The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zim Online

Mugabe sets election ball rolling with scathing attack on Blair
Fri 11 February 2005
  HARARE - President Robert Mugabe today launched his ruling ZANU PF party's
campaign for next month's general election with a blistering attack on
British premier Tony Blair accusing him of reneging on promises to fund land
reform in Zimbabwe.

      The Zimbabwean leader - who routinely steps up anti-West rhetoric
before elections in what analysts say is a cynical ploy to divert attention
from an embarrassing economic crisis - also attacked United States Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice accusing her of lying about Zimbabwe.

      "That man (Blair) refused to honour the Lancaster House agreement
although we had agreed on it. It had been intact until that man came along,"
Mugabe said kicking off what his party has dubbed an "Anti-Blair campaign."

      The Lancaster agreement was brokered between Mugabe and the late
Joshua Nkomo's liberation armies and Zimbabwe's former white rulers to bring
independence in 1980.

      Under the agreement, London undertook to sponsor the purchase of land
from mostly British descendents for redistribution to landless blacks.
Britain later cut off funding after disagreeing with Harare on the
implementation of land reform with London accusing Mugabe of giving most of
the farms taken from whites to his cronies.

      Mugabe says he began seizing white farmland without compensation in
2000 because Britain had refused to provide the money. But critics say the
cunning Zimbabwean leader was only using a genuine grievance of land hunger
to divert attention of a restive electorate from an economic crisis blamed
on his poor policies.

      "When Blair said I shall not give you money for land reform, we also
said we shall not buy land from white farmers. When he said I shall keep my
money, we also said we shall keep our land. He simply would not perform his
side of the contract," said Mugabe at a ceremony to launch the campaign in

      Turning on Rice who last month listed Zimbabwe among the remaining
"outposts of tyranny", Mugabe said: "She has got to re-echo her masters'
voice telling lies. If we were tyrannical, the first person who would have
lost his head would be Ian Smith (white supremacist leader of Rhodesia
before it became Zimbabwe)."

      But Mugabe also admitted that his chaotic and often violent land
reform programme has faced problems with senior ZANU PF and government
officials looting most of the best farms.

      Critics say the land redistribution exercise is responsible for
consigning what was only a few years ago a net food exporter into a
donor-fed Zimbabwe, poor weather not withstanding.

      The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights also criticised
the government for gross human rights violations most of them committed
during the land seizures. The commission's report was adopted by the African
Union at its summit in Abuja, Nigeria early this month.

      ZANU PF will battle it out with the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change party in March after the opposition party rescinded earlier this
month a decision to boycott the poll. - ZimOnline
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      Zimbabwean MP candidates warned against giving empty promises 2005-02-12 02:28:16

          HARARE, Feb. 11 (Xinhuanet) -- Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe
on Friday urged candidates for the March parliamentary elections to
represent and respect the electorate and to desist from giving empty

          Speaking at the launch of the ruling Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) 2005 parliamentary campaign and the launch
of the party's manifesto, the president said leaders must be chosen by the
people and should also come out of the people.

          "They should look at the needs of the people, expound these needs
and fulfill them. It is people's interest we stand for. Remember it is not
you who caused yourselves to be here but the people back home who matter
much more than you," he said.

          The president warned candidates against vote buying and to desist
from using clandestine activities to get into parliament.

          He said the people would reject such a person once they discovered
the deceit, adding that the people were not a market where aspiring
politicians sold themselves or bought supporters.

          Parliamentary elections will be held on March 31, which has been
declared a holiday, with results to be announced on April 1. Enditem

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Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Zimbabweans Celebrate New Voice

New publication seeks to empower the diaspora and inform a population denied
access to information in the run up to the elections.

By Alison Freebairn in London (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 06,

Award-winning Zimbabwean journalist Colin Nyamutanba really began to worry
about his safety when he learned that his name was on a "hit list" drawn up
by President Robert Mugabe's thuggish War Veterans. But when he found out he
had also been singled out by the regime's Central Intelligence Organisation,
he knew that it was time to leave the country.

Three years to the day since he arrived in London with his new bride and
began a difficult life as an exile, Nyamutanba is celebrating the February
10 launch of a new publication that hopes to give a voice to the Zimbabwean
diaspora as well as inform those inside the country.

The Zimbabwean is the brainchild of former Daily News managing director Wilf
Mbanga, who has been living in Europe for the past two years and is
publishing the paper from his home in the south of England.

It's estimated that as many as half a million Zimbabweans are living in
exile in the UK, with a further two million in South Africa. The paper,
which has an initial print run of 120,000 copies, will have a British
edition and one published in Johannesburg.

Mbanga is quick to point out that the title's role is not one of opposition
activism. With parliamentary elections scheduled for March 31, The
Zimbabwean will seek to provide balanced coverage of all platforms - even
that of the ruling ZANU-PF, which enjoys a monopoly on media coverage within
the country.

"In Zimbabwe, there is only one voice and all others are gagged, so it is
important that alternative viewpoints are heard," Mbanga told IWPR.

"If people are to make a judgement they need to have all the facts at their
disposal - and we are going to provide those facts."

Mbanga has been founding independent papers for the bulk of his professional
life - moving on to a new venture each time Mugabe's government moved to
close the previous one down.

His last business was the hugely popular Daily News, which was eventually
shut down by the authorities in 2003, following a calculated campaign of
harassment and violence against members of staff.

This is his first foray into publishing as an exile and, aside from
donations from two non-governmental organisations in the Netherlands, it is
being funded by the Mbanga family's life savings. Clearly a lot is at stake
for Mbanga personally, but he insists that many of The Zimbabwean's
contributors are risking far more.

Around 60 journalists - both in Zimbabwe and in the diaspora - have offered
their services to the paper free of charge.

Mbanga is full of praise for his "brave" team. "Even those journalists who
have come to the UK are still afraid of what the authorities might do to
them," he told IWPR.

"These people have been threatened, dragged through police stations and
beaten up just for doing their jobs."

Mugabe's introduction of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act, AIPPA, in March 2002 had made life increasingly difficult for
journalists, who were then required to apply to a state-appointed commission
for official registration. Hundreds of them were forced out of work in this
way, and many papers - including Mbanga's Daily News - were put out of

The situation has deteriorated with the introduction earlier this year of a
series of amendments to AIPPA, which allow for prison sentences of up to 20
years for journalists who write "falsehoods" which damage the reputation of
the authorities - and two years in jail for those who work without official

While the diaspora reporters may be out of any physical danger, there is no
statute of limitations or date of expiry contained within the act, meaning
that any exiled journalist who is deemed to have "defamed" the president or
his government could be arrested the moment they set foot on Zimbabwean
soil, even decades later.

As a result of this, the bulk of journalists who have offered to write for
The Zimbabwean - including Nyamutanba - will do so under a pseudonym.

In spite of the risks, exiled journalists in London, who recently formed an
association, are welcoming the opportunity to continue writing about their

"It is marvellous for me to throw off the bloodstained clothes of AIPPA,
that evil legislation that affects every aspect of our lives as
 journalists," said Nyamutanba, who still does not know for certain if he is
facing criminal charges as a result of his investigative journalism.

"This an opportunity for me to contribute to the establishment of a
democratic future in my country, even though I cannot live there at this

"We need a return to common sense and respect for democratic values in
Zimbabwe," he said. "If [we exiles] can contribute to this, it will be a

As the AIPPA law stands, papers published outside Zimbabwe do not have to be
registered with the authorities - but Mbanga is well aware that this may
change at very short notice.

