Mugabe sets election ball rolling with scathing attack on
Blair Fri 11 February 2005 HARARE - President Robert Mugabe today
launched his ruling ZANU PF party's campaign for next month's general
election with a blistering attack on British premier Tony Blair accusing him
of reneging on promises to fund land reform in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwean leader - who routinely steps up anti-West rhetoric before
elections in what analysts say is a cynical ploy to divert attention from an
embarrassing economic crisis - also attacked United States Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice accusing her of lying about Zimbabwe.
man (Blair) refused to honour the Lancaster House agreement although we had
agreed on it. It had been intact until that man came along," Mugabe said
kicking off what his party has dubbed an "Anti-Blair campaign."
Lancaster agreement was brokered between Mugabe and the late Joshua Nkomo's
liberation armies and Zimbabwe's former white rulers to bring independence
Under the agreement, London undertook to sponsor the
purchase of land from mostly British descendents for redistribution to
landless blacks. Britain later cut off funding after disagreeing with Harare
on the implementation of land reform with London accusing Mugabe of giving
most of the farms taken from whites to his cronies.
he began seizing white farmland without compensation in 2000 because Britain
had refused to provide the money. But critics say the cunning Zimbabwean
leader was only using a genuine grievance of land hunger to divert attention
of a restive electorate from an economic crisis blamed on his poor
"When Blair said I shall not give you money for land
reform, we also said we shall not buy land from white farmers. When he said
I shall keep my money, we also said we shall keep our land. He simply would
not perform his side of the contract," said Mugabe at a ceremony to launch
the campaign in Harare.
Turning on Rice who last month listed
Zimbabwe among the remaining "outposts of tyranny", Mugabe said: "She has
got to re-echo her masters' voice telling lies. If we were tyrannical, the
first person who would have lost his head would be Ian Smith (white
supremacist leader of Rhodesia before it became Zimbabwe)."
Mugabe also admitted that his chaotic and often violent land reform
programme has faced problems with senior ZANU PF and government officials
looting most of the best farms.
Critics say the land redistribution
exercise is responsible for consigning what was only a few years ago a net
food exporter into a donor-fed Zimbabwe, poor weather not
The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights
also criticised the government for gross human rights violations most of
them committed during the land seizures. The commission's report was adopted
by the African Union at its summit in Abuja, Nigeria early this
ZANU PF will battle it out with the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change party in March after the opposition party rescinded
earlier this month a decision to boycott the poll. - ZimOnline
HARARE, Feb. 11 (Xinhuanet) --
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe on Friday urged candidates for the March
parliamentary elections to represent and respect the electorate and to
desist from giving empty promises.
Speaking at the launch
of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) 2005
parliamentary campaign and the launch of the party's manifesto, the
president said leaders must be chosen by the people and should also come out
of the people.
"They should look at the needs of the people,
expound these needs and fulfill them. It is people's interest we stand for.
Remember it is not you who caused yourselves to be here but the people back
home who matter much more than you," he said.
warned candidates against vote buying and to desist from using clandestine
activities to get into parliament.
He said the people would
reject such a person once they discovered the deceit, adding that the people
were not a market where aspiring politicians sold themselves or bought
Parliamentary elections will be held on March 31,
which has been declared a holiday, with results to be announced on April 1.
New publication seeks to empower the diaspora and inform a
population denied access to information in the run up to the
By Alison Freebairn in London (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe
Elections No 06, 11-Feb-05)
Award-winning Zimbabwean journalist Colin
Nyamutanba really began to worry about his safety when he learned that his
name was on a "hit list" drawn up by President Robert Mugabe's thuggish War
Veterans. But when he found out he had also been singled out by the regime's
Central Intelligence Organisation, he knew that it was time to leave the
Three years to the day since he arrived in London with his new
bride and began a difficult life as an exile, Nyamutanba is celebrating the
February 10 launch of a new publication that hopes to give a voice to the
Zimbabwean diaspora as well as inform those inside the country.
Zimbabwean is the brainchild of former Daily News managing director Wilf
Mbanga, who has been living in Europe for the past two years and is
publishing the paper from his home in the south of England.
estimated that as many as half a million Zimbabweans are living in exile in
the UK, with a further two million in South Africa. The paper, which has an
initial print run of 120,000 copies, will have a British edition and one
published in Johannesburg.
Mbanga is quick to point out that the title's
role is not one of opposition activism. With parliamentary elections
scheduled for March 31, The Zimbabwean will seek to provide balanced
coverage of all platforms - even that of the ruling ZANU-PF, which enjoys a
monopoly on media coverage within the country.
"In Zimbabwe, there is
only one voice and all others are gagged, so it is important that
alternative viewpoints are heard," Mbanga told IWPR.
"If people are to
make a judgement they need to have all the facts at their disposal - and we
are going to provide those facts."
Mbanga has been founding independent
papers for the bulk of his professional life - moving on to a new venture
each time Mugabe's government moved to close the previous one
His last business was the hugely popular Daily News, which was
eventually shut down by the authorities in 2003, following a calculated
campaign of harassment and violence against members of staff.
his first foray into publishing as an exile and, aside from donations from
two non-governmental organisations in the Netherlands, it is being funded by
the Mbanga family's life savings. Clearly a lot is at stake for Mbanga
personally, but he insists that many of The Zimbabwean's contributors are
risking far more.
Around 60 journalists - both in Zimbabwe and in the
diaspora - have offered their services to the paper free of
Mbanga is full of praise for his "brave" team. "Even those
journalists who have come to the UK are still afraid of what the authorities
might do to them," he told IWPR.
"These people have been threatened,
dragged through police stations and beaten up just for doing their
Mugabe's introduction of the Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy Act, AIPPA, in March 2002 had made life increasingly difficult
for journalists, who were then required to apply to a state-appointed
commission for official registration. Hundreds of them were forced out of
work in this way, and many papers - including Mbanga's Daily News - were put
out of business.
The situation has deteriorated with the introduction
earlier this year of a series of amendments to AIPPA, which allow for prison
sentences of up to 20 years for journalists who write "falsehoods" which
damage the reputation of the authorities - and two years in jail for those
who work without official registration.
While the diaspora reporters
may be out of any physical danger, there is no statute of limitations or
date of expiry contained within the act, meaning that any exiled journalist
who is deemed to have "defamed" the president or his government could be
arrested the moment they set foot on Zimbabwean soil, even decades
As a result of this, the bulk of journalists who have offered to
write for The Zimbabwean - including Nyamutanba - will do so under a
In spite of the risks, exiled journalists in London, who
recently formed an association, are welcoming the opportunity to continue
writing about their country.
"It is marvellous for me to throw off
the bloodstained clothes of AIPPA, that evil legislation that affects every
aspect of our lives as journalists," said Nyamutanba, who still does not
know for certain if he is facing criminal charges as a result of his
"This an opportunity for me to contribute to
the establishment of a democratic future in my country, even though I cannot
live there at this time.
"We need a return to common sense and
respect for democratic values in Zimbabwe," he said. "If [we exiles] can
contribute to this, it will be a honour."
As the AIPPA law stands,
papers published outside Zimbabwe do not have to be registered with the
authorities - but Mbanga is well aware that this may change at very short
However, even if the print edition is eventually prevented from
hitting Zimbabwean newsstands, the title will still be accessible online
from mid-March at its website www.thezimbabwean.co.uk .
newspaper is a fantastic project, and a fine example of the extraordinary
resilience of the Zimbabwean diaspora," said Nyamutanba.
"I really hope
that it will help the people inside the country by bringing them the
information needed to make an informed choice. With luck it will become a
platform for freedom of expression and offer everyone an opportunity to
express how they feel."
One-party state the 'democratic' way By Chido
Makunike WE have learned many painful lessons about the political process
since Independence in 1980. We might suffer the misfortune of being ruled by
rulers who are more appropriate to a Middle Ages fiefdom than to a modern
nation, but it is teaching many of us some basic lessons that citizens in
older, more established nations take for granted.
The image of
"independence" we had was of a dispensation where prosperity would come as a
matter of course and we would never again have to fear retribution for what
we thought or said. Neither have turned out to be the reality of independent
Zimbabwe. As significant and offensive as the dividing line of a political
system based on minority rule was, we have learned that a bad leadership can
so twist the concept of majority rule that it can also have its own types of
In the 1980s when Robert Mugabe was quite honest about his
distaste for political plurality by openly pushing for a one-party state,
there was a collective sigh of relief when his wish was thwarted. But Mugabe
the ideologue found that he could have his one-party state anyway, without
having to declare it.
When the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) came onto the electoral scene with a bang in 2000, even those who felt
that the party had been robbed of an outright victory by a stacked electoral
process comforted themselves that at least we finally had a fully fledged
multi-party system. For the first time we had fairly well matched
parliamentary representation between two main parties.
disastrous rulers that so many had hoped would be deposed might have still
been in power, but it was thought that the powerful new opposition party
would provide effective checks and balances against the previous excesses of
the government. Many of us naively equated multi-partyism with democracy,
just as previously we had naively thought "majority rule" necessarily meant
fairness and prosperity for the majority.
Despite the MDC holding
close to half the seats in the outgoing parliament and the country therefore
being a "multi-party democracy" in that formal sense, this country has never
been more autocratic than it is now. So we are "independent" but full of
fear of the rulers and do not at all feel as free as we had hoped. We are a
"multi-party democracy" that goes all out to ensure that in reality our
freedom to choose our leaders has never been so restricted! Is this a messed
up situation or what?
"Ah, but if you think you are so clever in
trying to prove your usual argument that Mugabe is a despot, what do you say
about the fact that Zimbabwe has held all its elections according to
schedule since 1980? Regular elections are one of the hallmarks of a
Admittedly I used to think so too, until the brilliant
oppressor we have found a way to leave the rituals of elections in place
while subverting them so totally that the elections are now almost
Mugabe and Zanu PF have found that they do not need to
be so crude and blatant as to ban all opposition parties and declare a
one-party state as they would have liked to have done at one point. There
are far more sophisticated means of obtaining exactly the same result as a
one-party dictatorship while posing as democrats to the gullible who only
look at things on the surface.
Sure, hold elections on schedule every
few years. When the people are "correctly oriented" and willingly vote for
the ruling party, there is no problem, let those elections be held without
too much fuss.
But when it becomes increasingly clear that the
electorate is largely disgruntled and might very well vote "wrongly" for the
opposition, then before each election take the appropriate corrective
measures. Use intimidation, bribery, the threat of starvation and
impoverishment, violence - any means necessary to make sure the electorate
does what is expected of them on election day.
In any case,
regardless of what choices the voters make, if you control the
ballot-counting process through pliant bureaucrats, the outcome will be
whatever you want it to be.
If in spite of all this preparatory
work significant numbers of opposition politicians get into parliament, put
the whole state machinery in overdrive to make sure that their presence
there does not make any difference at all.
Ignore, insult, beat and
arrest them; periodically denounce them as enemies of the same people who
voted for them!
In other words, go through with the formal motions of
democracy as a massive fraudulent cover-up, but in practice subvert the true
meaning of democracy by any means possible.
This is what we face
as we prepare to vote in the general election in March. The electoral
environment has never been as uneven as it is now, the political environment
never as repressive. All the other factors that need to be in place to make
periodic elections a true function of a working democracy have been
constricted, leaving only the empty shell of the balloting process, itself
So another lesson in our slow, painful way to
eventual political maturity is that you can have elections, but without
*Chido Makunike is a regular contributor to the Zimbabwe
Diaspora vote saga sparks legal row By Makusha
Mugabe ZIMBABWEANS living in the United Kingdom who last week filed an urgent
application in the Supreme Court claming their right to vote from abroad are
basing their case on the various democracy and human rights instruments
which African Union and Southern African Development Community (Sadc)
leaders have adopted and ratified.
