their land because they are
trying to grab what they can before the unity government is effectively up and
running.
Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai is to be
sworn in as prime minister Wednesday in the power-sharing government with
President Robert Mugabe.
Taylor-Freeme says it is distressing that members of
Zimbabwe's Department of Justice had allowed themselves to be part of planning
this concerted action against farmers, which began about three weeks ago.
He
says the campaign and court initiatives to immediately evict most of the
remaining white farmers would be a national disaster for this season, and to
rebuilding Zimbabwe's food production in future.
One of those who has been
summoned to court is prominent food producer Charles Lock. He was acquitted of
trespass last year for being on his own farm. Now a summons has been delivered
to his workers for him to appear in court Wednesday, the day the new unity
government is sworn in to power. He is away from his farm on business at
present, but his lawyers say they are concerned that his acquittal could be
reversed.
The Mugabe government began a compulsory program to redistribute
land to blacks in 2000. Charges that the program is designed to reward loyal
Mugabe deputies have persisted since then.
Economists say Zimbabwe's land
program is a large factor in the country's failing economy.
Jarret says the
loss of production on seized farms spreads to businesses such as millers, soap
makers, and oil producers - many of which have not opened their doors since
Christmas. In addition to their own families, the farmers each employ between 10
and 150 workers and each of the worker's families average about six individuals
- all of whom lose their homes and livelihood when evicted.
Taylor-Freeme
also tells VOA that commercial farms are among the few rural areas where cholera
has not taken hold as workers have access to clean water and safe sewage
systems. The World Health Organization says nearly 100,000 people have been
infected and about 3,500 have died in the cholera epidemic.
The WHO also says
more than seven million Zimbabweans, more than half the population, need
emergency feeding in a country that was a net exporter of food before land
reform.
_____________________________________________
http://www.news24.com/News24/Africa/Zimbabwe/0,,2-11-1662_2467543,00.html
Harare
Zimbabwe's
Parliament on Tuesday approved a security law as a crucial component of a unity
accord, giving joint control over the nation's security forces to the rival
parties in a new government.
Both chambers approved the National Security
Council bill, which will be headed by President Robert Mugabe but will also
include opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who is set to be sworn in as prime
minister on Wednesday.
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had
insisted on the law before agreeing to join the unity government, saying the new
council was needed to prevent abuses by security forces.
"For so many years
our country has been traumatised by the pain of state institutions," said Tendai
Biti, a top MDC official set to become finance minister in the new
government.
"The violence that took place last year in unfortunate. Those
things that took place last year must not happen again," Biti said in
parliament.
The MDC accuses Mugabe's Zanu-PF party of co-ordinating political
attacks against its supporters after disputed elections last March. Amnesty
International says more than 180 people died during the violence last year,
mainly MDC supporters.
The rivals have agreed to a power-sharing deal that
observers hope will end the tensions and help pull Zimbabwe from an economic
collapse that has impoverished the once-vibrant nation.
-
AFP
______________________________________________
Africa
News
Feb 10, 2009, 14:48 GMT
Harare
Zimbabwe's opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, who is due to become prime minister on Wednesday, acknowledged the
high levels of concern about his decision to share power with President Robert
Mugabe.
'The road ahead is long but we believe we must and can succeed while
learning from our sad past which has devastated our people,' he said.
'The
best we can do is that democracy, peace and prosperity is achieved in our life
time,' the former trade union leader said a day before his swearing-in in
Harare.
The MDC leader was speaking to reporters after announcing his choices
to fill his party's share of 13 seats in a 31-ministry cabinet. Apart from
finance and health, which went to the MDC, Zanu-PF has retained most of the
important portfolios.
Tsvangirai named MDC secretary-general Tendai Biti, a
lawyer by training, as finance minister.
Biti had initially opposed joining a
government that is heavily skewed in Zanu-PF's favour. In the end, the party
fell in behind Tsvangirai's decision to give the flawed arrangement a go, citing
the need to begin rebuilding the country.
The International Federation of Red
Cross Societies said Tuesday that Zimbabwe's cholera outbreak was past the
'worst-case scenario' as the number of infection cases inched towards the 70,000
mark.
At least 3,391 people have died of cholera as of February 7. More than
7 million Zimbabweans are also in need of food aid.
While rights activists
are sceptical about Mugabe's commitment to real change, aid agencies are hoping
the new government will attract increased funding.
British-based anti-poverty
agency Oxfam urged donors that were adopting a wait-and-see approach to the new
government to find 'innovative ways to channel emergency resources to people who
urgently need
help.'
http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/africa/news/article_1458662.php/Zimbabwean_leader_Tsvangirai_hopes_for_democracy_%26quotin_our_lifetime%26quot_
______________________________________________
http://www.africanews.com:80/site/Zimbabwe_gets_new_finance_minister/list_messages/23107
Africa
News
Posted on Tuesday 10 February 2009 - 12:13
Kent Mensah, AfricaNews
editor
An opposition stalwart has been appointed as the new finance minister
of Zimbabwe. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai appointed Tendai Biti, the
secretary general of the Movement for Democratic Change, in a unity government
with President Robert Mugabe.
Biti - a diehard critic of President Mugabe -
has an uphill task of salvaging an ailing economy with a skyrocketing inflation.
Tsvangirai said he is also tasked with attracting foreign investment into the
country. “This [finance] ministry's mandate is to create a stable economic
environment for all Zimbabweans... and to establish Zimbabwe as a strong
investment centre,” Tsvangirai said at a news conference, according to Reuters
news agency.
According to John Mokwetsi, Group Online Editor of the Zimind
Publishers, Biti has what it takes to push for rapid changes that would
resuscitate the economy. “It was a good decision because Morgan needed a strong
character who can clip the wings of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor,
Gideon Gono,” he said.
Mokwetsi added: “You will recall that Biti once said
of Gono: ‘Gono is the number one enemy of this country, not inflation. He has
been stoking the fires of inflation through quasi-fiscal activities. In other
countries if a central bank governor admits to printing money he will face the
firing squad. Gono is the number one economic saboteur, terrorist and Al
Qaeda.’”
He noted that it is too early to assess the feelings of Zimbabweans
towards the news but “I suppose Zimbabweans do not like Gono who has funded the
police, the CIO and soldiers to beat up people. They want Biti to deal with him
once and for all.”
Last week a Zimbabwean judge dropped treason charges
against Biti over an alleged coup plot, citing lack of progress in the case
against him, according to the BBC. Just after the court case Biti renewed his
commitment to "finish this job that we started of removing the dictatorship of
Robert Mugabe.”
The joint cabinet in the new coalition government will be
sworn in on Friday.
Profile
Biti was born in Dzivarasekwa, Harare. From
1980 to 1985 he attended Goromonzi High School where he was appointed deputy
head boy in 1985 later joining the University of Zimbabwe law school as a
freshman in 1986. In 1988 and 1989 as Secretary General of the Student Union
Biti led student protests against government censorship in academia. After
school he joined the Law firm Honey and Blackenberg where he became the youngest
partner by the age of 26.
In 1999 he helped found the MDC. He was elected
Member of Parliament for the Harare East constituency in 2000. During the Fifth
Parliament he served as a member of the Parliament Portfolio Committee on Lands,
Agriculture, Water Development, Rural Resources and Resettlement and that on
Defence and Home Affairs. In March 2005 he retained the constituency. He serves
in the Portfolio Committee on Budget, Finance and Economic Development and is
currently the MDC's Secretary General. In his legal career Biti has handled
labour and human rights litigation representing large trade unions such as the
Post and Telecommunications Trade Union.
He was arrested in 2007 with many
others, including MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, after a prayer rally in the
Harare township of Highfield.
On June 16, 2007 Biti and Welshman Ncube met
with Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and Labor Minister Nicholas Goche, in
Pretoria, South Africa. South African President Thabo Mbeki, appointed by the
Southern African Development Community, presided over the negotiations which
sought to end economic sanctions on Zimbabwe.
Biti was re-elected to the
House of Assembly from Harare East in the March 2008 parliamentary election.
According to official results, he received 8,377 votes against 2,587 for the
ZANU-PF candidate. In the period following the election, he stayed outside of
Zimbabwe (mainly in South Africa), along with Tsvangirai, amidst a
post-electoral situation that the MDC alleges is marked by serious violence
against MDC supporters.
Source:
wikipaedia
_____________________________________________
http://allafrica.com/stories/200902100618.html
10 February
2009
Johannesburg
About 94 percent of Zimbabwe's rural schools - where
most children are educated - failed to open this year, the UN Children's Fund
said on 10 February 2009.
The education system, once viewed as the finest in
sub-Saharan Africa, has become a casualty of the country's economic collapse and
political infighting.
Tsitsi Singizi, UNICEF's spokesman in Zimbabwe, told
IRIN the priority of the new unity government should be to salvage the education
system. "The infrastructure for education is still there, but it needs to be
brought back from the brink," she urged.
The leader of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Morgan Tsvangirai, is expected to be
inaugurated as prime minister on 11 February and the a unity government, agreed
by ZANU-PF and the MDC on 15 September 2008, is expected to begin its work of
reconstructing Zimbabwe.
"Children in rural areas already live on the
margins, many are orphaned, a huge number depend on food aid, they struggle on
numerous fronts," UNICEF's Representative in Zimbabwe, Roeland Monasch, said in
a statement. "Now these children are being denied the only basic right that can
better their prospects. It is unacceptable."
Children in rural areas already
live on the margins, many are orphaned, a huge number depend on food aid, they
struggle on numerous fronts
Widespread disruption of schools began in the
aftermath of the March 2008 elections and continued beyond a presidential
run-off poll in June, which was not recognized internationally because of the
state-sponsored political violence.
After the elections, many teachers failed
to return to their posts as a consequence of salaries made worthless by
hyperinflation and a fear of continued political violence.
In 2008, school
attendance rates dropped from 80 percent to 20 percent, UNICEF said, and the few
schools that opened in 2009 are charging fees in foreign currency, making them
unaffordable to most citizens.
[ This report does not necessarily reflect the
views of the United Nations
]
_____________________________________________
http://www.voanews.com/english/Africa/2009-02-09-voa45.cfm
By
Ntungamili Nkomo & Peta Thornycroft
Washington/Harare
09 February
2009
Zimbabwe's parliament was set to take up legislation on Tuesday to
create a national security council as a complement to a unity government, while
the ruling ZANU-PF party said it would submit a motion calling for the lifting
of sanctions imposed by Western countries on President Robert Mugabe and his
inner circle - though observers doubted it would pass.
Though ZANU-PF and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change agreed in principle in their Sept. 15
power-sharing accord that Western sanctions should be lifted, it was far from
evident that the MDC majority in the lower house of parliament would back the
measure, especially as ZANU-PF has yet to meet a number of MDC power-sharing
conditions.