However, even if the print edition is eventually prevented from hitting
Zimbabwean newsstands, the title will still be accessible online from
mid-March at its website .

"This newspaper is a fantastic project, and a fine example of the
extraordinary resilience of the Zimbabwean diaspora," said Nyamutanba.

"I really hope that it will help the people inside the country by bringing
them the information needed to make an informed choice. With luck it will
become a platform for freedom of expression and offer everyone an
opportunity to express how they feel."

Alison Freebairn is an IWPR editor in London.
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Zim Independent

One-party state the 'democratic' way
By Chido Makunike
WE have learned many painful lessons about the political process since
Independence in 1980. We might suffer the misfortune of being ruled by
rulers who are more appropriate to a Middle Ages fiefdom than to a modern
nation, but it is teaching many of us some basic lessons that citizens in
older, more established nations take for granted.

The image of "independence" we had was of a dispensation where prosperity
would come as a matter of course and we would never again have to fear
retribution for what we thought or said. Neither have turned out to be the
reality of independent Zimbabwe. As significant and offensive as the
dividing line of a political system based on minority rule was, we have
learned that a bad leadership can so twist the concept of majority rule that
it can also have its own types of tyrannies.

In the 1980s when Robert Mugabe was quite honest about his distaste for
political plurality by openly pushing for a one-party state, there was a
collective sigh of relief when his wish was thwarted. But Mugabe the
ideologue found that he could have his one-party state anyway, without
having to declare it.

When the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) came onto the electoral scene
with a bang in 2000, even those who felt that the party had been robbed of
an outright victory by a stacked electoral process comforted themselves that
at least we finally had a fully fledged multi-party system. For the first
time we had fairly well matched parliamentary representation between two
main parties.

The disastrous rulers that so many had hoped would be deposed might have
still been in power, but it was thought that the powerful new opposition
party would provide effective checks and balances against the previous
excesses of the government. Many of us naively equated multi-partyism with
democracy, just as previously we had naively thought "majority rule"
necessarily meant fairness and prosperity for the majority.

Despite the MDC holding close to half the seats in the outgoing parliament
and the country therefore being a "multi-party democracy" in that formal
sense, this country has never been more autocratic than it is now. So we are
"independent" but full of fear of the rulers and do not at all feel as free
as we had hoped. We are a "multi-party democracy" that goes all out to
ensure that in reality our freedom to choose our leaders has never been so
restricted! Is this a messed up situation or what?

"Ah, but if you think you are so clever in trying to prove your usual
argument that Mugabe is a despot, what do you say about the fact that
Zimbabwe has held all its elections according to schedule since 1980?
Regular elections are one of the hallmarks of a democracy."

Admittedly I used to think so too, until the brilliant oppressor we have
found a way to leave the rituals of elections in place while subverting them
so totally that the elections are now almost meaningless.

Mugabe and Zanu PF have found that they do not need to be so crude and
blatant as to ban all opposition parties and declare a one-party state as
they would have liked to have done at one point. There are far more
sophisticated means of obtaining exactly the same result as a one-party
dictatorship while posing as democrats to the gullible who only look at
things on the surface.

Sure, hold elections on schedule every few years. When the people are
"correctly oriented" and willingly vote for the ruling party, there is no
problem, let those elections be held without too much fuss.

But when it becomes increasingly clear that the electorate is largely
disgruntled and might very well vote "wrongly" for the opposition, then
before each election take the appropriate corrective measures. Use
intimidation, bribery, the threat of starvation and impoverishment,
violence - any means necessary to make sure the electorate does what is
expected of them on election day.

In any case, regardless of what choices the voters make, if you control the
ballot-counting process through pliant bureaucrats, the outcome will be
whatever you want it to be.

If in spite of all this preparatory work significant numbers of opposition
politicians get into parliament, put the whole state machinery in overdrive
to make sure that their presence there does not make any difference at all.

Ignore, insult, beat and arrest them; periodically denounce them as enemies
of the same people who voted for them!

In other words, go through with the formal motions of democracy as a massive
fraudulent cover-up, but in practice subvert the true meaning of democracy
by any means possible.

This is what we face as we prepare to vote in the general election in March.
The electoral environment has never been as uneven as it is now, the
political environment never as repressive. All the other factors that need
to be in place to make periodic elections a true function of a working
democracy have been constricted, leaving only the empty shell of the
balloting process, itself heavily corrupted.

So another lesson in our slow, painful way to eventual political maturity is
that you can have elections, but without democracy!

*Chido Makunike is a regular contributor to the Zimbabwe Independent
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Zim Independent

Diaspora vote saga sparks legal row
By Makusha Mugabe
ZIMBABWEANS living in the United Kingdom who last week filed an urgent
application in the Supreme Court claming their right to vote from abroad are
basing their case on the various democracy and human rights instruments
which African Union and Southern African Development Community (Sadc)
leaders have adopted and ratified.

The action, brought by Diaspora Vote Action Group (DVAG) is significant in
that it is taken on behalf of an estimated four million Zimbabwean adults
who live outside the country. The number is almost the same as that of
voters inside the country.

Far from being a gimmick to disturb elections as Justice, Legal and
Parliamentary Affairs minister Patrick Chinamasa says, the DVAG action was
the result of a real frustration by Zimbabweans - mere expatriates or
migrant labourers in other countries - about why they were excluded from the
electoral process yet they so much wanted to influence events in their own

Chinamasa seems to be labouring under the mistaken belief that just because
top Zanu PF officials are not allowed in Europe or America because of their
own misdeeds, Zimbabwean citizens should have to give up their right to
vote. The citizens have nothing to do with the fight between Mugabe and
British Premier Tony Blair and US President George Bush. The Mugabe
government should sort out its problem with Europe and America, but
Zimbabweans should still be able to exercise their right to vote.

Zimbabwe's constitution allows citizens registered on the voters' roll the
right to vote, and once one is on the voters' roll he/she cannot be removed
unless he/she has taken the citizenship of another country. While the
expatriates may be free to go home and vote, as Chinamasa suggests, at what
cost would that be, and why should it cost anything for one to go and vote
instead of the government facilitating the process by making it possible for
people to vote at their embassies?

Besides regional countries like Mozambique, Botswana and South Africa, the
Iraq government recently even hired buses for its citizens in the UK to go
and vote at centres in Manchester, London and Glasgow.

In the democratic separation of powers that we are supposed to be having in
Zimbabwe, it is the courts which decide what applications or actions
constitute abuse of the court process, not Chinamasa who is part of the
executive. We look forward to meeting Chinamasa in court where the judges
will decide whether the application is an abuse of the court process as he

The estimated population in Zimbabwe is 8,5 million (12,5 million minus four
million outside the country). Of this number about half are children below
18 and the elderly in rural areas who may not be able to go and vote (taking
into consideration also that a large number in the 20 to 40 age-group have
died of HIV-related illnesses), which leaves about four million voters
inside the country making decisions for the rest of the country, while
another four million adult people are disenfranchised by virtue of being
outside the country looking for better opportunities.