The action, brought by Diaspora
Vote Action Group (DVAG) is significant in that it is taken on behalf of an
estimated four million Zimbabwean adults who live outside the country. The
number is almost the same as that of voters inside the
Far from being a gimmick to disturb elections as Justice,
Legal and Parliamentary Affairs minister Patrick Chinamasa says, the DVAG
action was the result of a real frustration by Zimbabweans - mere
expatriates or migrant labourers in other countries - about why they were
excluded from the electoral process yet they so much wanted to influence
events in their own country.
Chinamasa seems to be labouring
under the mistaken belief that just because top Zanu PF officials are not
allowed in Europe or America because of their own misdeeds, Zimbabwean
citizens should have to give up their right to vote. The citizens have
nothing to do with the fight between Mugabe and British Premier Tony Blair
and US President George Bush. The Mugabe government should sort out its
problem with Europe and America, but Zimbabweans should still be able to
exercise their right to vote.
Zimbabwe's constitution allows citizens
registered on the voters' roll the right to vote, and once one is on the
voters' roll he/she cannot be removed unless he/she has taken the
citizenship of another country. While the expatriates may be free to go home
and vote, as Chinamasa suggests, at what cost would that be, and why should
it cost anything for one to go and vote instead of the government
facilitating the process by making it possible for people to vote at their
Besides regional countries like Mozambique, Botswana and
South Africa, the Iraq government recently even hired buses for its citizens
in the UK to go and vote at centres in Manchester, London and
In the democratic separation of powers that we are supposed
to be having in Zimbabwe, it is the courts which decide what applications or
actions constitute abuse of the court process, not Chinamasa who is part of
the executive. We look forward to meeting Chinamasa in court where the
judges will decide whether the application is an abuse of the court process
as he says.
The estimated population in Zimbabwe is 8,5 million
(12,5 million minus four million outside the country). Of this number about
half are children below 18 and the elderly in rural areas who may not be
able to go and vote (taking into consideration also that a large number in
the 20 to 40 age-group have died of HIV-related illnesses), which leaves
about four million voters inside the country making decisions for the rest
of the country, while another four million adult people are disenfranchised
by virtue of being outside the country looking for better
The fact that some of them, eg those in the UK, may be
able to vote in council elections in the places where they live does not
make them UK citizens. In fact it is recognition that while they are there
they might know someone who would make a good councillor for them and they
are given the right to vote. It certainly does not take away their
Advocate Beatrice Mtetwa's argument seems
unassailable; that just because one goes abroad for school or migrant work
so that he/she can build his/her dream-house in his home country does not
remove one's political affinity to his/her home. In fact, it should increase
it because one would want to make sure that the Zimbabwe that one is
investing in will be the Zimbabwe that one wants.
At the time of
the filing of the case the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission had only just been
appointed by Mugabe - using his powers under the same old Zimbabwean
constitution, even though a few weeks earlier the president had been quoted
saying he fully subscribed to the Sadc principles and guidelines governing
Was the president serious when he appended his
signature to the Sadc protocol which in practical terms called for changes
to Zimbabwe's own constitution that allows the president to be a referee in
a game in which he is playing?
The silence of the Zimbabwean
constitution on voting by non-residents does not mean that their right is
taken away. If we go by what the constitution does say explicitly, it is
that every citizen who is over18 has the constitutional right to vote as
long as he registers.
The current exclusion of Zimbabweans in the
diaspora from elections can only be explained by the actions of the
government of the day -- and in this case, the action of a government that
realised that most of the people resident outside the country had been
exposed and would probably not be hoodwinked into voting for a party that
has forced them into menial jobs just to sustain their dreams which were
washing away with the falling Zimbabwe dollar.
This would also
explain the inconsistency of the government in fully accepting that
Zimbabweans in the diaspora were mainly temporarily resident outside the
country for economic and other reasons, but at the same time deny them the
The president himself was shown on television admitting that
Zimbabweans abroad had shown that they would never forget where they come
from - because they were building houses and sending money home to support
This inconsistency was also noted in Reserve Bank
officials' visits in the UK where they were openly told: "When it comes to
our pounds we are citizens, but when it comes to the vote we are British,"
before they were sent scurrying for cover and told never to come back again
until they had put in place a "Votelink" programme to go along with their
They do not see why the government has seen it fit to
exclude them from the country's political processes, unless it is because
the government of the day fears that the Zimbabweans abroad might vote
against it. It is unfair and discriminatory, so the Supreme Court is being
asked to intervene.
The provisions of Section 32(2) of the Electoral
Act would require a constituency registrar to retain a Zimbabwean's name on
the voters' roll and to have those Zimbabweans who are now qualified voters
to exercise their right to vote wherever they might be.
Madzingo, the applicant, is therefore justified in believing that: "The
exclusion of voters such as myself from voting is discriminatory and does
not accord with provisions of the Bill of Rights which guarantees
Zimbabweans certain basic rights to freedom of expression politically
through the electoral process. I therefore contend that such exclusion is
He also claimed that the exclusion
contravened provisions of Section 21 of the constitution of Zimbabwe, which
guarantees citizens of Zimbabwe freedom of association, by limiting their
ability to freely associate with those political organisations with whom
they might share common interests.
Madzingo further contended that
Section 22 allowed Zimbabweans the freedom to move freely, and the movement
of Zimbabweans for economic reasons to other parts of the world should not
therefore be curtailed by denying them the right to participate in the
country's political processes through elections while they are on their
Exclusion of Zimbabweans who are in the diaspora from
participation in the political process would have the effect of curtailing
such Zimbabweans' right to freedom of movement. The government therefore
needed to ensure that arrangements were made for Zimbabweans in the diaspora
to vote in general and presidential elections as and when they are held, to
avoid accusations of discrimination.
The government of Zimbabwe
has fully accepted that all of its citizens were entitled to full
participation in the political and electoral processes in the country as it
signed various international legal instruments which include the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant of Civil and
Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and People's Rights and, more
recently, the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic
Madzingo's case therefore only seeks to hold the
government to the provisions of all of these instruments including the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights which provides that everyone has the
right to take part in the government of his or her country, directly or
through freely chosen representatives. Zimbabweans, regardless of where they
might be resident, are therefore entitled to fully participate in the
upcoming general elections and, as the government of Zimbabwe has acceded to
all these instruments, it is obliged to ensure that their provisions are
But in case it might be said that these are
Western values being imposed on the country, Zimbabwe is also party to
regional and continental instruments on holding regular, free and fair
general elections, like the African Union's Declaration on the Principles
Governing Democratic Elections in Africa adopted by the Assembly of Heads of
State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity on July 8
Zimbabwe fully participated in this declaration which specifically
states that every citizen shall have the right to participate freely in the
government of his or her country either directly or through freely elected
representatives in accordance with the provisions of the law.
declaration also guarantees every citizen the right to fully participate in
the electoral processes of their country including the right to vote or be
voted for according to the laws of the country and as guaranteed by the
constitution without any kind of discrimination.
Mugabe vows to feed hungry voters February 11 2005 at
Harare - President Robert Mugabe's government has earmarked
12-billion Zimbabwe dollars (R11,6-billion) to buy food aid for needy
Zimbabweans who are going to the polls next month, the state-run daily The
Herald said on Friday.
About 1,5 million Zimbabweans are in
need of food aid ahead of the next main harvest due in April, according to
figures from the social welfare ministry quoted by the daily.
Mugabe's government plans to buy 15 000 tons of the staple maize grain for
distribution, the report said.
Zimbabweans are to cast ballots on
March 31 in parliamentary elections that are expected to consolidate
Mugabe's ruling Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF)
stranglehold on power.
Maintaining that the country had enjoyed
a "bumper" harvest in 2004, the government last year said it required no
food aid from outside the country.
The state-run Grain
Marketing Board (GMB), the country's sole grain handling agency, said in
September that it was expecting to receive 750 000 tons of maize this
season, much less than the country's needs.
Regional food security
grouping, Famine Early Warning Systems Network (Fewsnet) originally
estimated that 2,2 million people would need food aid, but in November it
said the figure was likely to go up during the peak hunger season between
January and March.
A parliamentary committee on agriculture in
November also warned that the country was likely to face a food "stock-out
before the next harvest" due around April.
Zimbabwe has faced
food shortages over the past few years that have been partly attributed to
droughts and the government's land reform policy launched in 2000 that saw
the seizure of white-owned commercial farms for redistribution to
Once the bread basket of southern Africa, the land seizures
coupled with ongoing economic and political crises in Zimbabwe over
elections in 2000 in 2002 that were marred by violence and claims of
Zimbabwe Admits Need for Food Aid By Tendai Maphosa
Harare 11 February 2005
The Zimbabwean government says
it will have to provide food aid to some of its people, but denies U.S.
estimates that half the population is in need of assistance. This is the
first time the government is admitting some Zimbabweans need food
A report in the government-owned newspaper, The Herald, says
the government estimate of 1.5 million people in need of food aid is far
less than the figure claimed by the United States.
A report by the
U.S.-sponsored Famine Early Warning System Network estimated that half of
Zimbabwe's 12.5 million people would have no food by March. The Zimbabwean
government denounced the report as part of what it called a destabilization
campaign by the United States ahead of Zimbabwe's March
The Herald report says the government has put aside about
$7 million to feed the needy until March. It is anticipated that, by then,
people will be starting to harvest this season's crops. The food will be
bought from the state grain marketing board, which has a monopoly on the
buying and selling of corn and wheat in the country.
opposition Movement for Democratic Change spokesperson for agriculture,
Renson Gasela, sees a link between the start of distribution of food just
seven weeks before elections. He told VOA that people without ruling ZANU-PF
cards would not qualify for food aid. As he put it, "It is nothing but
However, The Herald says the food will be distributed to
people in exchange for work, under the government's food-for-work
The Zimbabwe government last year stopped all humanitarian
organizations involved in food aid since 2000 from distributing aid, saying
the country had enough food to feed its people.
Despite the claims of
a bumper harvest, the government continues to import corn from neighboring
South Africa. The South African Grain Information Service says, last week,
Zimbabwe imported more than 13 tons of corn.
Government Accused of Electioneering with Hunger
Zimbabwe's government acknowledged today that 1.5 million
people face hunger, but dismissed independent estimates that nearly four
times that number are at risk.
Official figures released by the
Social Welfare Ministry said the eastern Manicaland province bordering
neighbouring Mozambique was the worst affected, with nearly 300,000 people
set to receive food relief and food in return for work on public projects
from the government.
The ministry said the government allocated £4.6
million for distribution of food relief in areas across the country up to
the end of March, when this year's harvests begin.
It said the relief
was going to areas that failed to grow enough food because of drought
conditions and erratic rains.
The opposition Movement for Democratic
Change accused the government of using food relief to garner support for the
ruling Zanu-PF party in the run-up to the general election on March
Renson Gasela, the opposition's shadow agriculture minister, said
food shortages and hunger in the first part of this year were forecast after
last year's harvests.
He said it was well known food relief would be
needed before the polls.
"That food will be used to campaign. ZANU-PF was
fully aware of the situation on the ground. They will now come foreword and
pose as the saviour," he said.
In what was once a regional
breadbasket, some 5.5 million Zimbabweans have received food handouts from
international agencies since 2003.
But most food aid agreements were
cancelled when President Robert Mugabe declared last year they were no
Zimbabwe is suffering its worst economic and political
crisis since Mugabe led the nation to independence from Britain in 1980. AP
2005 Posted to the web February 11, 2005
BANKET farmer was on Sunday strangled to death by suspected war veterans and
ruling party militia as the effects of the five-year land occupation crisis
linger on, farmers confirmed this week.
Commercial Farmers Union
officials said Ole Sunde, a white commercial farmer, was abducted from his
occupied Musonzowa Farm near Banket, 95 kilometers northwest of Harare, and
driven into the bush where he was severely assaulted before he was strangled
to death with a wire.
CFU president Doug Taylor-Freeme said Sunde, who
had serious head injuries, was rushed to Banket district hospital but was
pronounced dead on arrival.
The assailants reportedly broke into his
house and got away with a DStv decoder.