Parliament last week unanimously passed an amendment to the
constitution enabling the formation of a long-delayed national unity government,
and was expected to endorse the national security council legislation. That
would set the stage for the swearing-in of MDC founder Morgan Tsvangirai as
prime minister with deputies Arthur Mutambara, head of the rival MDC formation,
and Thokozani Khupe, Tsvangirai's second in his formation.
The MDC demanded
the national security council as a check on the power and activities of the
security apparatus which has played a major role in political repression and
violence, especially in the wake of national elections last March when
abductions and murders were rife.
The power-sharing parties were said to be
working overtime vetting names of those to be named ministers amid feverish
speculation as to the composition of the government.
Spokesman Nelson Chamisa
of the Tsvangirai MDC formation told reporter Ntungamili Nkomo of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe that the cabinet will not be named until Friday, but that
Tsvangirai will lay out a plan for national revival when he is sworn in
Wednesday.
Political analyst Rejoice Ngwenya said he was skeptical the MDC
will support the motion from ZANU-PF calling for sanctions to be
lifted.
Meanwhile, human rights groups in Zimbabwe said opposition activists
detained on charges they plotted to overthrow are failing in health having been
denied adequate medical treatment, VOA correspondent Peta Thornycroft reported
from
Harare.
_____________________________________________
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5iwYAhkHJHHtKU7v6JCEFrEJ2oj2Q
AFP
2009
02 10
GENEVA
(AFP)
The international Red Cross on Tuesday warned it
would soon suspend its aid to tackle Zimbabwe's cholera outbreak unless donors
come up with more emergency funding, as the death toll reached 3,400.
"Our
operations will cease in four weeks if we don't get funds," said John Roche,
head of operations in Africa for the International Federation of Red Cross and
Red Crescent Societies.
"All the efforts we have made today are in vain
unless we receive serious funding and support," he told journalists.
Some
3,400 people have died in the cholera outbreak since August 2008 and a total of
69,593 have been infected by the disease, the latest World Health Organisation
figures dated February 8 showed.
Zimbabwe's cholera outbreak has continued to
progress because of "many small outbreaks in rural areas which are much more
difficult to reach," said Dominique Legros, a WHO official.
Another big
problem in rural areas is access to clean water, he added.
The Federation has
received 45 percent of the nine million dollars it needs from donors to finance
attempts to control and contain the outbreak with clean water supplies, Roche
said.
The emergency appeal was launched on December 23 to cover assistance
for seven months.
The Red Cross was having a hard time in finding funds from
donors even though the financial needs were relatively low, according to
Roche.
The United Nations has already complained that international donors
are slow in coming up with funding for relief operations in Zimbabwe.
South
African President Kgalema Motlanthe on Friday urged the international community
to help rebuild Zimbabwe and end the humanitarian crisis, once a unity
government is installed in Harare this week.
More than half the population
needs food aid to survive, while only six percent of the workforce has jobs,
according to the United Nations.
But major donors like Britain and the United
States have said they will wait to see if the new government can function before
giving the new administration major new
aid.
______________________________________________
http://www.reuters.com/article/healthNews/idUSTRE51945220090210
Tue
Feb 10, 2009 9:54am EST Email
(Reuters)
World leaders must not let the
global financial crisis distract them from fighting HIV/AIDS, the United
Nations' top AIDS official said on Tuesday.
Following are some key details
about AIDS in Africa, the region most affected by the pandemic:
* SUB-SAHARAN
AFRICA:
-- Sub-Saharan Africa remains the region most heavily affected by
HIV, accounting for more than two thirds of all people living with HIV
globally.
-- Of the global total of 2.1 million adult and child deaths due to
AIDS in 2007, 1.6 million occurred in sub-Saharan Africa.
-- An estimated 1.7
million people were newly infected with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa in 2007,
declining from 2.2 million new infections in 2001. There are currently an
estimated 22.5 million people living with HIV in the region.
* SOUTH
AFRICA:
-- South Africa, with some 5.7 million people infected with HIV,
represents the world's largest AIDS epidemic.
-- HIV prevalence in adults
aged 15 to 49 is 18 percent.
-- An estimated 500,000 people are infected each
year and around 1,000 die every day from AIDS-related illnesses.
--
Reflecting similar trends from other countries in the region, young women in
South Africa face greater risks of becoming infected than men: among 15 to
24-year-olds, they account for around 90 percent of new HIV infections.
* IN
THE REGION:
-- National adult HIV prevalence exceeded 15 percent in Botswana,
Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe in
2005.
-- In Swaziland, approximately one in four adults are infected with
HIV.
-- In Mozambique, the epidemic continues to grow; in some provinces in
the central and southern zones of the country, adult HIV prevalence has reached
or exceeded 20 percent, while infections continue to increase among young people
aged 15-21.
-- Most of the smaller HIV epidemics in West Africa are stable or
are declining, as is the case for Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Mali, and Nigeria.
Continued...
-- HIV in the smaller epidemics in East Africa has either
stabilized or is receding. After dropping dramatically in the 1990s, Uganda's
adult HIV prevalence appears to have stabilized at 5.4 percent.
* THE GLOBAL
PICTURE:
-- Some 33 million people were living with immunodeficiency virus
infections in 2007, according to the United Nations report on the AIDS epidemic.
As many as 2.7 million people were newly infected with HIV in 2007. Global
deaths from AIDS reached an estimated 2.1 million in 2007.
-- In Asia, an
estimated 4.9 million people were living with HIV in 2007. There were 1.6
million people living with HIV in Eastern Europe and Central Asia in 2007, 1.6
million in Latin America, and 2.1 million in North America, Western and Central
Europe put together.
Sources:
Reuters/UNAIDS/http://www.unaids.org/
(Writing by David Cutler, Additional
writing by Jijo Jacob; London Editorial Reference
Unit;)
______________________________________________
http://www.citizen.co.za/index/article.aspx?pDesc=88669,1,22
The
Citizen
Published: 2/10/2009 16:30:53
Harare
Zimbabwe opposition chief
Morgan Tsvangirai, who is set to join a unity government as prime minister, on
Tuesday named 15 top party officials to a cabinet he said would rebuild the
country.
“They are men and women chosen for their vision of healing our
nation and bringing not only the spirit of hope to the people of Zimbabwe but
also their significant technical skills in the challenging task of restoring our
political freedoms,” Tsvangirai told reporters.
“This team will be tasked
with beginning the process of rebuilding our country during the transition
period,” he said.
Tendai Biti, the lead negotiator for Tsvangirai’s Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) in talks on the unity accord, was named to the
crucial post of finance minister.
He will face the monumental task of
reviving an economy shattered by hyperinflation, last estimated in July at 231
million percent.
After months of feuding over the home affairs ministry,
Tsvangirai and President Robert Mugabe agreed to share control of the post by
appointing co-ministers from each party.
Tsvangirai named top MDC lawmaker
Giles Mutseyekwa to the powerful ministry, which oversees the police. Mugabe has
yet to appoint a co-minister from his ZANU-PF party.
Mutseyekwa was once a
top air force official, but three years ago was arrested in a discredited plot
to assassinate Mugabe.
Tsvangirai said the home affairs ministry required “a
strong individual to ensure that this ministry enhances the freedoms of
Zimbabweans and proper administration of the citizen’s charter.”
Tsvangirai
also named party spokesman Nelson Chamisa as minister for information science
and technology.
Tsvangirai and Mugabe signed a power-sharing deal on
September 15, but the pact quickly stalled over disputes about who would control
key ministries.
They only agreed to a deal under intense regional pressure
and after lengthy talks mediated by South Africa.
Tsvangirai is set to be
sworn in as prime minister on Wednesday, with the cabinet taking office on
Friday.
The unity government is meant to end months of political turmoil
after disputed elections last March, which has left the country mired in
political violence and a deepening humanitarian crisis marked by food shortages
a raging cholera epidemic.
-
Sapa-AFP
_____________________________________________
http://allafrica.com/stories/200902100520.html
The Voice
(Francistown)
10 February 2009
Since the outbreak of cholera in Zimbabwe,
Botswana has so far recorded 10 cases.
A 41-year-old man recently died at
Tsolamosese Clinic in Mogoditshane after showing cholera symptoms.
According
to the Director of Public Health, Ms Shenaaz El Halabi, investigations are
ongoing to determine if the actual cause of death was cholera.
Ms Halabi said
all the victims in the recorded cases are from Zimbabwe and because they were
reported in different places, chances are that the disease could be all over the
country.
She advised people to follow strict hygienic measures to prevent the
disease at all costs.
They should only drink safe treated water and if they
are not certain, they should boil water before using it.
She urged people to
wash their hands using clean water and soap before preparing food or handling
food especially when feeding children to prevent diarrhea.
The symptoms of
cholera include profuse watery diarrhea, vomiting, thirst and cramps in the
stomach as well as arms and legs.
Ms Halabi encouraged anyone who may be
experiencing these symptoms to rush to the nearest clinic or hospital.
Ms
Halabi added that people should adopt extra care especially during the rainy
season.
BOPA
______________________________________________
http://www.monstersandcritics.com/
Africa Features
By Clare
Byrne Feb 10, 2009, 13:12 GMT
Johannesburg
After ten years in the
pro-democracy trenches Zimbabwe's longtime opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai
is set to cement his pact with his arch-nemesis, Robert Mugabe on Wednesday and
be sworn in as prime minister of a unity government.
Supporters of
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) are expected to throng Glamis
football stadium in the capital Harare for the ceremony, which marks a milestone
in the career of the man derided by Mugabe as a Western lackey and a
'teaboy.'
'This will be a historic occasion for the country. It marks the
beginning of a new era; the final miles of a journey to a new Zimbabwe,' the MDC
said in an upbeat statement Monday.
Wednesday's ceremony will be followed two
days later by the swearing-in of a 31-ministry cabinet drawn from both the MDC
and Mugabe's Zanu-PF.
On Tuesday, Tsvangirai announced the line-up of
ministers from his side - most of them unknown outside Zimbabwe, except for MDC
secretary-general Tendai Biti, who has been given the unenviable task of finance
minister.
Finance is the most prominent of the 13 ministries awarded to the
MDC in a September power-sharing deal, which sees Mugabe and Tsvangirai share
executive power in a French-style 'cohabitation' arrangement.
Most of the
other ministries controlled by the MDC have convoluted names, like 'economic
planning and investment promotion' and 'constitutional and parliamentary
affairs' that reflect their lesser importance compared to portfolios retained by
Zanu-PF.
Mugabe's party retains foreign affairs, defence, justice and
agriculture, among others.
This week's events mark a significant climbdown by
the MDC, which held out for five months for a more greater share of power on the
basis that it won the last parliamentary elections.