The fact that some of them, eg those in the UK, may be able to vote in
council elections in the places where they live does not make them UK
citizens. In fact it is recognition that while they are there they might
know someone who would make a good councillor for them and they are given
the right to vote. It certainly does not take away their Zimbabwean

Advocate Beatrice Mtetwa's argument seems unassailable; that just because
one goes abroad for school or migrant work so that he/she can build his/her
dream-house in his home country does not remove one's political affinity to
his/her home. In fact, it should increase it because one would want to make
sure that the Zimbabwe that one is investing in will be the Zimbabwe that
one wants.

At the time of the filing of the case the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission had
only just been appointed by Mugabe - using his powers under the same old
Zimbabwean constitution, even though a few weeks earlier the president had
been quoted saying he fully subscribed to the Sadc principles and guidelines
governing democratic elections.

Was the president serious when he appended his signature to the Sadc
protocol which in practical terms called for changes to Zimbabwe's own
constitution that allows the president to be a referee in a game in which he
is playing?

The silence of the Zimbabwean constitution on voting by non-residents does
not mean that their right is taken away. If we go by what the constitution
does say explicitly, it is that every citizen who is over18 has the
constitutional right to vote as long as he registers.

The current exclusion of Zimbabweans in the diaspora from elections can only
be explained by the actions of the government of the day -- and in this
case, the action of a government that realised that most of the people
resident outside the country had been exposed and would probably not be
hoodwinked into voting for a party that has forced them into menial jobs
just to sustain their dreams which were washing away with the falling
Zimbabwe dollar.

This would also explain the inconsistency of the government in fully
accepting that Zimbabweans in the diaspora were mainly temporarily resident
outside the country for economic and other reasons, but at the same time
deny them the vote.

The president himself was shown on television admitting that Zimbabweans
abroad had shown that they would never forget where they come from - because
they were building houses and sending money home to support their clans.

This inconsistency was also noted in Reserve Bank officials' visits in the
UK where they were openly told: "When it comes to our pounds we are
citizens, but when it comes to the vote we are British," before they were
sent scurrying for cover and told never to come back again until they had
put in place a "Votelink" programme to go along with their Homelink project.

They do not see why the government has seen it fit to exclude them from the
country's political processes, unless it is because the government of the
day fears that the Zimbabweans abroad might vote against it. It is unfair
and discriminatory, so the Supreme Court is being asked to intervene.

The provisions of Section 32(2) of the Electoral Act would require a
constituency registrar to retain a Zimbabwean's name on the voters' roll and
to have those Zimbabweans who are now qualified voters to exercise their
right to vote wherever they might be.

Jefta Madzingo, the applicant, is therefore justified in believing that:
"The exclusion of voters such as myself from voting is discriminatory and
does not accord with provisions of the Bill of Rights which guarantees
Zimbabweans certain basic rights to freedom of expression politically
through the electoral process. I therefore contend that such exclusion is
clearly unconstitutional."

He also claimed that the exclusion contravened provisions of Section 21 of
the constitution of Zimbabwe, which guarantees citizens of Zimbabwe freedom
of association, by limiting their ability to freely associate with those
political organisations with whom they might share common interests.

Madzingo further contended that Section 22 allowed Zimbabweans the freedom
to move freely, and the movement of Zimbabweans for economic reasons to
other parts of the world should not therefore be curtailed by denying them
the right to participate in the country's political processes through
elections while they are on their trips.

Exclusion of Zimbabweans who are in the diaspora from participation in the
political process would have the effect of curtailing such Zimbabweans'
right to freedom of movement. The government therefore needed to ensure that
arrangements were made for Zimbabweans in the diaspora to vote in general
and presidential elections as and when they are held, to avoid accusations
of discrimination.

The government of Zimbabwe has fully accepted that all of its citizens were
entitled to full participation in the political and electoral processes in
the country as it signed various international legal instruments which
include the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International
Covenant of Civil and Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and
People's Rights and, more recently, the Sadc Principles and Guidelines
Governing Democratic Elections.

Madzingo's case therefore only seeks to hold the government to the
provisions of all of these instruments including the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights which provides that everyone has the right to take part in
the government of his or her country, directly or through freely chosen
representatives. Zimbabweans, regardless of where they might be resident,
are therefore entitled to fully participate in the upcoming general
elections and, as the government of Zimbabwe has acceded to all these
instruments, it is obliged to ensure that their provisions are fully

But in case it might be said that these are Western values being imposed on
the country, Zimbabwe is also party to regional and continental instruments
on holding regular, free and fair general elections, like the African Union's
Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa
adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation
of African Unity on July 8 2002.

Zimbabwe fully participated in this declaration which specifically states
that every citizen shall have the right to participate freely in the
government of his or her country either directly or through freely elected
representatives in accordance with the provisions of the law.

The declaration also guarantees every citizen the right to fully participate
in the electoral processes of their country including the right to vote or
be voted for according to the laws of the country and as guaranteed by the
constitution without any kind of discrimination.

*Makusha Mugabe is a member of DVAG, which can be reached at
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Mugabe vows to feed hungry voters
          February 11 2005 at 11:06AM

      Harare - President Robert Mugabe's government has earmarked 12-billion
Zimbabwe dollars (R11,6-billion) to buy food aid for needy Zimbabweans who
are going to the polls next month, the state-run daily The Herald said on

      About 1,5 million Zimbabweans are in need of food aid ahead of the
next main harvest due in April, according to figures from the social welfare
ministry quoted by the daily.

      Mugabe's government plans to buy 15 000 tons of the staple maize grain
for distribution, the report said.

      Zimbabweans are to cast ballots on March 31 in parliamentary elections
that are expected to consolidate Mugabe's ruling Zimbabwe African National
Union - Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) stranglehold on power.

      Maintaining that the country had enjoyed a "bumper" harvest in 2004,
the government last year said it required no food aid from outside the

      The state-run Grain Marketing Board (GMB), the country's sole grain
handling agency, said in September that it was expecting to receive
      750 000 tons of maize this season, much less than the country's needs.

      Regional food security grouping, Famine Early Warning Systems Network
(Fewsnet) originally estimated that 2,2 million people would need food aid,
but in November it said the figure was likely to go up during the peak
hunger season between January and March.

      A parliamentary committee on agriculture in November also warned that
the country was likely to face a food "stock-out before the next harvest"
due around April.

      Zimbabwe has faced food shortages over the past few years that have
been partly attributed to droughts and the government's land reform policy
launched in 2000 that saw the seizure of white-owned commercial farms for
redistribution to blacks.

      Once the bread basket of southern Africa, the land seizures coupled
with ongoing economic and political crises in Zimbabwe over elections in
2000 in 2002 that were marred by violence and claims of fraud.

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Zimbabwe Admits Need for Food Aid By  Tendai Maphosa
      11 February 2005

The Zimbabwean government says it will have to provide food aid to some of
its people, but denies U.S. estimates that half the population is in need of
assistance. This is the first time the government is admitting some
Zimbabweans need food assistance.

A report in the government-owned newspaper, The Herald, says the government
estimate of 1.5 million people in need of food aid is far less than the
figure claimed by the United States.

A report by the U.S.-sponsored Famine Early Warning System Network estimated
that half of Zimbabwe's 12.5 million people would have no food by March. The
Zimbabwean government denounced the report as part of what it called a
destabilization campaign by the United States ahead of Zimbabwe's March

The Herald report says the government has put aside about $7 million to feed
the needy until March. It is anticipated that, by then, people will be
starting to harvest this season's crops. The food will be bought from the
state grain marketing board, which has a monopoly on the buying and selling
of corn and wheat in the country.