Although it was not possible
to obtain comment from Banket district medical officer, a Dr Ngalangala, a
hospital official who spoke to the Zimbabwe Independent, confirmed on
Wednesday that Sunde's body was at the mortuary.
Sunde becomes the latest
white farmer killed in a tense standoff between landowners and squatters
backed by President Robert Mugabe's ruling party. Twelve other farmers have
been killed since farm occupations started in 2000.
Two of Sunde's
neighbours who went to his assistance after squatters confronted him on
Sunday, were also abducted and their whereabouts remain unknown.
third neighbour who declined to be identified for fear of
witnessed the fatal beating of Sunde. He was also beaten
by Sunde's assailants and was treated at Banket district
Chinhoyi provincial press liaison officer Assistant Inspector
Nyathi declined to comment on the murder of Sunde, referring all questions
to police general headquarters in Harare. Police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka
could not immediately comment on the murder, saying he was out of town on
The killing is expected to severely deepen the crisis over
illegal land occupations in Zimbabwe which began in 2000 amid reports that
the group of war veterans has vowed to take over all white-owned farms in
the Zvimba North constituency.
The murder of Sunde, of Norwegian
descent, has forced more than 20 white farming families in the area to seek
safety in Harare, a representative of the farmers' union said.
NOTICE OF APPLICATION FOR
CONFIRMATION OF SECTION 8 ORDER IN TERMS OF SECTION 7 (3) OF THE LAND
ACQUISITION ACT CHAPTER 20:10
TAKE NOTICE that an application for the
confirmation of the acquisition order issued in respect of the following
farms has been filed in the Administrative Court at Harare and that the
Respondent and any holder of real rights over the said farm are required to
lodge their objections within 5 days after the publication of this notice
failure of which the matter shall be set down unopposed without any further
A copy of the application is available for collection at
Applicant's undersigned legal practitioner of record's address between Monday
to Friday from 8 am to 4 pm.
CIVIL DIVISION OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL'S
OFFICE Applicant's Legal Practitioners 2nd Floor, Block "A" New Govt.
Complex Cnr Samora Machel Ave/Fourth St. HARARE
NKOMO Minister of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and
Cabinet Responsible for Lands, Land Reform and
1139/90, Ingwesi Ranching Company P/L, Belingwe, Lot 4 of Wedza Block, 13
345.5157 ha, Case No. LA 5325/05. 2. 1250/90, E R York and Company P/L,
Belingwe, Lot 5 of Wedza Block, 16 547.9644 ha, Case No. LA 5386/05. 3.
1190/90, Lynwood Ranching Company P/L, Belingwe, Lot 7 of Wedza Block, 17
268.6700 ha, Case No. LA 5406/05. 4. 1193/90, Barberton P/L, Belingwe, Lot 6
of Wedza block, 10 675.5869 ha, Case No. LA 5308/05. 5. 1133/90, Kenneth
David Drummond, Belingwe, Lot 3 of Wedza Block, 9 886.3341 ha, Case No. LA
5353/05. 6. 3436/90, Liebigs Zimbabwe Limited, Belingwe, Lot 2 of Wedza
Block, 7 805.1675 ha, Case No. LA 5333/05. 7. Bubi 7. 3865/86, Sommer
Ranching P/L, Bubi, Farm 17 of Robert Block, 606.7117 ha, Case No. LA
5340/05. 8. 2023/98, Maxim Hill P/L, Bubi, The Remaining Extent of
Subdivision C of Maxim Hill, 101.6192 ha, Case No. LA 5405/05. 9. 2958/83,
Edmond Mathew Grenfell-Dexter, Bubi, The Remaining Extent of robert Block,
242.8934 ha, Case No. LA 5346/05. 10. 2958/83, Edmond Mathew Grenfell-Dexter,
Bubi, The Remaining Extent of Riverbank, 1 344.4342 ha, Case No. LA
5290/05. 11. 778/91, W H Elliot and Son P/L, Bubi, Chilton, 2 628.2884 ha,
Case No. LA 5392/05. 12. 1630/60, Mayo Farm P/L, Bubi, Mayo, 5 291.2562
acres, Case No. LA 5301/05. 13. 1627/60, Annaly Farm P/L, Bubi, The
Remaining Extent of Annaly, 5 901.2073 acres, Case No. LA 5282/05. 14.
276/77, Origo Investments P/L, Bubi, Formaona, 1 687.7000 ha, Case No. LA
5283/05. 15. 2627/82, Charles William Bawden, Bubi, Dingaan, 2 529.7889 ha,
Case No. LA 5284/05. 16. 5807/99, Origo Investments P/L, Bubi, Subdivision
J of Gravesend, 1 012.6642 ha, Case No. LA 5364/05. 17. 3865/86, Sommer
Ranching P/L, Bubi, Farm 18 Robert Block, 504.8931 ha, Case No. LA
5390/05. 18. 1470/66, Ellen Mathilda mary Van Loggerenberg, Bubi,
Trehearn Extension, 937.7713 acres, Case No. LA 5288/05. 19. 1456/85, Alex
Peter Goosen, Bubi, Deeside, 862,1354 ha, Case No. LA 5302/05. 20.
2387/87, Gourlays Ranch P/L, Bubi, Gourlays block, 20 837.9934 ha, Case No.
LA 5295/05. 21. 2917/84, Alex Peter Goosen, Bubi, Fettykil Estate, 969.2938
ha, Case No. LA 5304/05. 22. 2023/98, Maxim Hill P/L, Bubi, The Remaining
Extent of Maxim Hill, 664.3508 ha, Case No. LA 5384/05. 23. 5807/99, Origo
Investments P/L, Bubi, Muhlotshana, 415.9254 ha, Case No. LA 5317/05. 24.
778/91, W H Elliot and Sons P/L, Bubi, Fairbarns, 2 216.723 ha, Case No. LA
5281/05. 25. 5807/99, Origo Investments P/L, Bubi, Lot 2 of Formanoa, 1
672.4091 ha, Case No. LA 5395/05. 26. 3865/86, Sommer Ranching P/L, Bubi,
Farm 16 robert Block, 604.4091 ha, Case No. LA
Bulalimamangwe 27. 2308/2000, P C Component Distributors P/L,
Bulalimamangwe, Remainder of McGeer's Luck, 428.2562 ha, Case No. LA
5343/03. 28. 1404/84, E R York and Company P/L, Bulalimamangwe, Subdivision 4
of Sandown South, 1 392.6984 ha, Case No. LA 5274/05. 29. 3591/74, A N
Walton Farming Enterprises P/L, Bulalimamangwe, Seringa Vale, 2 569.623 ha,
Case No. LA 5397/05.
Bulawayo 30. 2022/98, Buczar Investments P/L,
Bulawayo, The Remaining Extent of Lot 15 of Lower Nondwene, 602.3486 ha, Case
No. LA 5352/05.
Bulawayo 31. 404/59, Umgusa Valley Estates P/L,
Bulawayo, Remaining Extent of Subdivision G of the Helenvale Block, 660.492
morgan, Case No. LA 5329/05. 32. 1866/77, Alastair Arnold Kay, Bulawayo,
Remainder of Subdivision F of the Helenvale Block, 637.5030 ha, Case No. LA
5381/05. 33. 1708/71, Mandalay P/L, Bulawayo, Sunridge of S/D Q of Helenvale
Block, 128.4806 ha, Case No. LA 5355/05. 34. 2357/91, Bryan Coun Follwell,
Bulawayo, S/D B of Standish of the Hellenvale block, 101.5701 ha, Case No. LA
Charter 35. 1171/82, thomas Mattheus Lambert, Charter,
Bordeaux, 856.5680 ha, Case No. LA 5230/04. 36. 4399/54, James Thomas
Wheeler, Charter, Wildebeestelaagte, 1 000.14 morgan, Case No. LA
5181/04. 37. 4913/84, Beach Farms P/L, Charter, The Beach, 409.9595 ha, Case
No. LA 5259/04. 38. 1011/98, Adore gold Insurance P/L, Charter, Remainder
of Swartfontein, 1 127.8689 ha, Case No. LA 5308/05. 39. 5464/87, Brian
John Coveley, Charter, Eton, 616.6930 ha, Case No. LA 5229/04. 40.
4298/96, Hambrook Enterprises , Charter, Ricefontein Farm, 1 284.7799 ha,
Case No. LA 5233/04. 41. 5515/87, L C M Farming P/L, Charter, Remaining
Extent of Kuruman, 1 355.4998 ha, Case No. LA 5235/04. 42. 4378/74,
Anthony Nicholas Brakspeer, Charter, Philipsdale Ranch, 2 331.4231 ha, Case
No. LA 5246/04. 43. 2710/92, Hendrik Jacobus Smith, Charter, The Remaining
Extent of Schoongezicht, 642.3942 ha, Case No. LA 5215/04. 44. 2099/78,
Johannes Jacobus Smit, Charter, Subdivision B of Jackal's Bank, 943.3236 ha,
Case No. LA 5255/04. 45. 2507/92, Duiker Investments P/L, Charter, Remainder
of Hugos Fountain, 640.4252 ha, Case No. LA 5256/04. 46. 1561/85,
Tangenhamo Breeding & Pastoraal Development P/L, Charter, Lot 1 of
Mapanidale, 243.3600 ha, Case No. LA 5214/04. 47. 2161/82, Cornelius Johannes
Nel, Charter, buckenhill of tantallon, 626.5370 ha, Case No. LA
5236/04. 48. 9783/90, Alta Coetzee, Charter, Subdivision A of Uitkyk,
631.5263 ha, Case No. LA 5155/04.
Goromonzi 49. 1304/79,
Christoffel J Greyling and Hendrik J Greyling, Goromonzi, Subdivision D of
Sellair, 118.7101 ha, Case No. LA 5312/05. 50. 7025/91, Harlequin Genetics
P/l, Goromonzi, Dagbreek of the Twentydales Estate, 376.9483 ha, Case No. LA
5291/05. 51. 6111/86, Philips Wine Cellar P/L, Goromonzi, The Remaining
Extent of the Medows Farm, 691.6411 ha, Case No. LA 5152/04. 52. 690/63,
Glenavon Farm P/L, Goromonzi, Glen Avon, 3 174.7643 acres, Case No. LA
5261/04. 53. 5629/80, Howson Lands P/L, Goromonzi, Colga, 941.5774 ha, Case
No. LA 5197/04. 54. 9148/87, Northfield Farm P/L, Goromonzi, Northfield,
676.6492 ha, Case No. LA 5245/04. 55. 2040/80, Protea Valley P/L,
Goromonzi, Lot 1 of Buena Vista, 404.6785 ha, Case No. LA 5350/05. 56.
7577/96, Allahallows Investments P/L, Goromonzi, Ruargo Extension A, 123.2262
ha, Case No. LA 5184/04. 57. 4670/84, Ian David Piercy, Goromonzi, Lot 21A
James Farm, 128.9481 ha, Case No. LA 5396/05. 58. 6822/99, Benjamin
Lombard, Goromonzi, S/D B of S/D of Whitesides, 101.1717 ha, Case No. LA
5296/05. 59. 3979/82, Glenlair Estates P/L, Goromonzi, Lot 3A Bally
Vaughan, 364.0369 ha, Case No. LA 5262/04. 60. 5620/74, Christoffel J
Greyling, Goromonzi, S/D E of Sellair, 138.5453 ha, Case No. LA
5360/03. 61. 7023/91, Willmead Enterprises P/L, Goromonzi, Mariandi of
Nil Desperandum of Twentydales Estate, 60.70000 ha, Case No. LA
5342/05. 62. 7025/91, Harlequin Genetics P/L, Goromonzi, Grootvlei of
the Twentydales Estate, 181.4172 ha, Case No. LA 5383/05. 63. 4557/76,
Catherine Dorothy O'Connell, Goromonzi, S/D C of James Farm, 102.0410 ha,
Case No. LA 5326/05. 64. 5397/85, Chifumbi Enterprises P/L, Goromonzi,
Remainder of Chifumbi of Meadow, 552.1045 ha, Case No. LA 5160/04. 65.