But the pressure from
Mugabe's allies, particularly South Africa, to get into government now - and
leave the so-called sticking points to be resolved later - proved
overwhelming.
Last week, an increasingly marginalized MDC voted in favour of
Tsvangirai's proposal to continue the struggle to democratize Zimbabwe - from
inside government.
'Do we have any other choice?' Biti asked after the vote.
'Zimbabweans are suffering, dying or fleeing the country in their thousands. Let
us give this experiment a chance.'
The MDC's participation is seen as crucial
to securing more donor funding to tackle the country's inflation, cholera and
food crises. Over 3,300 people have died of cholera since August, mostly for
lack of clean drinking water, and half the population of around 11 million
cannot adequately feed itself.
Some recalcitrant MDC members also cited their
desire to avoid another split in the party. In 2006, the party came apart
following a dispute about whether to contest Senate elections.
'Morgan is a
bigger brand than the MDC,' one reluctant MDC official, who would not be named
said. 'If we want the brand MDC to survive we must not publicly fight the
president (of the party).'
'We must look at the environment he has created
and see how we can create space to achieve the democratization of Zimbabwe,' the
official said.
Many Zimbabwean activists disagree with the strategy.
'When
Morgen is sworn in tomorrow we will have a one-party government, a one-party
parliament,' Lovemore Madhuku, a lawyer and leader of the National
Constitutional Assembly said.
'We must fight dictatorship from the outside
and only get into government when there's a democratic government,' Madhuku
urged.
Casting a pall over Wednesday's proceedings will be the continued
imprisonment of around 30 MDC members and opposition activistsr, most of whom
were arrested on dubious charges of conspiring to topple Mugabe.
Mugabe has
so far defied calls by Tsvangirai for their release.
In a further ominous
sign for the new government, the Zanu-PF ministers rumoured to retain their
posts on Friday include many of from Mugabe's last cabinet, which he himself
described as 'the worst in
history.'
http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/africa/features/article_1458640.php/End_of_an_era_Zimbabwes_Tsvangirai_on_cusp_of_power__News_Feature__
______________________________________________
http://allafrica.com:80/stories/200902100484.html
BuaNews (Tshwane) -
“The Voice of the ANC”
Michael Appel
10 February 2009
Cape Town
The
South African government has joined African Union (AU) calls to the
international community for economic sanctions against Zimbabwe to be
lifted.
"An important element at the AU Summit was the expectation and call
to the international community to lift sanctions on Zimbabwe to allow all
leaders to give the formation of a unity government a chance to
succeed.
"People in Zimbabwe will also more likely support the peace process
if they can see a number of positive spin-offs happening," Foreign Affairs
Director General Dr Ayanda Ntsaluba told media, Tuesday.
The DG highlighted
that South Africa was calling for the sanctions to be lifted as it would
facilitate, in particular, the inflow of much needed humanitarian aid into
Zimbabwe in a crucial political time for that country.
With regard to recent
media reports about Zimbabwe taking over the Rand as its currency, the DG said
these reports should be considered as a possibility as the debate on this issue
has been ongoing for some time.
"If this becomes the case, I'm sure all sorts
of precautionary agreements will be entered in to.
"If it were to move
towards that, the South African authorities would obviously have to enter into
serious dialogue with Zimbabwe authorities," Dr Ntsaluba said.
The DG
confirmed that Zimbabwe's political parties are sticking to the framework for
the formation of a unity government, as set out by the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), and the swearing in of the prime minister and
deputy prime minister will be taking place on Wednesday.
President Kgalema
Motlanthe, addressing National Assembly on Tuesday said: "we are heartened at
the recognition from this house that there is progress in Zimbabwe. Shortly,
Morgan Tsvangirai will be sworn in as the Prime Minister in Zimbabwe along with
two deputy prime ministers.
"To this end, SADC and the AU have called on the
international community to end sanctions against Zimbabwe and to assist the
people," the president announced.
The DG said Foreign Minister Dr Nkosazana
Dlamini Zuma is likely to travel to Zimbabwe to represent South Africa at the
swearing in ceremony on Wednesday, while President Motlanthe will travel to
Zimbabwe on Friday for the swearing in of Zimbabwe's minister and deputy
ministers.
______________________________________________
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk:80/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=18433&Itemid=103
Tuesday,
10 February 2009
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on Tuesday announced his
long-awaited Cabinet of 13 Ministers. At the top of the list was the contentious
Ministry of Home Affairs allocated to former soldier Giles Mutseyekwa.
The
Finance Ministry went to Tendai Biti while young Nelson Chamisa was given the
Ministry of Information and Technology.
Advocate Eric Matinenga was given the
Ministry of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs, Paurina Mpariwa (Labour
and Social Welfare), Henri Dzinotyiwei (Science and Technology), Elias Mudzuri
(Energy and Power Development), Eddie Cross (State Enterprises and Parastatals)
while Dr Henry Madzorera got the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare.
The
Ministry of Public Works went to Theresa Makone, Water Resources and Management
to Abednico Bhebhe of the MDC Mutambara, Fidelis Mhashu received the National
Housing and Social Amenities portfolio while Elton Mangoma will head the
Ministry of Economic Planning and Development.
Tsvangirai said while a
decision had not been arrived at yet of the deputy ministers or and allocation
of governors, he had complied a list of four out of the six nominees for deputy
ministers.
Dr Mudzingwa (Defence), Roy Bennett (Agriculture), Jessie Majome
(Justice, Legal and Parliamenatry Affairs), and Clr Zwidzai, the former mayor of
Gweru (Local Government).
"I will have to induct each of them on their
mandates," said Tsvangirai, who was flanked by Chamisa and deputy prime minister
designate Thokozani Khupe.
He promised to erase all repressive media laws and
put the country back on track.
On the issues of political prisoners,
Tsvangirai said efforts were underway to make sure they were released by
yesterday (Wednesday).
"We are not joining Mugabe. This is part of a
transitional authority. Mugabe has executive authority, I have executive
authority. No-one is joining the other here. We want to manage this
process...those skeptics must give us a chance and history will judge us," he
added.
______________________________________________
http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601116&sid=akCLKJoknVIU&refer=africa
By
Brian Latham
Feb. 10 (Bloomberg)
Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe agreed
to make concessions to allow the formation of a coalition government in return
for support from a regional group that would extend his 28 years in power, said
two members of the ruling party’s decision-making body.
Mugabe plans to
accept conditions set by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, whose
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, is due to be sworn in as prime minister tomorrow, the
officials, who declined to be identified because they aren’t allowed to speak to
the press, said in interviews today. Mugabe plans to allow the MDC to appoint
governors to provinces they won in elections in March last year and will let
security legislation put forward by the party be enacted.
The 15-nation
Southern African Development Community is pushing for a joint government between
Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front and the MDC to be
formed to try and end an economic crisis that has led to a quarter of Zimbabwe’s
population leaving the country and a cholera outbreak spreading to neighboring
states. Mugabe has refused to agree to the conditions since talks began after
the MDC boycotted a second-round presidential election in June last year.
The
country has the world’s highest inflation rate, estimated at 231 million percent
in July, and has suffered a decade of recession.
Western Pressure
Mugabe
was told by some leaders of the Southern African Development Community, a
15-nation grouping that includes South Africa, that if he made concessions they
would support keeping him in the position of president against western pressure
for him to step down, the officials from the politburo of Mugabe’s party
said.
An agreement to form a government was announced on Jan. 27 after a
SADC-brokered summit in Pretoria, South Africa.
Zimbabwe’s parliament, where
two factions of the MDC have a majority, will today debate a new National
Security Bill, the state-controlled Herald newspaper said yesterday. The bill
will legalize a council proposed by the MDC to oversee the police, military and
intelligence agencies, the Harare-based newspaper said, citing Nicholas Goche, a
Zanu-PF official, as saying it will “sail through.”
The same paper said today
that governor positions will be negotiated and the head of a joint council
between the parties said restrictive media laws, put in place by the government,
may be eased in three months.
The MDC want oversight of the police and
military because they say attacks on their supporters ahead of and after their
victory in March parliamentary polls were partly led by members of the police
and army. Since the elections at least 100 MDC supporters have been killed and
200,000 people displaced, according to Amnesty International.
The MDC won
majorities in provinces covering Harare and Bulawayo, the nation’s two-biggest
cities, as well as provinces in the south and east.
Patrick Chinamasa, the
chief negotiator, for Zanu-PF in talks with the MDC didn’t answer calls to his
mobile phone or office today. Nelson Chamisa, a spokesman for the MDC, said he
“couldn’t comment on Zanu-PF matters.”
To contact the reporter on this story:
Brian Latham via Johannesburg at asguazzin@bloomberg.net.
Last Updated:
February 10, 2009 09:23
EST
______________________________________________
Broadcast: 06 February
2009
Violet Gonda of SW Radio Africa hosts an in-depth and heated
teleconference on the 'inclusive government' with Nelson Chamisa of the
Tsvangirai-led MDC, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga of the Arthur Mutambara-led
MDC and political commentator, Brian Kagoro.
click on link for the full
version:- http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/hotseat100209.htm
[ See full
text below ]
http://www.swradioafrica.com:80/pages/hotseat100209.htm
SW
Radio Africa Transcript
HOT SEAT: Violet Gonda hosts an in-depth
teleconference on the GNU with Nelson Chamisa, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga
and Brian Kagoro.
Broadcast: 06 February 2009
Violet Gonda: There has been
a lot of debate about whether the MDC should have entered this inclusive
government with Robert Mugabe. There are still questions about whether it will
work. Today we have three different perspectives from inside and outside
Zimbabwe . We have an independent commentator, Brian Kagoro who is based in
Kenya; we have Nelson Chamisa who is an MP and spokesperson for the Tsvangirai
led MDC and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, who is one of the negotiators and a
member of the newly formed Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee, or
JOMIC, and she’s representing the Mutambara led MDC . Welcome on the programme
Hot Seat.
Various: Thank you, Violet. Thank you, we’re here.
Violet: Let
me start with Brian. Last week Brian, you were highly sceptical of this
inclusive government. Could you articulate in point form the crucial areas that
give rise to your scepticism?