The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change spokesperson for
agriculture, Renson Gasela, sees a link between the start of distribution of
food just seven weeks before elections. He told VOA that people without
ruling ZANU-PF cards would not qualify for food aid. As he put it, "It is
nothing but vote-buying."

However, The Herald says the food will be distributed to people in exchange
for work, under the government's food-for-work program.

The Zimbabwe government last year stopped all humanitarian organizations
involved in food aid since 2000 from distributing aid, saying the country
had enough food to feed its people.

Despite the claims of a bumper harvest, the government continues to import
corn from neighboring South Africa. The South African Grain Information
Service says, last week, Zimbabwe imported more than 13 tons of corn.
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The Scotsman

Government Accused of Electioneering with Hunger Aid


Zimbabwe's government acknowledged today that 1.5 million people face
hunger, but dismissed independent estimates that nearly four times that
number are at risk.

Official figures released by the Social Welfare Ministry said the eastern
Manicaland province bordering neighbouring Mozambique was the worst
affected, with nearly 300,000 people set to receive food relief and food in
return for work on public projects from the government.

The ministry said the government allocated £4.6 million for distribution of
food relief in areas across the country up to the end of March, when this
year's harvests begin.

It said the relief was going to areas that failed to grow enough food
because of drought conditions and erratic rains.

The opposition Movement for Democratic Change accused the government of
using food relief to garner support for the ruling Zanu-PF party in the
run-up to the general election on March 31.

Renson Gasela, the opposition's shadow agriculture minister, said food
shortages and hunger in the first part of this year were forecast after last
year's harvests.

He said it was well known food relief would be needed before the polls.

"That food will be used to campaign. ZANU-PF was fully aware of the
situation on the ground. They will now come foreword and pose as the
saviour," he said.

In what was once a regional breadbasket, some 5.5 million Zimbabweans have
received food handouts from international agencies since 2003.

But most food aid agreements were cancelled when President Robert Mugabe
declared last year they were no longer necessary.

Zimbabwe is suffering its worst economic and political crisis since Mugabe
led the nation to independence from Britain in 1980. AP
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Farmer Murdered

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

February 11, 2005
Posted to the web February 11, 2005

Gift Phiri

A BANKET farmer was on Sunday strangled to death by suspected war veterans
and ruling party militia as the effects of the five-year land occupation
crisis linger on, farmers confirmed this week.

Commercial Farmers Union officials said Ole Sunde, a white commercial
farmer, was abducted from his occupied Musonzowa Farm near Banket, 95
kilometers northwest of Harare, and driven into the bush where he was
severely assaulted before he was strangled to death with a wire.

CFU president Doug Taylor-Freeme said Sunde, who had serious head injuries,
was rushed to Banket district hospital but was pronounced dead on arrival.

The assailants reportedly broke into his house and got away with a DStv

Although it was not possible to obtain comment from Banket district medical
officer, a Dr Ngalangala, a hospital official who spoke to the Zimbabwe
Independent, confirmed on Wednesday that Sunde's body was at the mortuary.

Sunde becomes the latest white farmer killed in a tense standoff between
landowners and squatters backed by President Robert Mugabe's ruling party.
Twelve other farmers have been killed since farm occupations started in

Two of Sunde's neighbours who went to his assistance after squatters
confronted him on Sunday, were also abducted and their whereabouts remain

A third neighbour who declined to be identified for fear of victimisation,

witnessed the fatal beating of Sunde. He was also beaten by Sunde's
assailants and was treated at Banket district hospital.

Chinhoyi provincial press liaison officer Assistant Inspector Nyathi
declined to comment on the murder of Sunde, referring all questions to
police general headquarters in Harare. Police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka
could not immediately comment on the murder, saying he was out of town on

The killing is expected to severely deepen the crisis over illegal land
occupations in Zimbabwe which began in 2000 amid reports that the group of
war veterans has vowed to take over all white-owned farms in the Zvimba
North constituency.

The murder of Sunde, of Norwegian descent, has forced more than 20 white
farming families in the area to seek safety in Harare, a representative of
the farmers' union said.
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Today's Herald (Friday 11th February 2005) has a new listing of 256
properties under Lot 11 for SECTION 7 notices of application for
confirmation of section 8 orders.

Farmers are reminded that they have FIVE DAYS within which to lodge "Heads
of Argument" objections.



SECTION 7 listing in Herald 11th February 2005:


TAKE NOTICE that an application for the confirmation of the acquisition
order issued in respect of the following farms has been filed in the
Administrative Court at Harare and that the Respondent and any holder of
real rights over the said farm are required to lodge their objections
within 5 days after the publication of this notice failure of which the
matter shall be set down unopposed without any further notice.

A copy of the application is available for collection at Applicant's
undersigned legal practitioner of record's address between Monday to Friday
from 8 am to 4 pm.

Applicant's Legal Practitioners
2nd Floor, Block "A"
New Govt. Complex
Cnr Samora Machel Ave/Fourth St.

Minister of Special Affairs in the Office of the
President and Cabinet Responsible for Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement


1. 1139/90, Ingwesi Ranching Company P/L, Belingwe, Lot 4 of Wedza Block,
13 345.5157 ha, Case No. LA 5325/05.
2. 1250/90, E R York and Company P/L, Belingwe, Lot 5 of Wedza Block, 16
547.9644 ha, Case No. LA 5386/05.
3. 1190/90, Lynwood Ranching Company P/L, Belingwe, Lot 7 of Wedza Block,
17 268.6700 ha, Case No. LA 5406/05.
4. 1193/90, Barberton P/L, Belingwe, Lot 6 of Wedza block, 10 675.5869 ha,
Case No. LA 5308/05.
5. 1133/90, Kenneth David Drummond, Belingwe, Lot 3 of Wedza Block, 9
886.3341 ha, Case No. LA 5353/05.
6. 3436/90, Liebigs Zimbabwe Limited, Belingwe, Lot 2 of Wedza Block, 7
805.1675 ha, Case No. LA 5333/05.
7. Bubi
7. 3865/86, Sommer Ranching P/L, Bubi, Farm 17 of Robert Block, 606.7117
ha, Case No. LA 5340/05.
8. 2023/98, Maxim Hill P/L, Bubi, The Remaining Extent of Subdivision C
of Maxim Hill, 101.6192 ha, Case No. LA 5405/05.
9. 2958/83, Edmond Mathew Grenfell-Dexter, Bubi, The Remaining Extent of
robert Block, 242.8934 ha, Case No. LA 5346/05.
10. 2958/83, Edmond Mathew Grenfell-Dexter, Bubi, The Remaining Extent of
Riverbank, 1 344.4342 ha, Case No. LA 5290/05.
11. 778/91, W H Elliot and Son P/L, Bubi, Chilton, 2 628.2884 ha, Case No.
LA 5392/05.
12. 1630/60, Mayo Farm P/L, Bubi, Mayo, 5 291.2562 acres, Case No. LA
13. 1627/60, Annaly Farm P/L, Bubi, The Remaining Extent of Annaly, 5
901.2073 acres, Case No. LA 5282/05.
14. 276/77, Origo Investments P/L, Bubi, Formaona, 1 687.7000 ha, Case No.
LA 5283/05.
15. 2627/82, Charles William Bawden, Bubi, Dingaan, 2 529.7889 ha, Case No.
LA 5284/05.
16. 5807/99, Origo Investments P/L, Bubi, Subdivision J of Gravesend, 1
012.6642 ha, Case No. LA 5364/05.
17. 3865/86, Sommer Ranching P/L, Bubi, Farm 18 Robert Block, 504.8931 ha,
Case No. LA 5390/05.
18. 1470/66, Ellen Mathilda mary Van Loggerenberg, Bubi, Trehearn
Extension, 937.7713 acres, Case No. LA 5288/05.
19. 1456/85, Alex Peter Goosen, Bubi, Deeside, 862,1354 ha, Case No. LA
20. 2387/87, Gourlays Ranch P/L, Bubi, Gourlays block, 20 837.9934 ha, Case
No. LA 5295/05.
21. 2917/84, Alex Peter Goosen, Bubi, Fettykil Estate, 969.2938 ha, Case
No. LA 5304/05.
22. 2023/98, Maxim Hill P/L, Bubi, The Remaining Extent of Maxim Hill,
664.3508 ha, Case No. LA 5384/05.
23. 5807/99, Origo Investments P/L, Bubi, Muhlotshana, 415.9254 ha, Case
No. LA 5317/05.
24. 778/91, W H Elliot and Sons P/L, Bubi, Fairbarns, 2 216.723 ha, Case
No. LA 5281/05.
25. 5807/99, Origo Investments P/L, Bubi, Lot 2 of Formanoa, 1 672.4091 ha,
Case No. LA 5395/05.
26. 3865/86, Sommer Ranching P/L, Bubi, Farm 16 robert Block, 604.4091 ha,
Case No. LA 5371/05.