4972/86, Chakanyuka Farming P/L, Goromonzi, 421.3826 ha, Case No.
LA 5225/04. 66. 4675/85, Daniel Nicholas Smith, Goromonzi, Remainder of
glenroy, 444.8080 ha, Case No. LA 5157/04. 67. 6530/72, Belmont Estates
P/L, Goromonzi, Belmont Estates, 1 290.0036 ha, Case No. LA 5159/04. 68.
2704/81, Olaf Wentzel, Gwelo, Forestvale of Bernbezaan, 1 456.0807 ha, Case
No. LA 4945/04.
Hartley 69. 7172/73, Charles Stewart Day Old Chicks
P/l, Hartley, Lot 2 of Ameva Extension, 404.5806 ha, Case No. LA
5257/04. 70. 10849/89, T & G Farming P/L, Hartley, R/E of Fort Martin,
848.7645 ha, Case No. LA 3528/03. 71. 1168/83, Balclutha P/L, Hartley,
Aquarius, 404.2772 ha, Case No. LA 5323/05. 72. 7202/99, Marulla Farming
P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Violetsvale of Raiway 18, 736.5941 ha, Case No. LA
5393/05. 73. 7480/97, Stokesay Farm P/L, Hartley, Stokesay of Oxford, 80.9381
ha, Case No. LA 5241/04. 74. 7567/86, Suri Suri Investments P/L, Hartley,
Wanimo, 628.6843 ha, Case No. LA 5202/04. 75. 8816/97, Golan Investments
P/L, Hartley, Lot 2 of Cressydale, 184.5344 ha, Case No. LA 5200/04. 76.
987/78, Fred Wolstenholme, Hartley, Remaining Extent of Lourie
Estate, 541.4137 ha, Case No. LA 5287/05. 77. 3175/89, Mohamed amin
Koshen, Hartley, Shangwe Ranch, 3 411.5983 ha, Case No. LA 5191/04. 78.
4704/85, Jacobus Johan Hendrik grudling, Hartley, Langford, 614.9800 ha, Case
No. LA 5165/04. 79. 5138/94, Mafuti Estates (1991) P/L, Hartley, Donore,
653.0522 ha, Case No. LA 5169/04. 80. 8163/98, Ian McGhie Consultancy P/L,
Hartley, The Remainder of Ruanda Estate, 1 182.2307 ha, Case No. LA
5172/04. 81. 3664/95, hallingbury Farm P/L, Hartly, The Remaining Extent
of Hallingbury, 1 208.1417 ha, Case No. LA 5182/04. 82. 4319/74, John
McCleary Beattie, Hartley, Varkpan, 760.1755 ha, Case No. LA 5376/05. 83.
4705/85, Jacobus Johan Hendrik Grundling, Hartley, Cambusdrennie, 868.6520
ha, Case No. LA 5336/05. 84. 1871/86, G A Hewlett P/L, Hartley, Handley Cross
Estate, 879.6318 ha, Case No. LA 5286/05. 85. 5686/94, Philip Arthur Peter
Manchip, Joanna Christine Ferris, Susan Jane Rushforth, Nicholas Charles
Manchip, and Sally Ann Rugg, Hartley, The Remainder of Estancia-Corea,
303.4632 ha, Case No. LA 5294/05. 86. 6901/72, John Norman Eastwood, Hartley,
The Remaining Extent of Harmony of Changafuma, 329.6080 ha, Case No. LA
5259/04. 87. 5138/94, Mafuti Estates (1991) P/L, Hartley, Lot 5 of Crown
Ranch, 1 214.0519 ha, Case No. LA 5213/04. 88. 3546/55, Petrus Stephanus
Martin, Hartley, S/D A Portion of Wicklow, 251.6929 morgan, Case No. LA
5260/04. 89. 9573/02, Conjugal Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Lot 1A Bedford,
336.4083 ha, Case No. LA 5354/05. 90. 5902/99, Mike Campell P/L, Hartley,
Mt Carmell of Railway 19, 1 200.6500 ha, Case No. LA 5271/05. 91. 2139/87,
Martin Eugene Winwood Tracey, Hartley, Strathspey Estate, 1 026.0084 ha, Case
No. LA 5369/05. 92. 6766/88, Katambora Estates P/L, Hartley, Mandalay of
Silverstone, 743.6719 ha, Case No. LA 5309/05. 93. 7480/97, Stokesay Farm
P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Dorothy Hill, 338.2621 ha, Case No. LA
5171/04. 94. 493/67, Dodhill P/L, Hartley, Dodhill, 1 530.9300 acres, Case
No. LA 5266/04. 95. 10148/89, W Vosloo and Company P/L, Hartley, The
Remainder of Martin, 180.8409 ha, Case No. LA 5297/05. 96. 7410/86, Aitape
Estates (1962) P/L, Hartley, Aitape, 1 320.7508 ha, Case No. LA
5186/04. 97. 6214/89, Wicklow Estates P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Lot 1 of
Reydon, 421.5363 ha, Case No. LA 5196/04. 98. 5792/81, Taunton Holdings
P/L, Hartley, The Remainder of S/D A of Kent, 255.9819 ha, Case No. LA
5198/04. 99. 7480/97, Stokesay Farm P/L, Hartley, Lot 1 of Umfulia, 713.8998
ha, Case No. LA 5156/04.
Lomagundi 100. 1523/58, Eastern Highlands
Plantations Limited, Inyanga, Aberfoyle Plantations of Inyanga Block, 2
362.3536 morgan, Case No. LA 5179/04. 101. 1812/61, Aberfoyle Plantations
(Rhodesia) P/L, Inyanga, Inyanga Downs Lot 2, 6 417.3600 acres, Case No. LA
5175/04. 102. 5158/85, A&A Farms P/L, Lomagundi, Excelsior of Strathearn
(Including Lot 1), 1 298.1246 ha, Case No. LA 3539/03. 103. 11729/98,
Rumcor Farming P/L, Lomagundi, Delarosa of Suiwerspruit, 575.56 ha, Case No.
LA 3424/03. 104. 3860/86, Kestell Bezuidenhout and Company P/L, Lomagundi,
Maryland, 1 302.9868 ha, Case No. LA 5330/05. 105. 7395/95, Nyahondo Farm
P/L, Lomagundi, Nyahondu, 448.0874 ha, Case No. LA 3320/02. 106. 2150/90,
Konrad Gerhadus Van der Merwe, Lomagundi, Remainder of Renfield, 836.3088 ha,
Case No. LA 5327/05. 107. 3802/93, Broxfield Enterprises P/L, Lomagundi,
Sholliver, 1 294.8868 ha, Case No. LA 5187/04. 108. 5416/74, Ormerston
Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Ormestan, 1 265.9337 ha, Case No. LA 5249/04. 109.
3779/2000, Dewdrip P/L, Lomagundi, Homefield, 614.999 ha, Case No.
LA 5341/05. 110. 10334/97, Marie Hester Susan Erlank; Beatrix Elizabeth
Marx and Susan Elizabeth Du Plessis, Lomagundi, Urume, 1 037.7316 ha, Case
No. LA 5366/05. 111. 289/95, Parland Investments P/L, Lomagundi, Weltevreden
Estate, 1 509.6500 ha, Case No. LA 5280/05. 112. 1176/95, David Smit Farm
Property P/L, Lomagundi, Doondo Farm, 1 031.9074 ha, Case No. LA
5263/04. 113. 1932/64, Traprain Farm P/L, Lomagundi The Remaining Extent
of Hartleyton , 1 142.9151 acres, Case No. LA 3452/03. 114. 8055/99,
Tumbleweed Estate P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Weltvrede estate, 484.1697 ha,
Case No. LA 5231/04. 115. 289/95, Parland Investments P/L, Lomagundi,
Weltevreden Estate, 1 509.6500 ha, Case No. LA 5250/04. 116.. 3439/82,
Haighton Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Haighton, 889.0657 ha, Case No. LA
5254/04. 117. 4485/89, Shankuru Estate P/L, Lomagundi, Remainder of Shankuru
Estate, 692.1288 ha, Case No. LA 5212/04. 118. 66/82, Stocksfield Farm
P/L, Lomagundi, Rukoba Estate, 695.6813 ha, Case No. LA
Lupane 119. 1630/90, Wolunteer Farms P/L, Lupane, Volunteer
83, 852.6238 ha, Case No. LA 5358/05.
Makoni 120. 1237/73, Karori
P/L, Makoni, Farm No 5 of Lawrencedale Estate, 1 185.6800 ha, Case No. LA
3727/04. 121. 1003/90, PVP P/L, Makoni, Remainder of Lesapedale, 329,6738 ha,
Case No. LA 5125/04.
Mangwendi 122. 604/85, Thomas Negri Da
Oleggio, Mangwendi, Farm Mignon, 1 213.2493 ha, Case No. LA
Marandellas 123. 580/69, Forest Lodge Nursery P/L,
Marandellas, Billaboug Portion of Forest Range, 391.53 ha, Case No. LA
986/02. 124. 5966/88, W K Erasmus, Marandellas, Remaining Extent of Welcome
House, 1 181.08 morgen, Case No. LA 3341/03. 125. 6013/58, Gresham Farms
P/L, Marandellas, Remaining Extent of the Farm Gresham, 815.0116 morgen, Case
No. LA 5192/04. 126. 7865/88, Hercules Solomon Nel, Marandellas, Chudleigh, 1
096.1261 ha, Case No. LA 5194/04. 127. 7496/86, Landsdowne Estate P/L,
Marandellas, S/D N of Carruthersville, 2 621.4751 ha, Case No. LA
5164/04. 128. 2144/66, Merryhill P/L, Marandellas, R/E of Sheffield, 3
419.8610 acres, Case No. LA 5185/04. 129. 7755/89, Chipesa Farm P/L,
Marandellas, Chipesa Estate, 1 597.2831 ha, Case No. LA 5190/04. 130.
554/78, Amberley Estate P/L, Marandellas, Chikombingo of Scorror estate,
195.0302 ha, Case No. LA 5238/04. 131. 5406/88, Silver Ponds P/L,
Marandellas, the Remainder of Keal, 816.1276 ha, Case No. LA 5247/04. 132.
10924/89, Longlands Farm P/L, Marandellas, Lot 2 of Longlands, 545.7551 ha,
Case No. LA 5218/04. 133. 4673/89, F N Heathcote & Sons P/L, Marandellas,
Mutoramandwe, 622.7279 ha, Case No. LA 5227/04. 134. 6848/72, John William
Malzer, Marandellas, Brantingham Estate, 703.2937 ha, Case No. LA
5205/04. 135. 1531/77, Home Park Estates P/L, Marandellas, Riverside of
Wenimbi Estate, 607.0143 ha, Case No. LA 5207/04. 136. 12097/99, Enscombe
Farming P/L, Marandellas, Remainder of Springvale, 589.1818 ha, Case No. LA
5314/05. 137. 108/81, Forest Lodge Nursery P/L, Marandellas, S/D A of forest
Range, 414.8828 ha, Case No. LA 5339/5. 138. 7727/97, Lowveld Leather
Products P/L, Marandellas, Mlanje of Roraima, 103.6086 ha, Case No. LA
5167/04. 139. 2970/89, Gladys Doreen Deale, Marandellas, The Remainder
of Subdivision A of Longlands, 84.7155 ha, Case No. LA 5180/04. 140.