Brian Kagoro: I had four clear points: the
first one was that the fundamentals upon which the democratic struggle, which by
the way, pre-dates NCA, pre-dates ZCTU, the democratic struggle through which
Zimbabweans have fought to try and arrive at - would not be achieved through
this process. Number two I thought that there were too many grey areas around
actual operational questions because mind you, it’s not just about individuals,
it’s about the operational staff and I drew on the experience in Kenya and some
historical experience just demonstrating that these grey areas actually then
become elephants in a china shop if you like. Number three I looked at whether
it would deliver for me in terms of the human rights agenda and I felt that that
question, you know, I wasn’t comfortable that it does in any particular way, it
didn’t deal with the question of accountability effectively, it didn’t deal with
the question of enforceability. So I looked at the ministerial portfolio
distribution, I looked at the areas of grievance around the characters who have
been, who presided over the machinations of terror and the last one, is that I
actually asked the simple question, it’s OK to be sceptical about operational
issue, about content issues. Human beings are known to be capable of great good
and great evil. Given the trajectory in the negotiations and the back and forth
on what happened, whether or not the positions taken by both MDC and Zanu gave
me confidence that this deal would result into a workable government. I still
conclude as I did then, that I am not persuaded.
VIOLET: Priscilla, can you
respond to Brian?
PRISCILLA: Yes Violet. I can understand, I don’t have a
problem with people being a bit uncomfortable because this is a new thing and in
fact we’ve not even finished, we’re still going through the processes and
procedures. So I think it is only fair to allow people to be a bit sceptical.
But I think what I find problematic about Zimbabweans generally is the fact that
in fact we are now basing our arguments sometimes on things that are not true.
Not that I’m saying people are lying but that sometimes when you want to build
your argument it is important to actually base it on reality.
And I’ll go
back to what happened to before I was cut off. The whole concept about SADC
issuing a decree, I think it’s problematic to actually say those kind of things
when we know that’s not what happened. At least in this particular summit we had
the three Principals sitting in that particular room with the Heads of State,
they went through every other issue that was there that was a contentious issue.
And all the issues that Brian is raising around allocation of ministries were
indeed raised within that meeting but some consensus was then built not only
within the Heads of State themselves but with the Principals that were there.
Which is why you will see that within the final resolution that was put out this
time around, they then said, you know what, we had agreed in an earlier meeting,
in an earlier summit, it may not make sense for us to go back on the earlier
agreement that we had.
So instead of saying that we are going to do a review
of just the Ministry of Finance which was the earlier resolution - you remember
for the 9 th of November had indicated - we will do a review of the entire
process. And I think basically it was a way of saying OK go ahead and do a trial
run on this thing. We understand none of you can be confident because it is a
new relationship and rightly so as Brian says it’s a difficult relationship
because we are coming from a polarised community, a polarised society where
things were not what they were supposed to be but you are trying to build. So in
trying to build you want to give opportunities to create some space in which
hopefully people can begin to learn to live together.
And all I’m trying to
say Violet is that I think we are all angry, no-one can argue the fact that
these last years have been traumatic. We have been living under a regime that
none of us would want to live under, we do not want a repeat of this particular
issue, but I think we need to be careful that our emotional anger may make us
become so un-strategic sometime and we may begin to say certain things that are
not necessarily true in terms of what happened. And I just thought I needed to
raise that because I think it raises a fundamental point - let’s differ on
factual issues, let’s say this is what happened but I think it should have gone
this way but let’s not give out information out there on things that did not
happen in the way that we are now saying did happen.
VIOLET: And Chamisa,
your reaction, and if I might also add what Kagoro said last week, he said SADC
is playing lotto with our lives and he actually described the deal as “a
polygamous marriage of convenience”. What can you say about this?
Nelson:
Well I’m not going to be tempted to respond to Mr Kagoro’s assertion but what I
just need to do is to try and put fact on what we believe to be the way forward.
First, I just want to say that we must all appreciate that this is a compromise
and there is no perfect compromise. It is a compromise, meaning to say that it
doesn’t reflect faithfully and truthfully what we would have wanted to see. So
basically as we try to deal with the issues that are affecting Zimbabweans, you
must remember that in a position of leadership, it is incumbent upon ourselves
as the leadership to make sure that we design and sculpture ways of extricating
the people of Zimbabwe from the jaws of poverty, from the jaws of this
dictatorship. And the way we believe to be the best way out of it is basically
making sure that we have a negotiation.
You must also remember that we had a
congress in 2006 and at that congress we had resolutions and we had a clear road
map we adopted and that road map had three clear signposts. The first one was a
negotiation. The second one after negotiation, we wanted to have a transitional
authority so that we could then have a new constitution, a new electoral
dispensation, then the third one was a free and fair election, of course that
would give birth to a new beginning and a new Zimbabwe. As far as we are
concerned, we are still quite loyal to our congress resolution. We have managed
to go to the negotiation; we have managed to then attain what we believe to be
the transitional authority and that is the phase in which we are.
And we
believe that phase is going to give us four critical things Violet. The first
one is going to be the democratisation platform. We believe that the writing of
a new constitution within a period of 18 months - and I must thank the
negotiators who did sterling work. Very difficult circumstances, very difficult
context but they managed to emerge with a document, which document is going to
be a creature or product of massive consultation, momentum building activities
within the country in 18 months. So democratisation is going to be possible
because the people of Zimbabwe are going to define who they want to be and what
they are in terms of that constitution.
The second issue is the platform for
a humanitarian intervention. We believe that during this transitional inclusive
government period we are able to reach out to the people who are suffering. I
don’t believe that it is possible for revolutions to be fought by dead people. I
don’t believe that it is possible for a struggle to be fought from the graveyard
so we need to save lives. In as much we would want to see the ideal of
democracy, we need to make sure that the people are feeding. We need to make
sure we are responding to the bread and butter issues. So that is the second
issue.
The third issue has to be an opportunity of making sure that there is
national healing, there is national understanding of who we are and where we are
going and we believe that once we start to control certain arteries of the State
that gives us the opportunity to be able to respond to the deficit of national
healing, to the wound that has been inflicted on the people of Zimbabwe.
And
lastly which is in our view a critical component of what is going to be achieved
by this transitional inclusive government is for us to make sure that we inject
professionalism and non-partisanship in the conduct and attitude of our State
institutions - our various pillars of the State, the securocrats the
bureaucrats. And we believe as MDC , that the decision we taken is the best
decision informed by our circumstances, informed by the leadership code and
informed by our democratisation agenda. So contrary to this assertion that oh we
have abandoned the struggle, oh we have committed a political suicide, we have
actually changed the frontiers of our struggle. The democratisation agenda has
now been shifted to another gear. Any struggle has to have gears and this is now
a new dispensation, it’s a new level and we hope that our colleagues will
appreciate that what we are doing, seeks to amplify their efforts, not undermine
them. And that is where we are at the moment.
VIOLET: But Chamisa, how do you
respond to people who say that your President, Mr Tsvangirai actually made a
u-turn because he had been stalling for months and had said that he would only
agree to participate in this inclusive government if all the demands are met.
And so, what has persuaded him to finally agree before all his demands have been
met?
NELSON: You have your say but you don’t necessarily have your way,
Violet. We were dealing with the Heads of State who spent almost 14 to 15 hours
trying to help us. I don’t agree with those who condemn SADC to say they have
not done anything. They have tried their best. This is a Zimbabwean problem, we
as Zimbabweans have a duty to do and to go the extra mile in solving. Of course
we need the support of the region, we need the support of the continent and of
course the whole world. We believe that what was done at the last SADC meeting
is actually quite a significant shift in terms of addressing some of the issues
we had said were outstanding.
So it’s not as if Mr Tsvangirai made a u-turn,
there was a particular justification that was given by the Heads of State as to
why we were supposed to then move. The first issue was the issue of Amendment No
19 Violet. We wanted Number 19 to be passed into law before us going into
government. It’s clear that Zanu-PF wanted the swearing in first before the
Amendment had been passed. We got our way and we succeeded on issue number
one.
Issue number two was the issue of making sure that we’ve the National
Security Council Bill. That Bill was actually endorsed by SADC, in fact just
yesterday, our negotiators agreed on this Bill, in fact it has actually been
perfected by some ideas from our colleagues in the other MDC and also from
Zanu-PF. Now what we have is a National Security Council Bill, so outstanding
issue number two was resolved.
Outstanding issue number three was the issue
of making sure that we deal with the issue of governors. I must gladly say that
that issue again there has been movement. Zanu-PF has agreed that we need to
have an arrangement, a formula. I hear that there is a formula 5-4-1 which
formula I think is quite modest and quite acceptable. It has been accepted by
political parties. We have to then finalise the modalities at Principals levels,
again that’s number three - movement we feel addresses our outstanding
issues.
Issue number four was the issue of making sure that those who have
been abducted are released. That is an issue that is still work in progress and
I know that JOMIC and my sister Priscilla can actually give you further details.
It’s working flat out to make sure that those people are released as gestures of
goodwill, as signals of good direction, as a symbolic movement in the right
direction and I believe that those are issues that are still being resolved. The
issue of the ministry which was the last issue is not yet resolved and SADC had
to say look, we had a resolution on the 9 th of November and we can’t just say
that resolution has to be revisited because we have not implemented and we have
not detected the defects of this resolution, so go and implement it, if there
are any problems in six months we should be able to revisit it. So we have said,
that seems logical, we need to follow the logic of our region, the collective
wisdom of our elders in the region and that is what we have done.
So there is
no u-turn. Again this is propaganda, this is imagination, that is not a u-turn.
It is a significant movement consistent with the objective assessment of the
issues that are on the table. We feel that we have scored.
VIOLET: But
Nelson, it was only a couple of days ago that you issued a statement saying that
Zanu-PF is spoiling to scuttle the inclusive government, so what has changed
since that time?
And also Morgan Tsvangirai has said that the political
prisoners must be released before he is sworn in on the 11 th. What happens if
they are not released?
NELSON: Well I must say that we are not under any
illusion that we are dealing with an honest partner. Zanu-PF is known, their
history, their legacy is chequered and we are aware that they are likely to try
and continue to play such tricks, hide and seek, ducking and diving. But that
does not necessarily mean that we should not give it a try. We are also
conscious of ourselves, of course in as much we don’t have trust in Zanu-PF, we
have trust and confidence in ourselves in terms of our faithfulness to the
values and vision of the national working peoples’ convention, the founding
values of our democratic struggle and we have not departed from those founding
values.
In fact, as I indicated in my earlier assertion, we have actually
shifted the gear of our struggle and that should be understood in that context
so we are not under any illusion that we are dealing with an honest player. Of
course you must know Violet that each time you decide to shake the hand of a
thief you must also count your fingers. Each time you decide to kiss a thief you
must also check your teeth. We are aware of what we are doing. We know the
consequences of dealing with Zanu-PF but we are also equally aware of the
consequences of making leadership for the people of Zimbabwe . So on that issue
we are very clear.
On the issue of Zanu-PF backtracking, that’s not something
new, they’ve always continued to dilly-dally but we are making sure that we
insist on what I’ve said is demonstration of the presence of sincerity. What we
would want to see in terms of prisoners being released so that it signals a dawn
of a new era, that is what we are working on and we are hoping to continue to
push, particularly through the JOMIC platform. And we are hoping to get answers.