27. 2308/2000, P C Component Distributors P/L, Bulalimamangwe, Remainder of
McGeer's Luck, 428.2562 ha, Case No. LA 5343/03.
28. 1404/84, E R York and Company P/L, Bulalimamangwe, Subdivision 4 of
Sandown South, 1 392.6984 ha, Case No. LA 5274/05.
29. 3591/74, A N Walton Farming Enterprises P/L, Bulalimamangwe, Seringa
Vale, 2 569.623 ha, Case No. LA 5397/05.

30. 2022/98, Buczar Investments P/L, Bulawayo, The Remaining Extent of Lot
15 of Lower Nondwene, 602.3486 ha, Case No. LA 5352/05.

31. 404/59, Umgusa Valley Estates P/L, Bulawayo, Remaining Extent of
Subdivision G of the Helenvale Block, 660.492 morgan, Case No. LA 5329/05.
32. 1866/77, Alastair Arnold Kay, Bulawayo, Remainder of Subdivision F of
the Helenvale Block, 637.5030 ha, Case No. LA 5381/05.
33. 1708/71, Mandalay P/L, Bulawayo, Sunridge of S/D Q of Helenvale Block,
128.4806 ha, Case No. LA 5355/05.
34. 2357/91, Bryan Coun Follwell, Bulawayo, S/D B of Standish of the
Hellenvale block, 101.5701 ha, Case No. LA 5299/05.

35. 1171/82, thomas Mattheus Lambert, Charter, Bordeaux, 856.5680 ha, Case
No. LA 5230/04.
36. 4399/54, James Thomas Wheeler, Charter, Wildebeestelaagte, 1 000.14
morgan, Case No. LA 5181/04.
37. 4913/84, Beach Farms P/L, Charter, The Beach, 409.9595 ha, Case No. LA
38. 1011/98, Adore gold Insurance P/L, Charter, Remainder of Swartfontein,
1 127.8689 ha, Case No. LA 5308/05.
39. 5464/87, Brian John Coveley, Charter, Eton, 616.6930 ha, Case No. LA
40. 4298/96, Hambrook Enterprises , Charter, Ricefontein Farm, 1 284.7799
ha, Case No. LA 5233/04.
41. 5515/87, L C M Farming P/L, Charter, Remaining Extent of Kuruman, 1
355.4998 ha, Case No. LA 5235/04.
42. 4378/74, Anthony Nicholas Brakspeer, Charter, Philipsdale Ranch, 2
331.4231 ha, Case No. LA 5246/04.
43. 2710/92, Hendrik Jacobus Smith, Charter, The Remaining Extent of
Schoongezicht, 642.3942 ha, Case No. LA 5215/04.
44. 2099/78, Johannes Jacobus Smit, Charter, Subdivision B of Jackal's
Bank, 943.3236 ha, Case No. LA 5255/04.
45. 2507/92, Duiker Investments P/L, Charter, Remainder of Hugos Fountain,
640.4252 ha, Case No. LA 5256/04.
46. 1561/85, Tangenhamo Breeding & Pastoraal Development P/L, Charter, Lot
1 of Mapanidale, 243.3600 ha, Case No. LA 5214/04.
47. 2161/82, Cornelius Johannes Nel, Charter, buckenhill of tantallon,
626.5370 ha, Case No. LA 5236/04.
48. 9783/90, Alta Coetzee, Charter, Subdivision A of Uitkyk, 631.5263 ha,
Case No. LA 5155/04.

49. 1304/79, Christoffel J Greyling and Hendrik J Greyling, Goromonzi,
Subdivision D of Sellair, 118.7101 ha, Case No. LA 5312/05.
50. 7025/91, Harlequin Genetics P/l, Goromonzi, Dagbreek of the Twentydales
Estate, 376.9483 ha, Case No. LA 5291/05.
51. 6111/86, Philips Wine Cellar P/L, Goromonzi, The Remaining Extent of
the Medows Farm, 691.6411 ha, Case No. LA 5152/04.
52. 690/63, Glenavon Farm P/L, Goromonzi, Glen Avon, 3 174.7643 acres, Case
No. LA 5261/04.
53. 5629/80, Howson Lands P/L, Goromonzi, Colga, 941.5774 ha, Case No. LA
54. 9148/87, Northfield Farm P/L, Goromonzi, Northfield, 676.6492 ha, Case
No. LA 5245/04.
55. 2040/80, Protea Valley P/L, Goromonzi, Lot 1 of Buena Vista, 404.6785
ha, Case No. LA 5350/05.
56. 7577/96, Allahallows Investments P/L, Goromonzi, Ruargo Extension A,
123.2262 ha, Case No. LA 5184/04.
57. 4670/84, Ian David Piercy, Goromonzi, Lot 21A James Farm, 128.9481 ha,
Case No. LA 5396/05.
58. 6822/99, Benjamin Lombard, Goromonzi, S/D B of S/D of Whitesides,
101.1717 ha, Case No. LA 5296/05.
59. 3979/82, Glenlair Estates P/L, Goromonzi, Lot 3A Bally Vaughan,
364.0369 ha, Case No. LA 5262/04.
60. 5620/74, Christoffel J Greyling, Goromonzi, S/D E of Sellair, 138.5453
ha, Case No. LA 5360/03.
61. 7023/91, Willmead Enterprises P/L, Goromonzi, Mariandi of Nil
Desperandum of Twentydales Estate, 60.70000 ha, Case No. LA 5342/05.
62. 7025/91, Harlequin Genetics P/L, Goromonzi, Grootvlei of the
Twentydales Estate, 181.4172 ha, Case No. LA 5383/05.
63. 4557/76, Catherine Dorothy O'Connell, Goromonzi, S/D C of James Farm,
102.0410 ha, Case No. LA 5326/05.
64. 5397/85, Chifumbi Enterprises P/L, Goromonzi, Remainder of Chifumbi of
Meadow, 552.1045 ha, Case No. LA 5160/04.
65. 4972/86, Chakanyuka Farming P/L, Goromonzi, 421.3826 ha, Case No. LA
66. 4675/85, Daniel Nicholas Smith, Goromonzi, Remainder of glenroy,
444.8080 ha, Case No. LA 5157/04.
67. 6530/72, Belmont Estates P/L, Goromonzi, Belmont Estates, 1 290.0036
ha, Case No. LA 5159/04.
68. 2704/81, Olaf Wentzel, Gwelo, Forestvale of Bernbezaan, 1 456.0807 ha,
Case No. LA 4945/04.