7362/2000, Ultracon Investments P/L, Marandellas, Elim of Anwa, 405.0757 ha,
Case No. LA 5220/04. 141. 1823/94, Christopher Michael Lampard, Marandellas,
Vilendy, 859,9313 ha, Case No. LA 5203/04. 142. 4392/73, Hunthorn P/L,
Marandellas, Subdivision J of Caruthersville, 1 163.8009 ha, Case No. LA
5201/04. 143. 5282/85, Fighill P/L, Marandellas, Newton Estate, 552.6445 ha,
Case No. LA 5265/04. 144. 4815/85, Chiparahwe P/L, Marandellas, Chiparahwe
Estate, 2 102.6017 ha, Case No. LA 5316/05. 145. 00039/95, Mark Jeremy
Freer, Marandellas, Remainder of Farm 5 of Holton Estate, 514.4222 ha, Case
No. LA 3222/02. 146. 3619/47, Glenisla tobacco Estates P/L, Marandellas,
Magar, 787.40 morgen. Case No. LA 5305/05. 147. 4538/80, Robert Charles
Knott, Marandellas, the Remainder ofMusi, 858.5922 ha, Case No. LA
5388/05. 148. 5690/81, Orion Investment P/L, Marandellas, the Remaining
Extent of eldorado, 3 402.8647 ha, Case No. LA 5161/04. 149. 11393/00,
Mjange Properties P/L, Marandellas, Mjange of Scorror Estate, 1 067.7898 ha,
Case No. LA 5170/04. 150. 1358/80, Christian Dewet Nel, Marandellas, the
Remainder of Endsleigh, 1 005.2194 ha, Case No. LA 5163/04. 151. 429/50,
John William Malzer, Marandellas, Lynton, 3 127.4180 acres, Case No. LA
5211/04. 152. 8545/97, Bita Properties P/L, Marandellas, bita Estate, 1
973.8009 ha, Case No. LA 5248/04. 153. 2971/89, J W Deale and Sons P/L,
Marandellas, the Remainder of Progress Farm, 402.6191 ha, Case No. LA
5252/04. 154. 6443/85, Graham Christoper Graham Francis Douse, Marandellas,
the Remainder of Surrey Estate, 787.7386 ha, Case No. LA 5251/04. 155.
5656/81, Demetrios nicholas Paliouras, Marandellas, Corfe, 1 230.4710 ha,
Case No. LA 5204/04. 156. 2988/80, Gombola P/L, Marandellas, The Remainder of
Machiki, 903.7271 ha, Case No. LA 5162/04.
Mazoe 157. 6686/2000,
Samuel Edward Miller, Mazoe, Lot 6 of Mbebi Jersey, 86.0629 ha, Case No. LA
5321/05. 158. 636/96, Longevity Investments P/L, Mazoe, Subdivision B of
Caledon, 908.4345 ha, Case No. LA 5403/05. 159. 6685/2000, Titular
Investments P/L, Mazoe, Lot 5 of Mbebi Jersey Farm, 79.1842 ha, Case No. LA
5404/05. 160. 7097/71, Guthrie estates P/L, Mazoe, Remaining Extent of
glen Doublas, 1 110.0474 ha, Case No. LA 5154/04. 161. 6249/98, County
Somerset P/L, Mazoe, Somerset of Moore's Grant, 818.9312 ha, Case No. LA
5234/04. 162. 2763/59, Amersham Investments P/L, Mazoe, Subdivision B portion
of Brotherton, 1 215.4384 morgen, Case No. LA 3827/04. 163. 242/64,
Alexander David Reginald Morris Eyton, Mazoe, Remainder of Subdivision A of
Netherfield, 1 200.0120 acres, Case No. LA 5173/04. 164. 9125/95, Sable
Nominees Three P/L, Mazoe, Edmonston, 2 472.7900 ha, Case No. LA
5243/04. 165. 6687/2000, Getthrough Investment P/L, Mazoe, Lot 3 of Mbebi
jersey Farm, 126.5410 ha, Case No. LA 399/05. 166. 9951/61, Piedmont
Estates P/L, Mazoe, Remainder of Masuri Sana No 1, 3 485.6100 ha, Case No. LA
3429/03. 167. 6688/2000, Schaldo Farm P/L, Mazoe, Lot 2 of Mbebi Jersey
farm, 311.8603 ha, Case No. LA 5398/05. 168. 4338/75, R A Beatie &
Sons P/l, Mazoe, The Remaining Extent of Barwick Estate, 1 067.0583 ha, Case
No. LA 5338/05. 169. 9291/97, Msorodoni Properties P/L, Mazoe, remainder of
Msorodoni, 1 862.3542 ha, Case No. LA 5244/04.
8501/99, Hangani Development Company P/L, Melsetter, Remaining Extent of
Sawerombi, 1 922.3886 ha, Case No. LA 5121/04. 171. 2820/96, Hangani
Development Company P/L, Melsetter, Middlepunt Portion Jantia, 1 121.4276 ha.
Case No. LA 5129/04.
Mrewa 172. 980/87, Rolf Jan Philip Walraven,
Mrewa, Springdale, 1 432.2938 ha, Case No. LA 5193/04. 173. 4480/72,
Chigori Farms P/L, Mrewa, Spes Bona Ranch, 879.9283 ha, Case No. LA
5206/04. 174. 1479/66, Gerrit Cor Zee, Mrewa, Barrymore, 2 273.9496 acres,
Case No. LA 5209/04. 175. 7071/72, Edward Beckett Hodgson, Mrewa,
Paradise, 1 942.0450 ha, Case No. LA 5216/04. 176. 93/90, Chirandu Farms
P/L, Mrewa, Royal Visit, 1 308.0936 ha, Case No. LA 5177/04. 177. 400/79,
Showers P/L, Mrewa, Remaining Extent of Dawn, 325.9052 ha, Case No. LA
5224/04. 178. 7838/96, Bickerton enterprises P/L, Mrewa, Klipspringer Kop,
828.6241 ha, Case No. LA 5158/04. 179. 8931/87, Stephanus Kenneth Krynauw
& Jeanea Florence Dent Krynauw, Mrewa, Highover, 1 090.3589 ha, Case No.
LA 5219/04. 180. 7294/74, Gerrit Cor Zee, Mrewa, Hilton, 825.6834 ha, Case
No. LA 5217/04.
Ndanga 181. 2556/88, Tony Renato Sorpo, Ndanga, Lot
1 of Chiredzi Ranch North, 5 104.4678 ha, Case No. LA
Nuanetsi 182. 8900/90, Carmel Estates P/L, Nuanetsi, Lot 23
of Lot 12 of Nuanetsi Ranche A, 909.4856 ha, Case No. LA
Nyamandlovu 183. 231/97, Merryfield Farming P/L, Nyamandlovu,
Subdivision A of Steven' s Farm, 1 214.0344 ha, Case No. LA 5385/04. 184.
136/83, The Administrator of the late Alfred Geoffrey Olds, Nyamandlovu, R/E
of Compensation, 2 467.9799 ha, Case No. LA 5351/05. 185. 583/90, roeseburn
Farm P/L, Nyamandlovu, Roseburn, 2 627.3120 ha, Case No. LA 5347/05. 186.
908/96, Cedor Park Farm P/L, Nyamandlovu, Cedor Park of Sevue, 502.7559 ha,
Case No. LA 5335/05. 187. 3208/95, David Gerald Hunt, Nyamandlovu, Naseby
South, 1 278.4974 ha, Case No. LA 5337/05. 188. 908/96, Cedor Park Farm
P/L, Nyamandlovu, Remaining Extent of Sevue, 552.5938 ha, Case No. LA
5303/04. 189. 136/83, The Administrator of the late Alfred geoffrey
Olds, Nyamandlovu, Yonder of Compensation, 101.5686 ha, Case No. LA
5270/05. 190. 882/66, Charles Carnduff Stirling, Nyamandhlovu, S/D B of Farm
6 of Umguzan Block, 1 423.2151 acres, Case No. LA 5367/05. 191. 3208/95,
David Gerald Hunt, Nyamandlovu, Naseby North, 1 265.0129 ha, Case No. LA
5362/05. 192. 1325/82, Junpor P/L, Nyamandlovu, Poeter East Farm, 1 291.6292
ha, Case No. LA 5319/05.
Que Que 193. 1003/89, L J and H Venter
P/L, Que Que, Subdivision D of East Clare Block, 164.7104 ha, Case No. LA
Salisbury 194. 4414/95, D G Rickards P/L, Salisbury, Houmoed
of Albion, 616.7033 ha, Case No. LA 5328/05. 195. 1609/60, Dunolly Farm
P/L, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of Walmer, 197.3607 acres, Case No. LA
5195/04. 196. 3060/03, Kennedy Godwin Mangenje, Salisbury, Remainder of
Guernsey, 743.8355 ha, Case No. LA 5189/04. 197. 2956/67, Keith Lauchlan
gilbert black, Salisbury, Lot 2 of Glenlussa, 440.0006 ha, Case No. LA
4016/04. 198. 5511/94, Wouter Theron, Hartley and Salisbury, Lot 1 of
Fresnaye, 310.0135 ha, Case No. LA 5232/04. 199. 1126/87, Isable Mary
Speight, Roger William Newmarch,Judith Eileen, Mackintosh Andrew Antony
Herbert Newmarch, Thelma Joan Newmarch, Salisbury, R/E of Carrick Creagh of
Section 4 of borrowdale Estate, 284.8492 ha, Case No. LA 4997/04. 200.
6565/5, Guy Denzil de Wet, Salisbury, Cawdor, 655.2363 ha, Case No.
LA 5208/04. 201. 137/82, Perina Massimani and Mario Massimani, Salisbury,
Lot 5A Somerby, 101.4128 ha, Case No. LA 3997/04. 202. 3683/56, West
Stonehurst P/L, Salisbury, Lot 4 of Somerby, 119.4231 morgen, Case No. LA
3979/04. 203. 267/38, Rhodesian Railways Limite, Salisbury, Lot A Portion
of Lilfordia, 2 000 ha, Case No. LA 842/01. 204. 1012/56, Valerie Pape
Laing, Salisbury, Caledonia, 3 060 morgen, Case No. LA 3724/04. 205.
632/90, Funden Hall P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Nyarungu Subdivision of
Subdivision A of Stoneridge, 113.046 ha, Case No. LA 3762/04. 206. 5428/2001,
Sensene Investments P/l, Salisbury, Subdivision A of Subdivision A of
Stoneridge, 13.4188 ha, Case No. LA 3766/04. 207. 5090/84, S Du P Meyer P/L,
Salisbury, Subdivision A of Huntcroft, 402.4249 ha, Case No. LA
5391/05. 208. 7588/90, Asgard Investments P/L, Salisbury, Kildonan, 636.3929
ha, Case No. LA 5166/04. 209. 481/79, Neptune Farm p/L, Salisbury,
Remainder of Neptune, 283.0056 ha, Case No. LA 5178/04. 210. 2233/82, John
Harry Curtis, Salisbury, Keargeri of Alderley, 151.0721 ha, Case No. LA
5228/04. 211. 2900/66, Clement Frnk Bruk Jackson, Salisbury, remainder of
Tarnagulla of Eclipse block, 1 703.5000 acres, Case No. LA 4025/04. 212.
8295/91, t S Payne P/L, Salisbury, Nil Desperandum of the Twentydales Estate,
571.3335 ha, Case No. LA 5239/04. 213. 4800/97, Poulton Farm P/L, Salisbury,
remainder of Harveydales, 901.3692 ha, Case No. LA 5279/05. 214. 1846/75,
Nelson estates P/L, Salisbury, the Remainder of Eyam, 531.3412 ha, Case No.
LA 5258/04. 215. 2242/69, P B Arnott and Son P/L, Salisbury, Remaining Extent
of Good Hope, 1 460.6822 acres, Case No. LA 5002/04. 216. 5022/82, Basil
Jack Rowlands, Salisbury, Subdivision 14 of Welston, 40.5866 ha, Case No. LA
5011/04. 217. 11352/2000, James Ian Ross, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of
gletwyn, 511.5844 ha, Case No. LA 5024/04. 218. 60/93, Gerald Douglas
Davidson, Salisbury, S/D A of Xekene, 170.7128 ha, Case No. LA
5348/05. 219. 5103/56, Dunolly Farm P/L, Salisbury, Dunolly Farm, 756 morgen,
Case No. LA5300/05. 220. 5627/81, Frans Jacob Jordaan, Salisbury, Lot 1 of
Vrede, 121.4846 ha, Case No. LA 5273/05. 221. 910/95, Inverangus P/L,
Salisbury , Lot 2 of Sunnyside, 536.8584 ha, Case No. LA 5363/05. 222.