It doesn’t necessarily mean that if we don’t get answers we should stop
knocking. We have to continue knocking, the door will open.
VIOLET: But what
are some of the specific points or lack of deliveries by Zanu-PF that will break
this deal on your part?
NELSON: Well look, I must emphasise that the deal is
now almost reaching final stages of consummation. We would not want to be
negative, we are very positive, we are exercising leadership in whatever we are
doing. We are not responding to what Zanu-PF is doing. If anything we are
driving the agenda, we would want to respond to the humanitarian challenges in
the country, we would want to respond to the rupture in our society, the
acrimony in our society politically, we would want to respond to the economic
bleeding and haemorrhage so that people begin to see a new phase of life. People
will not simply have hope and we need to inject that hope in their lives.
I
must say that in terms of what you are saying, what is going to break things, we
have said that before the swearing in, we want to see movement on the aspect of
the abductees. We have said that before the swearing in we would want to make
sure that the issue of governance is clearly finalised so that we are clean and
clear as to the direction we are taking. So we are also watching events over the
weekend and also the early part of the next week. We will be making the
necessary positions that are going to ensure that we don’t short change those
who have been abducted, those who have had their lives violated and their
security threatened.
VIOLET: Priscilla, let me come to you as a member of
this implementation committee, can you tell us what JOMIC is doing about the
charges against the political detainees?
PRISCILLA: Well, what JOMIC is, it’s
not a negotiating forum, so basically, whilst we have people that are coming
from the three political parties, it’s supposed to be a forum in which you try
and solve the problems as amicably as possible. We also realise that part of why
we were having the false starts that we were having is this continuous - and I
am glad to speak to Nelson, clearly we are not speaking around issues of
conditionality, we are not saying that unless something has been done then this
will not happen. Because that was something that was underlined and emphasised
at the last SADC summit by the SADC Heads of State because it usually does not
take us anywhere because this person says I won’t do this unless this is done
the other person does the same.
So basically, JOMIC is trying to be a forum
in which, whilst people are coming from the different political parties, but you
are basically using that forum to begin to speak as partners, as people who are
working towards a one particular goal. Because some of the problems that we
experience really are more to do sometimes with lack of communication,
sometimes, not knowing who to speak to at any given time. So JOMIC really is a
space in which - and I’ll go back to the issues you were talking about, the
issues around the abductees, to the issue that we are no longer speaking about
them as; ‘you did this against me’. But basically saying we want to build a
different society, we want to build a different Zimbabwe , how do we begin to
deal with the past and some of the problems that we faced
before.
Acknowledging the point that when we did that political agreement,
part of what we then said was that we’re not going to give a blanket amnesty.
Anybody who is involved or has been involved or alleged to have been involved in
anything will have to go through the processes - the legal processes. But also
acknowledging that even those legal processes maybe problematic because of the
history where we’re coming from in the context.
We are actually beginning to
look at how do we deal with that situation without necessarily ourselves, and I
think I am speaking for a lot of people that have been in the democratic
movement, part of what we have been saying is that the cornerstone and the
fundamentals - that Brian was talking about - are the issues to do with rule of
law. And we should never have a situation where, for any reason, we are saying
anybody who has done anything should go for free, should be left to just go
without facing the rule of law, but within a particular context.
So we are
discussing a whole range of all those things. What is there right now in terms
of the abductees, there are some that we can actually say we know where they
are, so you can identify, you know they are in particular place. There are some
who are not known so we need to begin to discuss about those who are not known.
We have families who are saying this person was taken we don’t know where they
are. But really it is something we are trying to do within that small setting
and we are trying to be very sensitive about it so I can’t go into details in
terms of how we are going to be dealing with some of the issues because it may
actually create problems in terms of some of the things that we may be able to
do and some of the people that we think we may speak to in terms of using them
to influence some of the things that we are talking about.
But I think what I
want to emphasise is that unlike the negotiation group where we literally were
putting positions as MDC and Zanu-PF, in this JOMIC, we literally are saying we
are the people that are responsible for making sure that this agreement works,
how can we be pro-active. So it’s not a place in which you just bring
complaints, it’s also a place in which you begin to say to yourself, what can we
do to make things better?
For example, the issues around the hate speech. By
tomorrow, we are calling all the media houses and we are going to have a
conversation with them about how we as politicians sometimes are responsible for
perpetuating the kind of language that does not take us to a new Zimbabwe, to a
new future, how do we do it differently, but how do we bring the media also,
people like yourself Violet, to begin to create spaces and forums in which there
is a certain positive way of looking at where we want to go, instead of the kind
of language that we have been used to in terms of the last 20 to 25 years or so.
So that is what I say around JOMIC.
VIOLET: You know Priscilla, some people
would say you sound very optimistic about this deal working, but still, is there
something you know that most people don’t actually know about, because if we are
to go with the events on the ground, it seems nothing has really changed. It
seems Zanu-PF does not seem to be behaving as partners. Only today the treason
trial of the MDC Secretary General and the MDC ’s chief negotiator Tendai Biti
has been set for May and this is happening despite the fact that there will be a
unity government. Now given that the treason charges emanate from this dispute,
what ought to be the approach, or JOMIC’s approach?
PRISCILLA: Exactly and
this is why I emphasised the point, you have things that are technically legal
huh?
And I am sure that Brian would assist in this particular process - the
moment you have started certain legal processes, it may not be as easy as waking
up in the morning and saying it’s no longer there. That’s not to say that you
are able to use other processes and negotiations, to make sure that there are
conversations that take place within a particular context. But I think it would
be problematic because if you were to use that then you might as well use that
same rule to then say all those people that killed, that shot people, that burnt
people’s homes should just go scot-free. And I don’t think we want that
that.
We had this conversation as negotiators around whether we should look
at a blanket amnesty and say because we are coming from a political history
perhaps we should just look at issues to do with a blanket amnesty and we all
agreed and said it may not be fair - perhaps the people of Zimbabwe need to have
this conversation as a society, as a nation to say where do we go and what do we
do?
But I’m saying, in acknowledging that particular point that you want to
deal with the fundamentals of the rule of law, you also want to say, even within
that context of the rule of law, there are problematic issues. For example,
there are questions around the judiciary; you cannot run away from it. So you
can’t deal with these issues in isolation. You have to deal with them within a
particular context, they have to be holistic but the underlining factor should
be - is there a commitment from those that are party to this agreement.
That
in fact what we want to achieve is to transform ourselves from where we have
been to what it is that we want. And it takes all of us.
And I agree and I
also agree with Nelson, for a regime that killed 20 000 people in Matabeleland ,
I would be stupid to believe that I am going into this thing because I trust
Zanu and because I think they are good people. We literally are at the table
precisely because we don’t trust these people but we are trying to create an
environment that would allow us to begin to build a new society and it takes
time Violet. It’s not like switching on the light and saying because the police
were beating people yesterday, the very next day they are not going to be
beating people.
There are processes and if you look at the GPA there are
things that we agreed we would have to do, a retraining, a re-conscientisation -
a complete transformation of certain institutions, of certain behaviours,
because we have lived for years under a society in which all these things did
not matter anymore. It is unfair for anybody to say from September 15 where you
signed this, everything should just wake up tomorrow morning and it will be
different. And it is precisely for that reason that some of us believe people
have to get into this inclusive government, if only to give ourselves space,
give ourselves breathing space, give ourselves time and some of us to begin to
do transformational work.
VIOLET: Brian, your thoughts?
BRIAN: I have
listened to my colleagues carefully, thinking that perhaps I may have been wrong
before, but having listened to the two of them, I’m more persuaded than I was
last week that my views were correct. Let me start with Nelson’s theory of
leadership that there is such great misery, the only option is to go in, sit
with the primary cause of the misery and craft a path to heaven. If you recall
Abel Muzorewa’s justification in 1978 was based on the misery that the war had
caused, and you only need to read history, if you Google search and you go back
to the 1978 internal settlement, the justifications were: the war had gone on
for too long, ordinary people were being killed, were dying, the violence was
destabilising neighbouring states, economic development was hampered.
Number
two, ZAPU’s logic in 1987 for going into the unity government - mind you - ZAPU
unlike the MDCs was in a slightly better position. They even had a military,
this was the ZIPRA formation. They went in, they did much better, they got the
Vice Presidency even the chairpersonship off of Zanu-PF, they got some key posts
including this Home Affairs that can’t be given to anyone else and ironically
Violet, Mugabe did not get to say sorry to the 20 000 people or their families
that Priscilla referred to earlier on, that died in Matabeleland. The argument
of ZAPU was that if they went in then this would bring development into
Matabeleland which had been ravished by civil war and had remained
underdeveloped.
Sadly the people in that region of the country are still
yearning to see that reality, 1987 was a long time away. We can either say those
from ZAPU who went into the unity government in 1987 lacked vision or
leadership. Or we can say that this serves us - as Priscilla and Chamisa rightly
say - a relationship is first and fundamentally about trust and secondly about
enforceability of your ambitions, even when trust is at its minimum. The
currency must be drawn from how do you enforce or can you enforce.
I’ve heard
my colleagues admit that because the coercive arms of state are safely in the
hands of Zanu-PF, that we are not going to see transformation of political
culture and conduct of the armed forces anytime soon. I’ve heard them talk about
the judiciary; Priscilla says it is a problem - civil society activists would
have stronger words on how law has become a dirty word in Zimbabwe . If you are
seen to be non-compliant to differ as I am happily doing now, you most probably
are likely to be vilified.
Take the Tendai Biti case for example. It is clear
that the charge of treason itself is in any other part of the world, laughable
and the State is at liberty to withdraw a case before trial, there hasn’t been a
trial yet, and as a gesture of goodwill, they could have withdrawn; it was a
trumped up charge by a regime which had lost an election in March and feared.
And what was the Tendai Biti statement?
That the MDC had won the March
election and that therefore the MDC would declare itself a winner. And if that
qualifies as treason I don’t know what doesn’t.
And then you go to the
Jestina Mukoko and others. Unless there is evidence that’s been presented,
cogent evidence, if the charges are based on all the stuff that we have read and
seen and heard, then it is clear that the state, presently the Zanu led state,
knows it has no basis to detain some of the people who are in detention and that
it doesn’t need magic to withdraw those charges - even after the
attorney-general who has publicly declared that he’s a Zanu-PF activist, could
simply say listen, these charges are unsustainable and they know that they are
unsustainable.
So we move beyond the rule of law question, let’s go to the
money issue, the Gono factor. OK, I’ve nothing personal against the good
governor and his lottery economy theories but one of the fundamentals why people
are in the misery they are in is because of bad policy decisions, terrible
policy decisions…
PRISCILLA: Can I butt in?