69. 7172/73, Charles Stewart Day Old Chicks P/l, Hartley, Lot 2 of Ameva
Extension, 404.5806 ha, Case No. LA 5257/04.
70. 10849/89, T & G Farming P/L, Hartley, R/E of Fort Martin, 848.7645 ha,
Case No. LA 3528/03.
71. 1168/83, Balclutha P/L, Hartley, Aquarius, 404.2772 ha, Case No. LA
72. 7202/99, Marulla Farming P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Violetsvale of
Raiway 18, 736.5941 ha, Case No. LA 5393/05.
73. 7480/97, Stokesay Farm P/L, Hartley, Stokesay of Oxford, 80.9381 ha,
Case No. LA 5241/04.
74. 7567/86, Suri Suri Investments P/L, Hartley, Wanimo, 628.6843 ha, Case
No. LA 5202/04.
75. 8816/97, Golan Investments P/L, Hartley, Lot 2 of Cressydale, 184.5344
ha, Case No. LA 5200/04.
76. 987/78, Fred Wolstenholme, Hartley, Remaining Extent of Lourie Estate,
541.4137 ha, Case No. LA 5287/05.
77. 3175/89, Mohamed amin Koshen, Hartley, Shangwe Ranch, 3 411.5983 ha,
Case No. LA 5191/04.
78. 4704/85, Jacobus Johan Hendrik grudling, Hartley, Langford, 614.9800
ha, Case No. LA 5165/04.
79. 5138/94, Mafuti Estates (1991) P/L, Hartley, Donore, 653.0522 ha, Case
No. LA 5169/04.
80. 8163/98, Ian McGhie Consultancy P/L, Hartley, The Remainder of Ruanda
Estate, 1 182.2307 ha, Case No. LA 5172/04.
81. 3664/95, hallingbury Farm P/L, Hartly, The Remaining Extent of
Hallingbury, 1 208.1417 ha, Case No. LA 5182/04.
82. 4319/74, John McCleary Beattie, Hartley, Varkpan, 760.1755 ha, Case No.
LA 5376/05.
83. 4705/85, Jacobus Johan Hendrik Grundling, Hartley, Cambusdrennie,
868.6520 ha, Case No. LA 5336/05.
84. 1871/86, G A Hewlett P/L, Hartley, Handley Cross Estate, 879.6318 ha,
Case No. LA 5286/05.
85. 5686/94, Philip Arthur Peter Manchip, Joanna Christine Ferris, Susan
Jane Rushforth, Nicholas Charles Manchip, and Sally Ann Rugg, Hartley, The
Remainder of Estancia-Corea, 303.4632 ha, Case No. LA 5294/05.
86. 6901/72, John Norman Eastwood, Hartley, The Remaining Extent of Harmony
of Changafuma, 329.6080 ha, Case No. LA 5259/04.
87. 5138/94, Mafuti Estates (1991) P/L, Hartley, Lot 5 of Crown Ranch, 1
214.0519 ha, Case No. LA 5213/04.
88. 3546/55, Petrus Stephanus Martin, Hartley, S/D A Portion of Wicklow,
251.6929 morgan, Case No. LA 5260/04.
89. 9573/02, Conjugal Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Lot 1A Bedford, 336.4083
ha, Case No. LA 5354/05.
90. 5902/99, Mike Campell P/L, Hartley, Mt Carmell of Railway 19, 1
200.6500 ha, Case No. LA 5271/05.
91. 2139/87, Martin Eugene Winwood Tracey, Hartley, Strathspey Estate, 1
026.0084 ha, Case No. LA 5369/05.
92. 6766/88, Katambora Estates P/L, Hartley, Mandalay of Silverstone,
743.6719 ha, Case No. LA 5309/05.
93. 7480/97, Stokesay Farm P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Dorothy Hill,
338.2621 ha, Case No. LA 5171/04.
94. 493/67, Dodhill P/L, Hartley, Dodhill, 1 530.9300 acres, Case No. LA
95. 10148/89, W Vosloo and Company P/L, Hartley, The Remainder of Martin,
180.8409 ha, Case No. LA 5297/05.
96. 7410/86, Aitape Estates (1962) P/L, Hartley, Aitape, 1 320.7508 ha,
Case No. LA 5186/04.
97. 6214/89, Wicklow Estates P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Lot 1 of Reydon,
421.5363 ha, Case No. LA 5196/04.
98. 5792/81, Taunton Holdings P/L, Hartley, The Remainder of S/D A of Kent,
255.9819 ha, Case No. LA 5198/04.
99. 7480/97, Stokesay Farm P/L, Hartley, Lot 1 of Umfulia, 713.8998 ha,
Case No. LA 5156/04.

100. 1523/58, Eastern Highlands Plantations Limited, Inyanga, Aberfoyle
Plantations of Inyanga Block, 2 362.3536 morgan, Case No. LA 5179/04.
101. 1812/61, Aberfoyle Plantations (Rhodesia) P/L, Inyanga, Inyanga Downs
Lot 2, 6 417.3600 acres, Case No. LA 5175/04.
102. 5158/85, A&A Farms P/L, Lomagundi, Excelsior of Strathearn (Including
Lot 1), 1 298.1246 ha, Case No. LA 3539/03.
103. 11729/98, Rumcor Farming P/L, Lomagundi, Delarosa of Suiwerspruit,
575.56 ha, Case No. LA 3424/03.
104. 3860/86, Kestell Bezuidenhout and Company P/L, Lomagundi, Maryland, 1
302.9868 ha, Case No. LA 5330/05.
105. 7395/95, Nyahondo Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Nyahondu, 448.0874 ha, Case No.
LA 3320/02.
106. 2150/90, Konrad Gerhadus Van der Merwe, Lomagundi, Remainder of
Renfield, 836.3088 ha, Case No. LA 5327/05.
107. 3802/93, Broxfield Enterprises P/L, Lomagundi, Sholliver, 1 294.8868
ha, Case No. LA 5187/04.
108. 5416/74, Ormerston Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Ormestan, 1 265.9337 ha, Case
No. LA 5249/04.
109. 3779/2000, Dewdrip P/L, Lomagundi, Homefield, 614.999 ha, Case No. LA
110. 10334/97, Marie Hester Susan Erlank; Beatrix Elizabeth Marx and Susan
Elizabeth Du Plessis, Lomagundi, Urume, 1 037.7316 ha, Case No. LA 5366/05.
111. 289/95, Parland Investments P/L, Lomagundi, Weltevreden Estate, 1
509.6500 ha, Case No. LA 5280/05.
112. 1176/95, David Smit Farm Property P/L, Lomagundi, Doondo Farm, 1
031.9074 ha, Case No. LA 5263/04.
113. 1932/64, Traprain Farm P/L, Lomagundi The Remaining Extent of
Hartleyton , 1 142.9151 acres, Case No. LA 3452/03.
114. 8055/99, Tumbleweed Estate P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Weltvrede estate,
484.1697 ha, Case No. LA 5231/04.
115. 289/95, Parland Investments P/L, Lomagundi, Weltevreden Estate, 1
509.6500 ha, Case No. LA 5250/04.
116.. 3439/82, Haighton Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Haighton, 889.0657 ha, Case
No. LA 5254/04.
117. 4485/89, Shankuru Estate P/L, Lomagundi, Remainder of Shankuru Estate,
692.1288 ha, Case No. LA 5212/04.
118. 66/82, Stocksfield Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Rukoba Estate, 695.6813 ha,
Case No. LA 5242/04.