701/65, Richard John wiggill, Salisbury, Lisheen extension of Twentydales,
506.1664 acres, Case No. LA 5402/05. 507. 4715/86, Dunnottar Farm P/L,
Salisbury, Braemar A, 818.3586 ha, Case No. LA 5168/04. 224. 7671/95,
Goodcrop Enterprised P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Enondo, 306.3192 ha, Case
No. LA 5183/04. 225. 6051/93, Albion Farm P/L, Salisbury, Albion Estate A, 1
335.5887 ha, Case No. LA 5240/04. 226. 3780/92, Kanjara Enterprise P/L,
Salisbury, Subidvision A of Lanark, 406.4549 ha, Case No. LA 5378/05. 227.
781/95, Freehold Investments P/l, Salisbury, Subdivision A of Ingeborough,
109.9705 ha, Case No. LA 4824/04. 228. 5199/82, T J Greaves P/L, Salisbury,
Enuondo B, 765.7700 ha, Case No. LA 5153/04.
Shabani 229. 3059/70.
O P Vannikerk, Shabani, Remaining Extent of Behans, 3 829.1250 ha, Case No.
Shamva 230. 1345/78, P&M Enterprises P/L, Shamva,
Palmgrove Annexe of Ceres, 155.0298 ha, Case No. LA 5349/05. 231.
118/2001, Nimbindale Farm P/L, Shamva, Lot 2 of Wolley Estate, 141.778 ha,
Case No. LA 5407/05.
Sipolilo 232. 38/67, Nicholas Floyer Botwell
Leared, Sipolilo, Flame Lily, 845.4819 ha, Case No. LA 5332/05. 233.
7093/81, red Lichen Farm P/L, Sipolilo, Red Lichen, 1 312.7610 ha, Case No.
LA 5222/04. 234. 8028/96, Mazooma P/L, Sipolilo, Mazooma, 1 344.4779 ha, Case
No. LA 5264/04. 235. 288/76, Daisy Maureen christina Kennedy, Sipolilo,
Delken , 1 013.6782 ha, Case No. LA 5223/04. 236. 4917/91, Beesquare P/L,
Sipolilo, Under Cragg, 1 546.7392 ha, Case No. LA
Umtali 237. 386/83, Peter Hall Investment, Umtali, Witchwood,
283.47 ha, Case No. LA 3747/04.
Urungwe 238. 3534/78, Cosmo Farms
P/L, Urungwe, Remainder of Chumburukwe, 1 022.8593 ha, Case No. LA
5269/05. 239. 7662/91, Chitsuwa Farming P/L, Urungwe, toro Estate, 1 299.2784
ha, Case No. LA 5226/04. 240. 5082/70, Rautenbach Brothers P/L, Urungwe,
Marshlands, 3 502.4582 acres, Case No. LA 5237/04. 241. 1957/88, P N
Stidolph P/L, Urungwe, Sangalalo Estate, 1 154.9689 ha, Case No. LA
Victoria 242. 2529/90, Harold Arthur Paterson, Victoria,
Lamotte, 428.2590 ha, Case No. LA 5126/04. 243. 1008/67, J J & P D
Swart P/L, Victoria, The Remaining Extent of bompst, 933.4734 ha, Case No. LA
4393/04. 244. 5624/69, Albertus Jacob Pepler, Victoria, The Remaining Extent
of Dromore, 2 150.9557 acres. Case No. LA 4513/04. 145. 2487/91, Sale Camp
Investments P/L, Victoria, Sale Camp, 927.54 ha, Case No. LA
Wankie 246. 198/88, Leeufontein Ranch (1987) P/L, Wankie, The
Remaining Extent of Railway Farm 55, 2 630.4683 ha, Case No. LA
5344/05. 247. 2890/71, Antoinette Estate P/L, Wankie, Antoinette, 2 569.6141
ha, Case No. LA 5382/05. 248. B5812/61, Rhodesia Railways, Wankie, Kennedy
Annex, 952.2614 acres, Case No. LA 5278/05. 249. 1004/95, Dorcket
enterprised P/L, Wankie, Carl Lisa, 858.1603 ha, Case No. LA 5315/05. 250.
2468/97, Sunnaby Investments, Wankie, Riverside Farm, 3 547.9719 ha, Case No.
LA 5401/05. 251. 1004/95, Dorcket Enterprises P/L, Wankie, Bindonvale, 1
128.0986 ha, Case No. LA 5334/05. 252. 4106/02, Zimbabwe Development Bank,
Wankie, Dett Valley A, 2 047.7735 ha, Case No. LA 5311/05. 253. 344/86,
Piers Edward Peter Taylor, Wankie, Matetsi Wildlife Leisure Resort, 196.2706
ha, Case No. LA5313/05. 254. 4379/99, Rosepen Farming Enterprises P/L,
Wankie, Bingwa Extension A, 6 274.6987 ha, Case No. LA 5257/05. 255.
3879/98, Hallow tansport P/L, Wankie, tor, 288.8810 ha, Case No.
LA 5356/05. 256. B5813/61 Rhodesia Railways, Wankie, Dett Annex, 1
727.6128 acres, Case No. LA
JAG Hotlines: +263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or
need advice, please don't hesitate to
contact us - we're here to help! +263
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Women of Zimbabwe Arise - WOZA Press Statement - 10 February 2005
Valentines Day 2005 Protests.
The theme? The power of love can conquer
the love of power! Isindebele: Amandla othando anqoba uthando
lwamandla! Shona: Simba rwerudo runokunda rudo rwesimba!
After a 3-week tour of over 80 communities in urban and rural
areas, women are ready to undertake peaceful protests for love on
Valentines Day. The 'Tough Love' protests will be conducted in Bulawayo and
Harare, with the handing out of red roses calling on Zimbabweans to choose
love over hate.
Over 1000 women attended the 'secret' workshops conducted
to consult on the 2005 theme and to mobilise them to choose LOVE when they
vote on 31 March 2005. This is the third year running that WOZA will
convene Valentines Day protests. WOZA is a civic movement and as it deals
with day-to-day issues affecting women, women are joining from across the
political divide and learning how to undertake 'Tough love'
The consultation process revealed that women have a clear
understanding of the different kinds of 'love' being employed by
Zimbabwean political leaders and that they recognize there has been little
goodwill by the Mugabe regime to fully respect basic freedoms and comply
fully with SADC norms and standards. Women are of the view that their
willingness to exercise their right to vote is tempered with the
reservation that this election is not about the people of Zimbabwe and their
need for love... but it is about a power struggle. However, women agreed
that they would go out in their numbers to vote and illustrate that the power
of love can conquer the love of power. The time has come to refuse to be
In keeping with WOZA mandate to speak out, the latest issue of
WOZA MOYA, the newsletter of WOZA reads, "The 2005 Election according to
WOZA is not about the people of Zimbabwe exercising their voting rights -
it is about holding on to political power. Zimbabweans seem to be woven
into a rope that is being pulled in the tug of war between the political
parties - we are only relevant as a 'thing' to push and pull." Just like a
bad husband who beats and mistreats his wife and children. We would accept
that this election is about our human rights if we saw unjust laws repealed
and genuine love being allowed to flow through the exercising of basic
freedoms. This newsletter is being circulated countrywide.
the community rounds, women spoke of the love of power already
being demonstrated by political aspirants. They spoke of the following
attempts to 'buy' votes and the empty promises.
The promise of
residential stands for low amounts of money ($20 000). The people promising
these stands are allegedly war veterans; Distribution of food, blankets,
fertilizer and land to plants crops; BEAM (Better Education Assistance
Module), Education fees assistance was withdrawn last year - the excuse - no
money! But suddenly it is back..... During previous election periods this
happened, some women said they were happy at first but before long found
themselves paying fees in full; A politician in Mashonaland
had promised them a railway line. The people of that area need a railway
line. Not the promise of one! Vendors chased away just weeks ago from their
stalls have been called back to their stalls. This is also evidenced by
the proliferation of corner phone shops. Informal Traders deserve business
opportunities now and forever not just when there is an election. Health
Services are reported as being in 'intensive care' in The Herald some weeks
back but suddenly we are being promised free treatment for children under
In their words A WOZA Grandmother told us about an old pot
that is no longer useful. She has a hungry family and a lack of cash. She
advises as follows. She bought a prized pot in 1980 and it has been used
since then to feed her family. But it has become old. It has been mended at
least 25 times but still leaks. She has had no money to buy a new one.
Continuing to use the rusty pot is causing illness. But she cannot allow
the children to go hungry. How can she buy a new pot to feed her family
when she has no money? She will have to use her mind to find a way to buy a
better pot. One that will be strong and feed her family well.
means 'Come forward'. By women for women and with women, across
race, colour, creed, class or political persuasion. Empowering women to
be courageous, caring, committed and in communication with their
ANC, Cosatu agreement on observers to
Date: 11-Feb, 2005
South Africa's ruling alliance partners, the ANC and Cosatu, are reported to
have finally come up with a common position on how to ensure free and fair
elections in neighbouring Zimbabwe.
The two had been sharply
divided , following the Congress of South African Trade Unions' insistence
on travelling to Zimbabwe on a fact-finding mission, a move opposed by South
Africa's ruling African National Congress as not helpful to finding a
solution to the crisis.
The Cosatu delegation got no further
than Harare's airport before it was thrown out, thwarting its bid to hold
talks with the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.
deal hammered out after a marathon meeting on Wednesday, members of the
regional trade union body, the Southern African Trade Union Co-ordinating
Council (SCTUCC), will travel with a Southern African Development Community
(SADC) delegation to observe the Zimbabwean elections due next
Two members of SCTUCC, Bobby Marie and Vihemina Prout,
tasted the wrath of the Harare authorities when they were deported on
Wednesday this week, after they tried too enter Zimbabwe for talks with ZCTU
on training for unionists.
While Cosatu has succeeded in
convincing the ANC to support the inclusion of regional trade unionists on
the SADC team, political analyst Dumisane Hlophe told Business Day that
Zimbabwe was unlikely to allow the SADC observer team to include trade
The alliance's position was seen as an attempt to
save face for Cosatu after its two aborted fact-finding missions, which led
to strained relations within the tripartite alliance in SA.
Cosatu spokesman Paul Notyhawa said following talks with ZCTU, the South
African allies had agreed to put pressure on Zimbabwe to adhere to all SADC
electoral principles and guidelines.
The alliance said SADC had
to decide whether conditions in Zimbabwe were conducive to free and fair
polls, including an undertaking that police act impartially and that
citizens enjoy freedom of movement, assembly, association and
The SADC team will be in Zimbabwe to assess whether
President Robert Mugabe is complying with regional standards for holding
free and fair elections.
Concern has been expressed that
invitations for observers to the polls are yet to be issued, despite the
fact that this was supposed to be done 90 days before the 31 March
CAPE TOWN - The
Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, Dr Gideon Gono, has given South
African companies with interests in mining platinum an ultimatum to increase
production or allow other new players into the industry.
Zimbabwe has vast platinum deposits, believed to be the second largest in
the world after South Africa, and enough to last 4 000 years at the present
rate of production. The precious metal has the potential to surpass gold as
the major foreign currency earner.
South African-based Impala
Platinum (Implants) and Aquarius Platinum own the mines in
Gono said at a lunch held in Cape Town on Wednesday:
"We are saying to current players, either increase your throughput or allow
others to come in and mine. To Zimbabwe platinum is what oil is to Saudi
Gono repeated President Robert Mugabe's call last
December for a platinum refinery in the country but said it would be needed
only after production has increased. A suggestion was made then that Implats
should join forces with unspecified Chinese partners.
November, Implats unveiled R4,7 billion (US$750 million) plans to boost
output by six times at its Ngezi and Mimosa mines, starting next month. The
company controls the two mines through its Zimbabwe Platinum Mines
(Zimplats) subsidiary and a joint-venture with Aquarius.
Implats's finance director, David Brown, was quoted as responding: "There's
a mismatch between reality and expectation. How is bringing in third parties
going to develop those mines any faster?"