Can I butt in, sorry Brian but
I think …
BRIAN: Can I finish please?
PRISCILLA: I just wanted to say this
…
BRIAN: Can I finish the idea?
PRISCILLA: OK.
BRIAN: If you are
waiting for transition the parties have agreed, I was baffled that we proceeded,
because this deal was going to take just a few days before its finalisation, we
proceeded to issue a new monetary statement number one, we proceed to issue a
new budget OK?
And there’s absolutely no logic, why that new budget could not
have waited for the substantive new Minister of Finance and for the inclusive
government to make those decisions. The fundamental decisions were made under
the new budget that altered the direction again, and one can look at
enforceability, can look at whether it is progressive or not.
Essentially
these are golden handcuffs because in the spirit of cooperation people are going
to say, to use a Chamisa term, to show leadership by not concentrating on how
some of these monetary statement pronouncement or the budget may be a major
restraint to reconstruction - so irrespective of whether or not you are taking
out the governor or leaving the governor there.
So for me, the issue was
never, and I have been consistent in this Violet, and that is why I disagree
with my brother Chamisa. I was never fixated by who becomes governor. I’m very
conscious and familiar of the functions of governors. I don’t see how the
functions of governors necessarily deal with the humanitarian crisis in the
country. The reason why aid agencies, the reason why humanitarian support was
not getting to the people is that the government consciously stopped that aid
getting to the people. How do you resolve it?
The government can simply make
a decision - the inclusive government - that aid can now come to the
people.
Number two, the economic crisis: I don’t think you resolve it by
making sure that this 5-4-1 principle that Chamisa (talked about), these matters
are matters of relevance to the political party as a political party and around
political power.
Government is run by functionaries and bureaucrats. The
discussion of what happens to the bureaucrats, the actual technical staff under
the ministerial direction hasn’t even been on the table as far as we know
it.
And just to answer Chamisa, I’m surprised the MDC issued an official
statement circulated on the internet ahead of the SADC summit, saying there was
a document that had been leaked, indicating that SADC would not alter its
position, that SADC would try and whip the MDC into line. I did not issue that
document; it was issued by the MDC circulated ahead of the SADC summit. I am
aware, I was somewhere near Pretoria , of the fact that people went in, had
discussions one by one, but fundamentally SADC stuck to its decision.
Right?
PRISCILLA: No.
BRIAN: Zanu stuck to its decision.
CHAMISA: But
that is not correct.
BRIAN: Frankly as a lawyer, the question of whether or
not you had Amendment number 19 enacted first or after the inauguration is an
argument in futility.
CHAMISA: Nooo.
BRIAN: In fact if there was an
agreement Amendment number 19 would regulate operations of the Prime Minister’s
office or the executive authority, it really makes no real difference whether
you pass it the day after or the day before the inauguration.
VIOLET: Brian,
let me go to Priscilla first, and then to Chamisa to respond to your
statement.
PRISCILLA: Yes I was just going to say very, very quickly, and to
some extent, I’m finding this very frustrating. The issue of how bad Zanu-PF is,
is no longer the issue. We would not be in the situation that we are in right
now if we did not have the kind of regime like Zanu-PF. So that is understood,
we know the regime we are talking about, which is why I’m saying, I’m not saying
we shouldn’t worry about the things that have happened, right now the people who
are being abducted, the people who have been beaten up. But I’m saying for me,
what happened in ’85, ’86, ’87 showed everybody - it’s unfortunate that the
world at that time did not think it was important - that you would have people
who would cut open women’s tummies if they were pregnant and killed 20 000
people.
For me it is a clear sign that we are dealing with a regime that is
bad, that will not care about what happens to the people of Zimbabwe , but
precisely because of that, this is where we are here. So the question for me is
not about how bad Zanu-PF is, we can sit here and talk about what they have
done, the question, the fundamental question and that is what I would like Brian
to tell me is what exactly he thinks should have happened, other than the
negotiation process, what else should have happened?
Because for me what I
saw were Zimbabweans getting out in droves from Zimbabwe , to Botswana , to
Kenya , to wherever. What I saw is an inability to even begin - and Brian will
know the number of times that we tried to mobilise people to get into the
streets because we thought it probably an alternative to get this system out. So
it is not out of a lack of not having tried any other process. People were then
forced to begin to say perhaps this is the other alternative to achieve the
things that we have always wanted. To begin to come up with a new constitution
like Chamisa says. To begin to create transformational institutions that will
make sure that we will never again be subjected to a person like Robert Mugabe
or to a regime like Zanu-PF.
So if he can tell me that there is something
that was an alternative, was a plan ‘B’, that would ensure that we would wake up
in the morning and we would not have Zanu-PF or Robert Mugabe I want to know
that because I personally, as Priscilla, would jump to that point. I don’t want
to be sitting across from people I know I can’t trust. People that I know are
waiting to go and get somebody and throw them into prison. I don’t like that.
Can we be clear about what else could have been done differently because we want
that other alternative?
VIOLET: OK we’ll come to that, I’ll ask Brian that
question but let me go first to Chamisa for his reaction.
NELSON: Well I just
wanted to remind my brother Brian that yes, it’s good to give Muzorewa and
ZAPU’s as examples, but just to remind him we are not Muzorewa, we are not ZAPU.
Yes my brother, it is good to be pessimistic, to be cautious, but you must
remember that for the benefit of the people, at times pessimism is erosive and
corrosive. It gets you shackled and manacled, that you then failed to even
realise that which you are able to do. It undermines your capacity and your
ability to unleash your very potential.
And I just want to say as far as we
are concerned we are conscious of the accident of history, the ones you have
given, but the issue of the humanitarian challenge that you say we won’t be able
to respond to, we are going to be firmly in charge of the ministry that is going
to superintend and shepherd the work of all the non-governmental organisations.
And we believe that as government we are going to allow for the humanitarian
support to flow in the country for the benefit of ordinary people. We are going
to eliminate the use of food as a political weapon - which has been the ailment
of this regime.
We are going in terms of cost, of the issue of making sure
that we have a political party blind strategy of reaching out to people in the
rural areas in terms of food. We are going to achieve that and I can assure you
if you have any doubts, come in two weeks time when we are in government, then
you will see what we are capable of doing.
The second issue, you have said
that we did not address the issue of bureaucracy, permanent secretaries and
those who work in government. We did but we can’t exhaust all these issues.
There are other issues that are matters of strategy. They would not want to be
put on the marketplace of argumentation and contestation because it doesn’t
really help. But we have exhausted this matter and I think if you ask my sister
Priscilla she will tell you that this matter is a matter that was quite dominant
in the discussions, we resolved on this matter and we have a solution to this
matter.
But just to conclude what was said by my sister Priscilla, it’s good
to say that what we have as a strategy on the table, what we have adopted is not
good enough, but it’s also important when we criticise to have a palpable,
credible solution set - what I would call a progress matrix. What we are all
going to say indeed, this is the best way forward for our people. You know that
we have scars; you know that we have lost friends, relatives, brothers and
sisters because of this struggle. We have been in this struggle, we are in this
struggle, and we shall be in this struggle until a new Zimbabwe is
achieved.
So for those who may believe that possibly what they are seeing is
ourselves migrating from the founding objectives of the Movement and the
peoples’ struggle I can tell you that that is not correct. We are still on and I
am sure that with our collective energy, our collective determination, we are
going to overcome and we shall overcome. God is on our side, time is on our
side, the people are on our side and of course history though with some
variations is on our side
VIOLET: Now Brian we have heard your argument but
you haven’t provided any solutions, what options did the MDC have prior to the
SADC meeting?
BRIAN: I did. No I have never put the SADC meeting as an option
platform. In the interview last week I said openly I have never been opposed to
negotiations. Chamisa knows that even when the MDC itself was not talking
negotiations, I was already talking, that no single party can run the country
alone, so negotiations may be part of a road map. If you take the road map that
Chamisa talked about, you got elections before negotiations and those elections
gave you a majority over Zanu. OK?
Which many in the MDC did not believe;
once again Violet you will recall I was on your programme a few days before the
March election and I did say I had been in Zimbabwe and my prediction is Mugabe
will be shocked by the rural vote and that the MDC would do better than it even
thought itself. And I even indicated that the electoral, I said over and over
again on this programme, that no single tactical strategy, so it wasn’t just the
streets alone that would deliver, it wasn’t just the elections alone that would
deliver and it wasn’t just the negotiation alone.
My fundamental objection is
this, whichever one of these three that you apply, ZANU got all its fundamentals
squarely assured and fixed. Fundamentals around its concern with the security
apparatus immediately and not postponed to the future. Fundamentals around land
clearly secured.
What were our fundamentals?
And Chamisa is right. I can
pull out several of his interviews and Priscilla’s - fundamentals on the
question of the rule of law, justice and democracy. Ours are contingent upon
certain events happening in the future. I think that in terms of saying we have
secured a victory there we will be kidding ourselves.
Number two,
fundamentals about recreating an economy: I said last week, the ministries
responsible for an economic turnaround, that is how our new Zimbabwe will come
about, not simply by ensuring that Zimbabweans now have food that they don’t
have because a regime simply ordered that they shouldn’t get food. But
fundamentals of how do you reconstruct an economy, how do you reindustrialise,
the levers for reindustrialisation, for economic turnaround are not anywhere
within the opposition’s control. Right?
VIOLET: But Brian, how do you get
control of these things?
The MDC have tried the streets, they’ve tried
negotiations, they’ve tried elections…
BRIAN: That’s why I said they should
have negotiated stronger on that because we are being sidetracked on that, we’ve
got governors, we got this. I’m saying there were clear five principles for the
MDC which were the core for the party’s five founding doctrines. And for you to
move forward, if you are negotiating saying we have reached a deal that is
workable, at least you have to be certain and I’m saying that an economic
turnaround and redevelopment there’s no certainty. The economy and the levers of
the economic turnaround were negotiated away. When justice…
PRISCILLA:
ButViolet, can I just ask Brian this quick question, perhaps I’m just not
getting it. Somebody needs to explain to me how Zanu-PF with the kind of people
that we know work in Zanu-PF will be able to sit in a cabinet where they are
fifteen and there are sixteen combined MDC progressive individuals, how Zanu-PF
will still be able to push the kind of policies that they’ve pushed before
without being challenged?
BRIAN: That’s easy.
PRISCILLA: And I sit here
and I say that…
BRIAN: Easy. Last week I gave you the
example...
PRISCILLA: Can I finish?
And I have actually been jokingly
saying part of what I find fascinating is the fact that you find a real male,
young, vibrant, intelligent, thinking that it would not be possible to go toe to
toe with the kind of the Mutasas, the John Nkomos, the Mudenges who from what
we’ve known of them have done absolutely nothing when they go to this cabinet.