119. 1630/90, Wolunteer Farms P/L, Lupane, Volunteer 83, 852.6238 ha, Case
No. LA 5358/05.

120. 1237/73, Karori P/L, Makoni, Farm No 5 of Lawrencedale Estate, 1
185.6800 ha, Case No. LA 3727/04.
121. 1003/90, PVP P/L, Makoni, Remainder of Lesapedale, 329,6738 ha, Case
No. LA 5125/04.

122. 604/85, Thomas Negri Da Oleggio, Mangwendi, Farm Mignon, 1 213.2493
ha, Case No. LA 355/00.

123. 580/69, Forest Lodge Nursery P/L, Marandellas, Billaboug Portion of
Forest Range, 391.53 ha, Case No. LA 986/02.
124. 5966/88, W K Erasmus, Marandellas, Remaining Extent of Welcome House,
1 181.08 morgen, Case No. LA 3341/03.
125. 6013/58, Gresham Farms P/L, Marandellas, Remaining Extent of the Farm
Gresham, 815.0116 morgen, Case No. LA 5192/04.
126. 7865/88, Hercules Solomon Nel, Marandellas, Chudleigh, 1 096.1261 ha,
Case No. LA 5194/04.
127. 7496/86, Landsdowne Estate P/L, Marandellas, S/D N of Carruthersville,
2 621.4751 ha, Case No. LA 5164/04.
128. 2144/66, Merryhill P/L, Marandellas, R/E of Sheffield, 3 419.8610
acres, Case No. LA 5185/04.
129. 7755/89, Chipesa Farm P/L, Marandellas, Chipesa Estate, 1 597.2831 ha,
Case No. LA 5190/04.
130. 554/78, Amberley Estate P/L, Marandellas, Chikombingo of Scorror
estate, 195.0302 ha, Case No. LA 5238/04.
131. 5406/88, Silver Ponds P/L, Marandellas, the Remainder of Keal,
816.1276 ha, Case No. LA 5247/04.
132. 10924/89, Longlands Farm P/L, Marandellas, Lot 2 of Longlands,
545.7551 ha, Case No. LA 5218/04.
133. 4673/89, F N Heathcote & Sons P/L, Marandellas, Mutoramandwe, 622.7279
ha, Case No. LA 5227/04.
134. 6848/72, John William Malzer, Marandellas, Brantingham Estate,
703.2937 ha, Case No. LA 5205/04.
135. 1531/77, Home Park Estates P/L, Marandellas, Riverside of Wenimbi
Estate, 607.0143 ha, Case No. LA 5207/04.
136. 12097/99, Enscombe Farming P/L, Marandellas, Remainder of Springvale,
589.1818 ha, Case No. LA 5314/05.
137. 108/81, Forest Lodge Nursery P/L, Marandellas, S/D A of forest Range,
414.8828 ha, Case No. LA 5339/5.
138. 7727/97, Lowveld Leather Products P/L, Marandellas, Mlanje of Roraima,
103.6086 ha, Case No. LA 5167/04.
139. 2970/89, Gladys Doreen Deale, Marandellas, The Remainder of
Subdivision A of Longlands, 84.7155 ha, Case No. LA 5180/04.
140. 7362/2000, Ultracon Investments P/L, Marandellas, Elim of Anwa,
405.0757 ha, Case No. LA 5220/04.
141. 1823/94, Christopher Michael Lampard, Marandellas, Vilendy, 859,9313
ha, Case No. LA 5203/04.
142. 4392/73, Hunthorn P/L, Marandellas, Subdivision J of Caruthersville,
1 163.8009 ha, Case No. LA 5201/04.
143. 5282/85, Fighill P/L, Marandellas, Newton Estate, 552.6445 ha, Case
No. LA 5265/04.
144. 4815/85, Chiparahwe P/L, Marandellas, Chiparahwe Estate, 2 102.6017
ha, Case No. LA 5316/05.
145. 00039/95, Mark Jeremy Freer, Marandellas, Remainder of Farm 5 of
Holton Estate, 514.4222 ha, Case No. LA 3222/02.
146. 3619/47, Glenisla tobacco Estates P/L, Marandellas, Magar, 787.40
morgen. Case No. LA 5305/05.
147. 4538/80, Robert Charles Knott, Marandellas, the Remainder ofMusi,
858.5922 ha, Case No. LA 5388/05.
148. 5690/81, Orion Investment P/L, Marandellas, the Remaining Extent of
eldorado, 3 402.8647 ha, Case No. LA 5161/04.
149. 11393/00, Mjange Properties P/L, Marandellas, Mjange of Scorror
Estate, 1 067.7898 ha, Case No. LA 5170/04.
150. 1358/80, Christian Dewet Nel, Marandellas, the Remainder of Endsleigh,
1 005.2194 ha, Case No. LA 5163/04.
151. 429/50, John William Malzer, Marandellas, Lynton, 3 127.4180 acres,
Case No. LA 5211/04.
152. 8545/97, Bita Properties P/L, Marandellas, bita Estate, 1 973.8009 ha,
Case No. LA 5248/04.
153. 2971/89, J W Deale and Sons P/L, Marandellas, the Remainder of
Progress Farm, 402.6191 ha, Case No. LA 5252/04.
154. 6443/85, Graham Christoper Graham Francis Douse, Marandellas, the
Remainder of Surrey Estate, 787.7386 ha, Case No. LA 5251/04.
155. 5656/81, Demetrios nicholas Paliouras, Marandellas, Corfe, 1 230.4710
ha, Case No. LA 5204/04.
156. 2988/80, Gombola P/L, Marandellas, The Remainder of Machiki, 903.7271
ha, Case No. LA 5162/04.