Implats shares fell
R3 to R535 on the Johannesburg stock exchange on Wednesday, while the
platinum sector fell 0,18 percent.
HARARE - A number of
Zimbabwean-based welfare organisations have called for restraint from the
South African Police force when dealing with the hundreds of Zimbabwean
blind beggars who have become a nuisance on Johannesburg's
In interviews with Daily News Online, the organisations
said most of the blind people who were begging on the streets of
Johannesburg in South Africa, had done so after the Zimbabwean government
failed to look after them.
"Begging is one of the last
things which any person would do, but here in Zimbabwe, there are now many
beggars on the streets, resulting in serious competition for the few dollars
which they will be chasing after," said Kingstone Chisale, a blind beggar
and co-ordinator of Harare Street Beggars Association.
said his organisation had been born out of the need to find decent ways of
begging for the country's blind population.
Chisale, who still
patrols and begs on Harare's streets, said most of his organisation's
members had left for Johannesburg in search of more money after they were
removed from the government's support programme.
is the economic hub of the region, and everyone tends to trek there in
search of a living. We have had more than 130 members who left the streets
of Harare for Johannesburg because they indicated that they were not getting
much to look after their families," he said, adding that more blind people
were set to leave for Johannesburg as they were getting a much better return
from the South Africans.
Auroma Trust, a Zimbabwean based NGO
which is involved in the welfare of the country's blind, said in a statement
that the treatment of blind beggars in Johannesburg was a cause for concern.
It said it did not support the concept of street begging, but has always
advocated for government support for the under-privileged.
"What we are now seeing in South Africa should not be allowed to continue.
The government should move swiftly and bring back those blind people who
have now become a nuisance on the South African roads. Those people should
be adequately supported by the government," said the
In the past two weeks, the Johannesburg
Metropolitan police, as part of its 500 Days Campaign Against Vice, has been
arresting beggars on the city's streets. It was only later discovered that
most of the beggars who were blind, originated from
Some of them did not have travel documents, which
meant they would have entered the country illegally.
number of South African organisations involved in the campaign against
discrimination of the blind, have castigated the Metropolitan City police
for being insensitive to the plight of the blind.
South African government has urged the Zimbabwean blind beggars to approach
the government for assistance.
The Inside story of SA*s Lindela
Date: 11-Feb, 2005
- The three metre-high security fence around the sprawling complex is almost
as intimidating to new arrivals as the dogs and the armed security guards,
who yell orders to form a proper queue at the admissions
This is Lindela, South Africa's deportation centre for
illegal immigrants. Located in Krugersdorp, west of Johannesburg, Lindela
houses both males and females arrested in regular sweeps by the South
African Police Services (SAPS).
The bulk of the detainees
are Zimbabweans and Mozambicans, but there are also citizens of Nigeria, the
Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo-Brazzaville, Rwanda, Burundi, Ethiopia,
Sudan, Somalia, Liberia and Zambia. Lindela is, in theory, their last
address before being deported from South Africa.
an IRIN journalist, wrongly arrested by the police in Johannesburg, was a
temporary inmate of the notorious facility.
Despite its modern
design, space is at a premium in Lindela, particularly in the male wing. A
room no larger than a standard bedroom is meant to hold 18 men, but
immigrants detained during heavy crackdowns remember occasions when there
were up to 54 people per room, two to three people shared the same bed, and
just one toilet.
"Most of these toilets do not have functioning
flushing systems, a situation which dictates that we use them sparingly. To
keep out the smell, we drape one blanket over the toilet seat and pile
else we can find on top of it," explained Mark Magwiro, a
barefoot Zimbabwean detainee clad in a dirty white shirt, which he said had
not been washed in two weeks.
Due to the relatively small
number of women in Lindela, the female wing is less congested, with as few
as six women sharing a large room. Besides better accommodation, women also
enjoy generally privileged treatment from security guards and kitchen staff
because they help to clean the public halls and their own
The men, on the other hand, have to compete for the
few jobs available on their side of the complex. The rewards can be a loaf
of bread, regular access to better food - a constant problem - or,
allegedly, help from security staff in arranging an escape.
The first meal of the day includes a bowl of porridge, a thin slice of bread
and a cup of tea, served as early as 6 am. Tablets of unknown composition
float in the tea, according to the guards, these help to suppress sexual
Detainees start queuing for lunch from 11:00 am,
which can take until 3.00 pm before everyone has been served. Supper times
are the most irregular, with the last person being fed as late as 11:00
For inmates who have something to trade, Lindela offers
business opportunities and a captive market. As the guards control access to
the landlines, detainees lucky enough to still have their cellphones can
charge R4 (US 60 cents) for a one-minute call.
"No one is
allowed to use the phones, except at given times. Even then, one has to ask
for permission from staff or guards and it is usually denied unless they get
R10 (US $1.6). So we provide phoning and charging services, so that
detainees can inform their relatives of their plight," said Mozambican
Because charging the phones is done via
illegal connections to electricity supply lines around the complex, the
going rate for a five-minute zap of power is R5.
doing menial jobs to earn a loaf of bread make a killing by cutting it into
small slices, which they sell to hungry fellow inmates for as much as R3.00
each. Enterprising businessmen can make up to R30 per loaf.
then there are the "resident detainees" - people who have lived in Lindela
for years, even though 30 days is the maximum period. They are mostly
Congolese, Nigerians, Mozambicans and Zimbabweans who have no wish to return
home and allegedly bribe the security guards to avoid
"It is safer here than outside. I used to be a
street telephone operator outside, so when they caught me I brought my two
sets here, only to discover that there is more demand for telephone services
than outside. Outside, one has to compete; here there is zero competition.
So I thought I would better stay here to avoid harassment and arrest
outside," explained one Congolese detainee.
appalling treatment of asylum-seekers led to a demonstration outside Lindela
in November 2004, held to coincide with the final day of a hearing into
xenophobia hosted by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) and
parliament's portfolio committee on foreign affairs.
a litany of alleged abuse at the centre, including heavy beatings by the
guards, an increasing number of inmate deaths, and the denial of access to
Head of communications at the Department
of Home Affairs, Nkosana Sibuyi, rejected the allegations. He said some
Lindela inmates had died of pre-existing medical conditions rather than
abuse. "We are guided by country and international conventions, which
prohibit any form of ill treatment of detainees," Sibuyi told
But, according to the inmates IRIN spoke to last week, it
would appear that little has changed since the publication of a report in
2000 by SAHRC, exposing conditions at the deportation centre. The report
"Lindela: At the Crossroads for Detention and Repatriation" listed poor
food, overcrowding, inadequate health services and the systematic denial of
basic rights as some of the problems needing urgent attention. "The three
most reported complaints are lack of adequate nutrition, irregular or
inadequate medical care, and systematic, forced interruptions of sleep.
Similar problems, such as general living conditions, access to information,
assault and the treatment of minors, have been added to the list of
unsatisfactory conditions at the facility," read part of the SAHRC report.
Proper access to lawyers and the right of detainees to inform relatives of
their arrest were violated by curbs on the use of the telephones on arrival
at Lindela, the commission found. However, Sibuyi rejected the allegations.
"Each and every room has an allocated number of people and it's not true we
exceed that capacity," he told IRIN. He stressed regular check-ups by health
inspectors ensured the food served was sufficient and nutritious, and any
reports of abuse by the guards was investigated and could be verified by
examining the records of the closed circuit TV system. The detainees IRIN
spoke to said corruption was also rampant among staff and guards. An
inmate's freedom could be bought, or an escape from the deportation trains
arranged for between R600 (US $100) and R800 (US $133). "Deportation is for
those who do not have money. Those who can pay police or immigration
officers never get registered [at Lindela]; they just wait for relatives to
bring the money. In such cases, a detainee is collected by special
arrangement, on the pretext that he is going for further questioning or to
court, and freed on the way," said one illegal immigrant. "If I had money I
wouldn't be here." Sibuyi said he could not confirm or deny there was
corruption at Lindela, but the Department of Home Affairs had adopted a
"zero-tolerance policy" and any official found guilty would be named and
THE ideal Parliament
is one in which the government and opposition benches respect each other to
the extent of not abusing their privileges at every
The ideal parliament is one in which both sides
concern themselves only with the welfare of their constituents, and not
their own petty jealousies or the massaging of their own kingsize
Above all, however, the ideal parliament is one whose
membership was elected in a free and fair election. It is one in which no
Honourable Members have been told by a court of law that their election was,
to put mildly, fraudulent.
An analysis of the last
parliament can, therefore, not be complete without reference to how it came
The 2000 parliamentary elections may go down in
Zimbabwean history as the most violent after independence. Not all the 120
Honourable MPs elected then could swear they had no blood on their hands. A
few were accused by their rivals of actually using firearms during the
Challenged as to their legitimacy, a few were
censured by the courts and told they had no right to be in the House. So, if
there were fisticuffs in the House, we have to remember the background: that
Parliament resulted from an election spattered with the blood of voters and
On a more sober note, the last Parliament
passed two of the most obnoxious pieces of legislation in the country - the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (POSA) and the Public
Order and Security Act (Posa).
It also passed a law, during
its last session, virtually outlawing most non-governmental organisations
(NGOs), claiming most of them were anti-government and acted on the orders
of foreign governments.
As with the other two laws, there was
no substance to the validity of the new law. Most of the NGOs were doing
voluntary work which helped many people who could not be helped by the
government, because it was and is still strapped for cash.
The main opposition, the MDC, performed with remarkable restraint. Some
critics thought it was almost somnolent in its challenges to the
Certainly, the MDC could have acted with more
vigour against the passage of some of the laws. Zanu PF had its built-in
majority; still, many critics feel the MDC took the label of a "loyal
opposition" to preposterous lengths.
For instance, there
would have been no harm in continuing to its logical conclusion its campaign
in Parliament to impeach the President. After it had abandoned this action,
there were mutterings of a "toothless bulldog" among its
The MDC had other opportunities to demonstrate its
tenacity of purpose and the early walk-outs from the House were useful
reminders of how disgusted with the government the party was. But in the
end, the opposition party seems to have decided to fight another
In general, though, it is the atmosphere of terror which
inhibited open and loud denunciation of the government among many opposition
Tafadzwa Musekiwa's flight to the United Kingdom, marked a
new low in the spinelessness of the MDC MPs. Voters in next month's
elections must hope that the House will be filled by men and women of vision
and courage. It is only the voters themselves who can decide.
HARARE, Feb. 11 (Xinhuanet) --
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe on Friday commended eastern countries for
supporting it in the face of political bigotry from the West and pledged to
foster closer ties with the region.
"We thank eastern
countries for their support," Mugabe said at the launch of the ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union-PatrioticFront (ZANU-PF) election campaign
manifesto, as the country gears up for the March 31 parliamentary
It was time for Zimbabwe to foster close ties with
eastern countries, as western countries had become hostile toward the
country, he said.
"Let us look east. We have been looking
to the west, where we are hated, for a long time," Mugabe said. "We have
never had any problem with China or any eastern country."
Zimbabwe fell out with western countries after it embarked on the land
reform exercise in 2000 to rectify land imbalances perpetuated by the
colonial regime of Ian Smith.
The United States recently
named Zimbabwe one of the six countries in the world that are outposts of
The Zimbabwean government's "Look East" policy has
paid dividends with China, India, Malaysia and Iran having entered
intovarious trade agreements with the country in various sectors including
power generation, communication and agriculture.
relations with the East have seen the national airline, Air Zimbabwe launch
a direct flight to China via Singapore, a moveexpected to enhance trade
between Zimbabwe and the region and alsoboost tourist arrivals.
State to Gazette Media Rules for Political Parties
February 11, 2005 Posted to the web February 11,
GOVERNMENT will next week gazette regulations to be
followed by all political parties willing to have reasonable access to the
electronic media to campaign for the March 31 parliamentary
The Minister of State for Information and Publicity, Professor
Jonathan Moyo, said the regulations would be gazetted next week following
the official nomination of candidates on February 18.