This is a cabinet that now has executive power. This is a cabinet that now has a
Prime Minister. So can somebody explain to me why it would not be possible to
sit in that room and begin to table and interrogate certain policies?
Let’s
not go back to what has happened to Gono and to Chinamasa because I can also go
back to that particular issue. The reason why we discussed this and we discussed
this at JOMIC when we met - the reason why we had to reach a compromise about
them tabling this thing is because they came back to us and said we need, by the
constitution of Zimbabwe, to have tabled the budget by the 31 st. We then said
there should be no debate, as far as we are concerned, you can table it but when
the new Minister of Finance comes in to play. That Minister of Finance is able
to come back and re-craft a completely new budget.
Yes I agree there are
certain policies that could have been put into place like the changes around the
dollar etc, etc. But in my opinion the moment you do have an inclusive
government and you have proof of the kind of people that I’ve known participate
in some of these political parties, I find it completely unbelievable that young
people can actually be afraid of going to sit in a room with tired old men that
we have seen in Zanu. I can understand them using coercive instruments, the
police, whoever, but if we are going to be sitting in a room in a meeting it
will be interesting to see how somebody would be able to table the kind of tired
policies without those policies being challenged.
I need to be educated
unless people know something else that I don’t know, because I, as a person who
has been a Member of Parliament, the only reason why Zanu-PF would beat us in
parliament would be because there would be more of them, they would just
basically say handei tino vhota - let’s go and vote. And that is how we’d lose
it. But in terms of the technical, intellectual discussions they would not be
able to challenge even the things that will be putting onto the table. So I need
to understand how 16 people against 15 will at least fail to begin to deliver or
to interrogate the kind of things that these people will be bringing onto the
table. I can’t.
BRIAN : I’m hoping that the two MDC twins have reached an era
of agreement, where they agree on all things. That 15 against 16 number could
become a curse and not a blessing, a sort of bickering, so the first assumption
you make is that the MDCs will always agree on all issues - the two MDCs. And
the last few months don’t necessarily suggest that it will necessarily always be
so. OK?
PRISCILLA: It doesn’t have to be.
BRIAN : Ya. Number two, this is
about power politics by the way. ZAPU was in government when they were arrested
with such significant representation and so Chamisa, my reference to Muzorewa
and Nkomo was not to suggest you are that but history’s our best schoolmaster,
especially with the consistent history dealing with the same characters.
And
Priscilla, this is not a deification of the badness of Zanu. You all talked
glibly about strategy. In strategy Sun Tzu says ‘you must know your enemy better
than you know yourself’. OK?
And in this particular matter, I have already
demonstrated the key levers by which power flows. What will you do if you are
unhappy for example with a decision made by Zanu in the component of the
ministry it controls?
Have an argument in cabinet?
Argue ad
infinitum?
How will you restrain because there is no power that says when you
have this argument what will you do - you take it to Parliament, take it to
Senate?
The mechanisms you have in place are tedious so you will be lost in
argument…
PRISCILLA : Brian but it’s true of every cabinet…
BRIAN: …and in
this particular instant…
PRISCILLA : What you are saying is true of every
cabinet…
BRIAN: No…
VIOLET: Brian hold on.
PRISCILLA : You are not
seeking to create a choir. I think it will be healthy. If you go back Brian very
quickly to the budget that Zanu-PF presented if you didn’t see panic in that
budget I don’t know what else you will be able to see - the amount of policy
changes that are in that budget. We may not agree with them but for me it was
indicative of a party that realises it could not continue to do business as
usual and for me that it the point I’m trying to raise.
There is also a
realisation in Zanu that you cannot continue to do the things in the manner that
you’ve done it before. That is why we have fought with Zanu over the years. All
of a sudden they come back - ZINWA (water authority)?
You would have thought
that these people were not hearing, but that for me is a clear sign.
And I
can tell you that even in terms of talking to some of the Zanu people, part of
their biggest challenge right now is that they know that we will have a lot of
young, intelligent, progressive individuals that are going to be getting into
that cabinet and that you cannot continue to bring the kind of deadwood that
they’ve had, but because of the political dynamics in Zanu, they might not be
able to have that fundamental shift.
And for me Brian, you guys out there,
you guys in civic society, you guys who think you can assist, that’s what we
should be talking about. How do we capacitate the guys that are going to go
in?
How do we ensure that when you put up certain policies, they are
pro-poor, pro- all the things we have spoken about as people who are in this
struggle?
That is the question.
And like Chamisa was saying, more of that
positive and not negative - we are not saying don’t critique them, by all means
do because you are warning those people who are going in. But whilst you do that
also begin to say we are prepared to be doing this, we are prepared to be giving
you the technical support, we are prepared to do the technical backup, we are
prepared to begin to say to you how are you going to be able to put your
policies in such a way that you can move or you can run with that.
I think
that’s what this new government needs. And to some extent it’s a plea, to say
it’s not as if the people went to this negotiating table to give away things. It
was not fun to be sitting around with these guys for all these years. It was
difficult and it was painful but it was the best that we could bring at this
particular point in time. How do you begin to strengthen that - that we are
bringing to you guys?
VIOLET: Priscilla…
PRISCILLA: But if you beat us up
every minute, you tire us out.
VIOLET : Priscilla we have been receiving a
lot of emails from listeners and readers about this whole power sharing deal and
some people are finding it difficult to understand how this inclusive government
actually works and they’re asking on what basis is a party like yours, which
lost in the elections, derive legitimacy to play a sensitive national role. How
would you respond to that?
PRISCILLA: There’s a difference between Priscilla
as an individual losing a constituency to a political party losing. These
particular negotiations were premised on the fact of the March elections which
we all agree are the only legitimate elections that we can talk about. And out
of those elections, there were three political parties that came out. Yes, we
had the least number of seats, but those seats were also premium to some extent,
because we have a hung parliament, so those particular seats are premium seats
because they then give you more power to be able to move the two who under
normal circumstances probably would not have agreed.
In fact the role that we
played in this was because we had the deciding vote so to say. It was possible
to go and engage with our colleagues in the MDC , to also engage with Zanu so
that they can begin to have a compromise position.
So yes I know it is
difficult to be able to understand how those that seemingly are weak beginning
to play the same kind of role as those that are seen to be big. But the world
over when you have coalitions - infact you’ll find smaller parties who in
essence have a vote that can swing a hung parliament in the manner that this one
came out, become even much more powerful because they do have certain bargaining
power. But I think that what is important is to begin to separate a Priscilla in
a constituency and a Priscilla who is a leader in a political party and as such
can go and sit as a legitimate negotiator.
So we do have the legitimacy to do
so, we do have the seats to be able to sit at that table, and I believe we did
play a good role. I mean I can’t be a judge of whether it was the best role for
us to play but we remain faithful to certain principles which is why on one
other day you’d find that we would be in total agreement with our colleagues in
the MDC Tsvangirai, on the other you’d find that we would have a disagreement
with them. And we think it is healthy, it is important as long as you are clear
on what principle you are standing and we will remain so.
Which is why I was
saying to Brian, you do not need a choir to go into that cabinet. But from what
I know in terms of the fundamentals of our policies as the two MDC formations
because basically we have not changed our policies whether it is RESTART whether
it is all those policies, we still firmly believe in them and if the fight in
cabinet is going to be about policies, it’s going to be about the pro-poor they
are going to be progressive, I don’t see us having disagreements at least on
matters of principle, values and policies. I can see a difference with
ZANU…
NELSON: Ya.
PRISCILLA: … which is why we are not in Zanu-PF. I can
see that the two of us working very well which is why at least when I’m talking
about cabinet, I do the 16 vs 15.
VIOLET : Chamisa, what are your thoughts on
what Priscilla has just said and also on the issue of the Mutambara MDC holding
the balance of power in this whole game?
NELSON: Well we believe that
Zimbabwe is too great a country with sufficient political space for all of us to
play our role and play our part. I believe our colleagues in the Mutambara group
have a role to play and I also believe that others who are not in political
parties but who are in the civic movement have wisdom, voices of reason that we
need to embrace. The reason why we are where we are is because we have become
obscurantists as a country and also as a leadership, we don’t entertain that
variety of ideas, that divergence of opinions. I think for example what you are
doing Violet, it has to be acknowledged and we need to thank you because we need
to have a discussion of all these different ideas, to have an osmosis of those
ideas, let the best idea dominate. And I think that is the best way to go.
So
I have no problems because I know people may complain here and there but this
thing is a compromise arrangement - where we are saying it’s a temporary
arrangement. We have had a tyre puncture, we need to make sure that our vehicle
called Zimbabwe gets from point A to point B; for it to get there, we need
everyone so that we are able to help each other and one another to move to that
position.
And I must say that we are not under any illusion Violet that the
climb is going to be steep, that the journey’s going to be tough and the swim is
going to be rough. We know that it is a very difficult challenge but we have to
deploy our might and name to make sure that we do something for our country, we
do something for prosperity. We are possibly going to be victims of what we have
done, because people may feel that we have made the wrong decision, but I can
tell you, that what we are going to create and what we are going to give birth
to is a democratic Zimbabwe, anchored on institutions of justice, of prosperity,
of democracy and we are not in any way going to regret the decision we have made
because we have made this decision selflessly in the interests of our
country.
In fact what you must also realise it that as the MDC by going into
this inclusive government, we do not think this inclusive government is a
one-way street. We have an exit capacity or exit strategy. We have the reverse
gear in abundance. If we are not comfortable or happy with it we have other
options that we are going to pursue - but ours is a conviction that we are
fighting a democratic struggle and that democratic struggle is what model we are
calling incremental democratisation.
If you look at our struggle since 1999
we have managed to gain certain zones of autonomy we need to guard them, we need
to maintain them and I think we have managed to do that and we need to continue
to make sure that we achieve what we want. And I must say that where we are, I
think we are in the right direction, we are going to stay the course and I can
assure you, come two weeks time the situation in this country is going to be
very different. We’ll try to change like I told you, we are not joining to be
the same we are joining to make a difference.
VIOLET : Now you know Nelson,
the AU has called for the removal of targeted sanctions, what is your position
of sanctions?
NELSON : Well look, it is the wish of the AU, it has to be
respected. We have said that the issue of sanctions is an issue between the
yester-years regime of Mr Mugabe and Zanu-PF and the countries that imposed the
sanctions because of a deficit of good governance, because of a deficit of good
behaviour -in terms of how inter state relations were undertaken. But as a new
inclusive government we are going to make sure that in the standing of nations
we are not going to be found wanting. We need to make sure we are a civilised
nation, internationally and globally, whatever we do we should not be found to
be committing sins of commission or omission in terms of violating the people’s
rights, undermining the security of persons or even threatening the fundamental
and basic freedoms of the people. So those are the issues we need to make sure
that we put in place.