In a statement
yesterday, Prof Moyo said the Electoral Act, which provides for reasonable
access to the media to contesting political parties and their candidates,
referred only to access to radio and television free-to-air broadcasting and
not the print media.
He said following the proclamation of the election
date by President Mugabe and in view of the recently promulgated Electoral
Act, some confusion had arisen in some quarters interested in participating
in the election about the meaning and application of Section 3 c (iv) of the
Electoral Act 2005.
The section provides that "every political party has
a right to have reasonable access to the media".
Prof Moyo said this
was one of a number of declaratory provisions under Section 3 of the
Electoral Act dealing with general principles governing democratic
He said those interested or participating in the forthcoming
parliamentary elections should note and understand that the declaration in
the Electoral Act that "every political party has the right to have
reasonable access to the media" was nothing less or more than a statement of
principle equivalent to a preamble.
"As such, it would not make any
legal sense for anyone to treat the declaration as if it confers a specific
and actionable right that can be claimed without reference to actual
provisions of the Electoral Act that come after Section 4 which deals with
the interpretation of terms used in the Act and, more importantly, without
reference to the laws governing the media in Zimbabwe, namely the
Broadcasting Services Act and the Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA)," said Prof Moyo.
He said the print media is
regulated under AIPPA and this law does not have any provision that
whatsoever enables any political party to claim right of coverage during an
election as a matter of entitlement outside the normal professional and
ethical business of news and information reporting, including carrying
commercial advertisements at commercial rates.
"As is the norm and
practice in constitutional democracies around the world, the newspaper in
question, not the law, determines all this based on the newspaper's
editorial policy and commercial practice.
"This means a newspaper can, in
fact, decide not to cover any political party or candidate during an
election and that decision would not be in contravention of any law," Prof
He said the situation was, however, different when it
comes to free-to-air broadcasting media on radio and television that utilise
the frequency spectrum, which is a finite national resource shared among and
between countries of the world in terms of stringent and binding regulations
formulated by the International Telecommunica-tions Union.
that free-to-air radio and television broadcasters utilise the national
frequency spectrum, whose availability is necessarily limited and thus can
only be occupied by a limited number of players, together with the fact that
the free-to-air radio and television have vast potential to reach vast
audiences, make radio and television unique media that require unique
regulation to give access to different national voices as a matter of legal
Therefore, as a guiding principle, Section 3 c (iv) of the
Electoral Act is intended to specifically apply to radio and television
free-to-air broadcasting which is governed by rules of universal access, the
He said this was in sharp contrast to the print media
that might require literacy, knowledge of the language used by the publisher
and one's ability to purchase a newspaper and these factors might be
discriminatory on these and other related grounds.
or participating in the forthcoming parliamentary election can, thus, enjoy
the rights that accrue from the principle in Section 3 (c) (iv) of the
Electoral Act that 'every political party has the right to have reasonable
access to the media' under the Broadcasting Services Act, which provides
that every political party or candidate contesting an election has a right
to reasonable and equal access to radio and television free-to-air
"Regulations to this effect will be gazetted next week
following the official nomination of candidates for the March 31, 2005
parliamentary election scheduled for February 18, 2005," he said.
February 11, 2005 Posted to the web February 11,
Dumisani Muleya Johannesburg
international telecommunications mogul Strive Masiyiwa has "donated" the
closed Daily News and its sister paper to workers.
Masiyiwa, founder of
Zimbabwe's biggest cellular firm, Econet Wireless, said he gave his majority
shareholding in the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ) to a trust owned
by his employees and management.
The envisaged trust will be comprised of
prominent Zimbabweans and South Africans tasked to revive the
The Daily News, one of Zimbabwe's two independent dailies, and Daily
News on Sunday were closed by government last year for failing to register
as a mass media organisation with a state-appointed commission.
Last updated: 02/11/2005
21:48:44 THIS week I wanted to focus on the implications of the MDC's
decision to contest in the March 2005 elections. However, I was forced to
abandon the idea due to the unfolding political crisis in the West African
nation of Togo. Under normal circumstances, events in the tiny former German
and French colony would be of little if not any consequences to us as
However, the political happenings in Togo were
brought closer home by the Constitutional crisis that has arisen as a result
of the untimely death of the country's leader. The nation's President,
Gnassingbe Eyadema died this weekend after suffering from a serious heart
attack. He was 69 years old.
Eyadema was one of Africa's most
well known politicians. He was one of the last of the continent's ruthless
and notorious strongmen who ruled his people wit a very firm iron grip. At
the time of his death he was regarded as Africa's longest serving head of
state. He seized power in a bloodless coup in April 1967. His death will now
leave the Gabonese leader; Omar Bongo as the continent's longest serving
By implication, our very own long serving President
Robert Mugabe has also moved up the scales of the leading long distance
marathon Presidents in Africa. He is now ranked fourth overall, after Bongo,
Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, Angola's Eduardo dos Santos by order of
But what could be of more keen interest to us as
Zimbabweans is the Constitutional fiasco that has erupted in the aftermath
of Eyadema's death. Shortly after his death, the military leaders moved in
fast and announced to a bewildered and shell-shocked Togolese nation that
they have installed his son, Faure as the Acting President. Faure was
curiously, the Communications Minister at the time of his father's
Under normal circumstances, it is clear that Faure cannot in
any way be installed as an Acting President. The Togolese Constitution
expressly provides that in the event of a sudden death of the President, it
is the Speaker of Parliament who should immediately take over as the Acting
But for reasons best known to them, the military
leaders ignored the Constitution and blatantly ignored all cries of concern
against the measure. They have since then claimed that the Speaker could not
have become Acting President since he was out of the country. However, this
desperately lie has been proved totally outrageous by the mere fact that the
initial broadcast said that Faure would be Acting President till the 2008
This move has thus been received with dismay and anger
by many stakeholders in Togo including the opposition and the civil society
groups. In the meantime, it has also attracted a lot of bitter condemnation
from international bodies and human rights groups. The AU and EU have led
the outcry against these developments.
Stung by this rather
unexpected national and international outrage, the military conspirators
have in turn resorted to amend the Togolese Constitution. On Tuesday, a
special session of the Parliament successfully voted for an amendment of the
Constitution that retroactively legitimizes the seizure of
At the moment, it appears the conspirators are more than
determined to ignore calls for Faure to step down in favour of the Speaker.
They are also sealing their ears with wax over other calls for elections
within the next two months to elect a new President. They are afraid that if
an election is held, Faure might not be able to win the popular
As such, what is at stake is a blatant and brazen attempt to
forfeit the right of the Togolese people to choose a leader of their choice
as their new President. This is a serious case of 'guided democracy' that
cannot in any way be accommodated in this modern era of democracy in
The situation in Togo is thus a good case study of
vis-à-vis the possibility of a similar situation also erupting in
We are all aware of the strong influence of the military
in the political process of Zimbabwe today. As I write, the country has
undergone a massive militarization of most of its state funded institutions.
In fact, most government departments now have many retired army leaders in
key positions. The latest of which is the newly appointed Attorney General,
We are also aware that Solomon Mujuru, a
retired former head of the army is still very active in the running of such
key national institutions such as Zanu-PF. He is highly regarded by many as
the party's chief kingmaker. He has of late been credited for the rise of
his wife, Joyce Mujuru to the Vice Presidency and the fall of Emerson
Mnangagwa, Jonathan Moyo, among others.
But even more critical
is the crucial fact that the army generals have all made it clear that they
believe they have the final say on who leads the country. They have even
gone to the extent of calling for a public press conference and emphasized
that they would never accept any winner of a popular election as long as
that person has no history related to the liberation war of the
This was of course, a very thinly veiled threat against
the electorate of Zimbabwe voting for a new leader such as the MDC's Morgan
Tsvangirai. The net effect of the Zimbabwean military position is to subvert
the will of the nation's majorities. In particular, it sets into doubt any
belief that Zimbabwe is a Parliamentary democracy that is governed by the
tenets of Constitutional supremacy and the rule of law.
such, the question we need to ponder upon as Zimbabweans is simple. Can our
military leaders stop us from voting out an incumbent such as Robert Mugabe?
Is it possible for us to experience a similar crisis to the one currently
raging on in Togo?
My take on this is that, indeed it is possible
for the Zimbabwean military to attempt to subvert the wishes of the
electoral majorities. But as it, I believe they are also watching keenly as
events unfold in Togo.
Much will therefore depend on what lessons
they will learn from the current crisis in that country. Thereafter, they
may be able to adjudge whether it is advisable or not to stage their own
'constitutional coup' in Zimbabwe in defiance of the will of the nation's
majority voters - firstname.lastname@example.org
Daniel Molokele is a lawyer and a former student leader. He is currently
based in Johannesburg, South Africa. His column appears here every
A new weekly
newspaper, The Zimbabwean, was launched yesterday in London and
Johannesburg. The 24-page tabloid is edited by a leading Zimbabwe
journalist, Wilf Mbanga, a prime mover behind Zimbabwe's only independent
daily, The Daily News, which was silenced under Zimbabwe's draconian press
laws. "Zimbabweans are deprived of news - they are being fed a diet of Zanu
PF propaganda every day," Mbanga said in an interview at the launch in the
Africa Centre in London's Covent Garden district. "The aim of the paper is
to inform millions of Zimbabweans in the diaspora about what is going on at
home, and to tell Zimbabweans at home what's happening outside the country.
It is a two-way traffic." Mbanga and his wife, Trish, who are now based in
Britain, have sunk their life-savings into the project. Two Dutch NGOs are
raising funds, and subscriptions from Zimbabweans have poured in, said
Mbanga, not only from South Africa and Europe, but from exiles in the USA,
Canada and Australia. There are hopes that circulation will rise to hundreds
of thousands and more. Plans are for early print runs of 20,000 in South
Africa and 30,000 in Britain. For sales in Zimbabwe - where thugs regularly
beat up vendors of The Daily News - Mbanga believes he has found a loophole
in Mugabe's catch-all press laws requiring journalists and publications to
register. "It's unpredictable," he acknowledged. "But there is no law
requiring us to register if the paper is published outside
The first issue is impressive: a mixture of politics,
commentary, art, entertainment and sport - all Zimbabwe-related. The lead
story predicts the renewal by the European Union of personal sanctions
targeted at Mugabe and his ruling elite and sums up the growing abuses by
the regime ahead of March 31 elections: the violence, the youth militia,
intimidation of the opposition, dead voters on the rolls, and the rest of
the strategy from a handbook for ballot-rigging. There are analyses by an
academic of the challenges the paper faces; and a "Party Politics" page in
which a message from opposition leader Morgan Tsvangarai runs alongside a
self-congratulatory piece lifted from the ruling party's website. Mbanga had
to lift the material as Zanu PF ignored an invitation to put its viewpoint.
Other stories focus on Zimbabwean failed asylum-seekers facing deportation
from Britain; demands by exiles to vote; Mbeki's dilemma over Zimbabwe;
Nigeria welcoming dispossessed white Zimbabwean farmers. There is human
interest. In A Letter from Home, Litany Bird graphically describes a trip to
a school to check whether her name is on the voter's roll: the pot-holed
road, the broken street lights, the hisses of Zanu PF thugs stationed
outside the building to deter checkers, and more ominously their apparent
success: the writer found herself checking alone - no queue in front, no one
All this was done by voluntary contributors. "We now have
62 Zimbabwean journalists who have offered to write for us for free," said
Mbanga. These include journalists inside Zimbabwe deprived of their
livelihood by the ban on The Daily News. Some write under bylines, others do
not. "To all those who have to remain nameless for fear of vicious
repercussions . we know who they are and the time will come for due
recognition to be made of their services at this significant moment in our
country's history," Mbanga wrote in the first issue. Graphic design,
stories, feature and cartoons are all by volunteers. It reflects, Mbanga
said before the launch, the Zimbabwean custom of "kubatana" (let's help one
another) usually associated with big tasks such a ploughing a field. "It is
this spirit which gives me hope for the future of my