As regards to the yester year wrongs it is up to
Zanu-PF, we are trying to help them remedy their mistakes, we hope their
mistakes are going to be resolved and they are going to be willing partners in
us trying to clean up their mess. You know that, my brother Brian was saying
look you can’t work with the problem but at times when the problem is part of
the solution you will have to make sure that you emphasise more the solution
part of the problem than the problem part of the problem and that is where we
are.
VIOLET : But Nelson on the issue of sanctions, what spurred them on were
also issues to do with human rights violations and correct me if I’m wrong, the
GPA ties you and even the Mutambara MDC to this. According to the GPA it is
asking for you to campaign for the removal of this, will you campaign for the
removal of sanctions?
NELSON : We don’t need to carry a campaign in words or
to issue resolutions or communiqués or government position on the lifting of
sanctions. What is going to lift sanctions and what is going to remedy our
relations that are ruptured with the international community is our conduct, our
behaviour as a government and that government has to make sure that we meet
certain minimum basic standards that are acceptable internationally, so it’s not
a question of trying to shout about the need to lift sanctions, that will not
improve our relations. What will improve our relations is our conduct, our
behaviour, the way we respect our citizens. You know that in any democracy the
most important office is the office of the citizen. We need to respect those
citizens and that way we earn our admiration and respect and honour in the
family of nations.
VIOLET : And Priscilla briefly, what is your position on
sanctions?
PRISCILLA: Well the position is like Chamisa has articulated, but
I should just emphasise the point that I think no-one is joining a Zanu-PF
government, I think we need to emphasise that. We are forming an inclusive
government. It’s a rebirth, it’s something new and whenever you give something
new, you set certain principles, certain values of how you are going to engage
with the international community and we hope it is on that basis of the new
values, the new principles that we set up that the international community will
begin to engage with us. So I don’t think it is necessary to go back to what
Zanu-PF did because they did it as an entity, as Zanu-PF. What we are now going
to have is a new Zimbabwe, a new government, an inclusive government because I
keep getting people saying these things about oh you are going into a government
of national unity, you are joining as if, there are two people that are coming
to join Zanu because Zanu is already sitting.
WE are setting a new thing and
I think what we emphasise as we engage with the international community is that
please acknowledge that this is a new thing, these are our principles, these are
our values, so when you judge us, judge us on this particular partnership and
the new principles and values that we have set up. And I think if we look at it
in that light, then it becomes a different discussion a different context
altogether.
VIOLET : Before I get a final word from Brian, let me go back to
Nelson. What are your plans as a party around staking a claim to the Ministry of
Information, given its enormous strategic value and historic failure under the
Mugabe regime?
NELSON : Well unfortunately, or I don’t know whether I should
say fortunately, the Ministry of Information is going to be under Zanu-PF, but
this is not going to mean a lot. I’m sure my dear colleague - Honourable
Misihairabwi indicated the decisions are going to be made by the cabinet. The
cabinet has executive authority and I believe that whatever policy is going to
be taken by this inclusive government, possibly I’ll not be part of that
government because I’ve not been appointed, I’m not clairvoyant, I don’t know if
I’m going to be - but those who are going to be in this government have a duty
and obligation to make sure that we restore fundamental freedoms, media freedom
being one of the most critical,, bench marks, going to be used to yardstick or
mark the progress that has been made by this inclusive government.
So it is
our view that the policy of government is going to try and help the
liberalisation of the airwaves making sure that Zimbabwe is a safe stadium for
journalists to play the way they want. And I’m sure Violet, that once this
government starts to take shape and form you are going to be a happy guest to
this government. And I believe that we will to entertain you in this country.
Thank you.
VIOLET : Well that’s hard to believe! I’m sorry to be a sceptic
here, or cynical here Chamisa because when you told us that Zanu-PF is going to
remain with this ministry, it just sent alarm bells. I don’t know what our
listeners and our readers will think about that. Before I go to Brian,
Priscilla, are you going to have any position in government?
PRISCILLA : Ah
well, it’s not up to me, I may, I may not. You know this is the prerogative of
the various Principals, they make the appointments, it also depends on who is
in, who is out, so I really don’t know. But what I’m very sure about is that at
least on our part as a political party, we will certainly have good, committed,
principled people coming into that government.
VIOLET : Brian, a final
word.
BRIAN : We all love Zimbabwe dearly. We have all at various points
struggled for and continue to struggle for the ideal of a new Zimbabwe . And the
problem in Zimbabwe has no Zanu individuals as in chi- Zanu - the political
culture of intolerance, the political culture that has allowed pillage of
national resources, a corruption.
One of my major worries is not just the
continuity of the same - the old politics of vilification, of stone age
mentality that depends on who has a larger stick or a bigger stone to throw, but
it is the possibility that as we talk glibly about newness and because of the
shakiness of the foundations, questions of corruption of the new by the old,
questions of cooperation will become evident.
Priscilla asked would we lend
technical support?
Oh certainly if there’s consultation on how to make
pro-poor policies, consultation on critical issues, we’d happily do, they are
still our friends. Does this alter my scepticism on this marriage of
inconvenience?
No.
I think that I’m hopeful in the spirit of Zimbabweans
that have kept them struggling since the inception of the colonial state. I’m
hopeful in the spirit of Zimbabweans that has kept Zimbabweans alive even in the
harshest of conditions. We have some of the finest expertise across this globe
and on this continent and I’m sure that expertise, if you have a system that
respects it, it will lend itself to rebuild the country.
I’m not confident
even at the end of this interview that if the Information Ministry is still
safely in the hands of the old - which has the ability to tell truth or lies.
And nobody’s talking about un-banning SW Radio Africa and VOP. These things are
not to be done privately on our behalf. I think these things ought to be an open
conversation that these radio stations need to be un-banned. They are Zimbabwean
radio stations serving interests of the people who now say they are going into
government and Zimbabweans generally.
Number two, we need to think carefully,
between the sceptics and the optimists, Chamisa says the MDC has an exit
strategy, well we don’t know what that exit strategy is. The truth of the matter
is that an exit strategy is like a divorce, it is messy, it is disruptive and
the clearer the exit strategy is to the people of Zimbabwe , the better prepared
they are.
And I think that it’s not sufficient to say people are not blind.
It behoves any leadership to actually say, if the following are not fulfilled so
that the following is not an issue left to the whims of political leadership,
but that the following becomes a position of national consensus and consent.
Whether it is MDC Mutambara, MDC Tsvangirai or Zanu, people are able to say yes,
these fundamentals that would have triggered the exit have not been met.
They
say it is an interim arrangement. How interim is interim given the parlous
situation in Zimbabwe ?
Very soon we will be going into election campaigns.
The politics of positioning or posturing, and self interest are going to kick in
again.
I’m persuaded that Zimbabwe will survive in spite of and despite of
poor deals or bad deals, partly because the spirit and optimism of the people is
not anchored on this and I’m not going to anchor my optimism on bad foundations.
My optimism is in the people of Zimbabwe . My optimism is in the beauty of our
country and its expertise - the depth of the quality of its people. My
colleagues differ with me and I accept that this is part of the new culture we
are creating. We would rather differ here. But only time will tell, only time
will tell. I’ll be happy to apologise Violet should time prove me wrong. I hope
there’ll be the same courage on the part of our colleagues should time prove me
right.
VIOLET : OK. I’m afraid I have to end here. Thank you very much Brian
Kagoro, Nelson Chamisa and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga.
Comments and
feedback can be emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com
HARARE, 10 February 2009 (IRIN) - Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), says he has managed to win key concessions from President Robert Mugabe
ahead of being sworn into office as Prime Minister on 11 February.
Speaking in the capital, Harare, after he announced his ministerial
nominees to a government of national unity, Tsvangirai said most of the issues
that had stalled a power-sharing administration were being finalised.
MDC demands ahead of the formation of a new government included the
following:
- Fair distribution of provincial governors
- Release of
journalists and human rights activists detained on allegations of banditry
-
Equitable distribution of key ministries
- Enactment of the National
Security Council Law to replace the military-dominated Joint Operations Command
- Effect Constitutional Amendment 19, legalising Tsvangirai's appointment
- Review the appointments of Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor and the
attorney general.
Tsvangirai said out of the 10 provincial governors,
his party would be awarded five, based on the provinces where MDC registered a
majority in the March 2008 elections.
"We are going to get five
governors out of all the 10 and the issue is just being finalised. On the issue
of detained activists, we are working very hard to ensure that they are released
before the swearing into office," Tsvangirai said.
Parliament has
already passed Constitutional Amendment 19, which awaits the signature of
Mugabe, while the National Security Council Bill is before parliament.
Tsvangirai will become a member of the council, which will oversee the
operations of security forces that over the years have been accused of
terrorising opposition supporters.
However, Mugabe has refused to yield
on his control of the key ministries of defence, justice, foreign affairs,
information and local government. He said outstanding issues like the
appointments of the RBZ governor and attorney general would be discussed when
the MDC is in government.
Among Tsvangirai's cabinet nominees is MDC
secretary-general Tendai Biti as finance minister. Giles Mutsekwa, a former
pre-independence Rhodesian soldier, has controversially been named to co-lead
the ministry of home affairs. One MDC official described it as "waiving a red
flag at ZANU" and unnecessarily provocative.
Tension is also simmering
after Tsvangirai failed to name any MDC MPs from Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second
city, for cabinet positions. They won Bulawayo for Tsvangirai, beating off the
challenge of the breakaway MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara, who is to be
appointed deputy prime minister under the terms of the power-sharing agreement.
ff/oa
[END]
From: woza solidarity
Sent: Wednesday, February
11, 2009 1:42 AM
Subject: WOZA march for valentine's day - 10
arrested
Approximately 600 members of WOZA and MOZA demonstrated for
several blocks to Parliament in Harare today. The peaceful group sang as they
marched from the Karigamombe Centre up Kwame Nkrumah Ave, past the offices of
the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to Parliament. Riot police
stationed outside parliament allowed the demonstrators to leave their placards
and flyers at the entrance and disperse peacefully. However it has subsequently
emerged that eight WOZA women and 2 lawyers have been arrested.
A WOZA
press statement today says:-
‘Their arrest and arbitrary detention one
day before the swearing in of a new unity government in Zimbabwe clearly shows
that ZANU PF has no intention of changing its repressive way of
operating.,
During today’s march WOZA gave out candles and matches as
part of their campaign urging Zimbabweans not to just complain but to light the
darkness by continuing to be active in demanding social justice.
WOZASolidarity will be reflecting WOZA’s message on Saturday 14th Feb
outside Zimbabwe House, 429 the Strand, London. We urge all Zimbabweans and
sympathisers to join us and turn up the volume for social justice in Zimbabwe.