157. 6686/2000, Samuel Edward Miller, Mazoe, Lot 6 of Mbebi Jersey, 86.0629
ha, Case No. LA 5321/05.
158. 636/96, Longevity Investments P/L, Mazoe, Subdivision B of Caledon,
908.4345 ha, Case No. LA 5403/05.
159. 6685/2000, Titular Investments P/L, Mazoe, Lot 5 of Mbebi Jersey Farm,
79.1842 ha, Case No. LA 5404/05.
160. 7097/71, Guthrie estates P/L, Mazoe, Remaining Extent of glen
Doublas, 1 110.0474 ha, Case No. LA 5154/04.
161. 6249/98, County Somerset P/L, Mazoe, Somerset of Moore's Grant,
818.9312 ha, Case No. LA 5234/04.
162. 2763/59, Amersham Investments P/L, Mazoe, Subdivision B portion of
Brotherton, 1 215.4384 morgen, Case No. LA 3827/04.
163. 242/64, Alexander David Reginald Morris Eyton, Mazoe, Remainder of
Subdivision A of Netherfield, 1 200.0120 acres, Case No. LA 5173/04.
164. 9125/95, Sable Nominees Three P/L, Mazoe, Edmonston, 2 472.7900 ha,
Case No. LA 5243/04.
165. 6687/2000, Getthrough Investment P/L, Mazoe, Lot 3 of Mbebi jersey
Farm, 126.5410 ha, Case No. LA 399/05.
166. 9951/61, Piedmont Estates P/L, Mazoe, Remainder of Masuri Sana No 1, 3
485.6100 ha, Case No. LA 3429/03.
167. 6688/2000, Schaldo Farm P/L, Mazoe, Lot 2 of Mbebi Jersey farm,
311.8603 ha, Case No. LA 5398/05.
168. 4338/75, R A Beatie & Sons P/l, Mazoe, The Remaining Extent of
Barwick Estate, 1 067.0583 ha, Case No. LA 5338/05.
169. 9291/97, Msorodoni Properties P/L, Mazoe, remainder of Msorodoni, 1
862.3542 ha, Case No. LA 5244/04.

170. 8501/99, Hangani Development Company P/L, Melsetter, Remaining Extent
of Sawerombi, 1 922.3886 ha, Case No. LA 5121/04.
171. 2820/96, Hangani Development Company P/L, Melsetter, Middlepunt
Portion Jantia, 1 121.4276 ha. Case No. LA 5129/04.

172. 980/87, Rolf Jan Philip Walraven, Mrewa, Springdale, 1 432.2938 ha,
Case No. LA 5193/04.
173. 4480/72, Chigori Farms P/L, Mrewa, Spes Bona Ranch, 879.9283 ha, Case
No. LA 5206/04.
174. 1479/66, Gerrit Cor Zee, Mrewa, Barrymore, 2 273.9496 acres, Case No.
LA 5209/04.
175. 7071/72, Edward Beckett Hodgson, Mrewa, Paradise, 1 942.0450 ha, Case
No. LA 5216/04.
176. 93/90, Chirandu Farms P/L, Mrewa, Royal Visit, 1 308.0936 ha, Case No.
LA 5177/04.
177. 400/79, Showers P/L, Mrewa, Remaining Extent of Dawn, 325.9052 ha,
Case No. LA 5224/04.
178. 7838/96, Bickerton enterprises P/L, Mrewa, Klipspringer Kop, 828.6241
ha, Case No. LA 5158/04.
179. 8931/87, Stephanus Kenneth Krynauw & Jeanea Florence Dent Krynauw,
Mrewa, Highover, 1 090.3589 ha, Case No. LA 5219/04.
180. 7294/74, Gerrit Cor Zee, Mrewa, Hilton, 825.6834 ha, Case No. LA

181. 2556/88, Tony Renato Sorpo, Ndanga, Lot 1 of Chiredzi Ranch North, 5
104.4678 ha, Case No. LA 4288/04.

182. 8900/90, Carmel Estates P/L, Nuanetsi, Lot 23 of Lot 12 of Nuanetsi
Ranche A, 909.4856 ha, Case No. LA 4371/04.

183. 231/97, Merryfield Farming P/L, Nyamandlovu, Subdivision A of Steven'
s Farm, 1 214.0344 ha, Case No. LA 5385/04.
184. 136/83, The Administrator of the late Alfred Geoffrey Olds,
Nyamandlovu, R/E of Compensation, 2 467.9799 ha, Case No. LA 5351/05.
185. 583/90, roeseburn Farm P/L, Nyamandlovu, Roseburn, 2 627.3120 ha, Case
No. LA 5347/05.
186. 908/96, Cedor Park Farm P/L, Nyamandlovu, Cedor Park of Sevue,
502.7559 ha, Case No. LA 5335/05.
187. 3208/95, David Gerald Hunt, Nyamandlovu, Naseby South, 1 278.4974 ha,
Case No. LA 5337/05.
188. 908/96, Cedor Park Farm P/L, Nyamandlovu, Remaining Extent of Sevue,
552.5938 ha, Case No. LA 5303/04.
189. 136/83, The Administrator of the late Alfred geoffrey Olds,
Nyamandlovu, Yonder of Compensation, 101.5686 ha, Case No. LA 5270/05.
190. 882/66, Charles Carnduff Stirling, Nyamandhlovu, S/D B of Farm 6 of
Umguzan Block, 1 423.2151 acres, Case No. LA 5367/05.
191. 3208/95, David Gerald Hunt, Nyamandlovu, Naseby North, 1 265.0129 ha,
Case No. LA 5362/05.
192. 1325/82, Junpor P/L, Nyamandlovu, Poeter East Farm, 1 291.6292 ha,
Case No. LA 5319/05.

Que Que
193. 1003/89, L J and H Venter P/L, Que Que, Subdivision D of East Clare
Block, 164.7104 ha, Case No. LA 3741/04.

194. 4414/95, D G Rickards P/L, Salisbury, Houmoed of Albion, 616.7033 ha,
Case No. LA 5328/05.
195. 1609/60, Dunolly Farm P/L, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of Walmer,
197.3607 acres, Case No. LA 5195/04.
196. 3060/03, Kennedy Godwin Mangenje, Salisbury, Remainder of Guernsey,
743.8355 ha, Case No. LA 5189/04.
197. 2956/67, Keith Lauchlan gilbert black, Salisbury, Lot 2 of Glenlussa,
440.0006 ha, Case No. LA 4016/04.
198. 5511/94, Wouter Theron, Hartley and Salisbury, Lot 1 of Fresnaye,
310.0135 ha, Case No. LA 5232/04.
199. 1126/87, Isable Mary Speight, Roger William Newmarch,Judith Eileen,
Mackintosh Andrew Antony Herbert Newmarch, Thelma Joan Newmarch, Salisbury,
R/E of Carrick Creagh of Section 4 of borrowdale Estate, 284.8492 ha, Case
No. LA 4997/04.
200. 6565/5, Guy Denzil de Wet, Salisbury, Cawdor, 655.2363 ha, Case No. LA
201. 137/82, Perina Massimani and Mario Massimani, Salisbury, Lot 5A
Somerby, 101.4128 ha, Case No. LA 3997/04.
202. 3683/56, West Stonehurst P/L, Salisbury, Lot 4 of Somerby, 119.4231
morgen, Case No. LA 3979/04.
203. 267/38, Rhodesian Railways Limite, Salisbury, Lot A Portion of
Lilfordia, 2 000 ha, Case No. LA 842/01.
204. 1012/56, Valerie Pape Laing, Salisbury, Caledonia, 3 060 morgen, Case
No. LA 3724/04.
205. 632/90, Funden Hall P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Nyarungu Subdivision
of Subdivision A of Stoneridge, 113.046 ha, Case No. LA 3762/04.
206. 5428/2001, Sensene Investments P/l, Salisbury, Subdivision A of
Subdivision A of Stoneridge, 13.4188 ha, Case No. LA 3766/04.
207. 5090/84, S Du P Meyer P/L, Salisbury, Subdivision A of Huntcroft,
402.4249 ha, Case No. LA 5391/05.
208. 7588/90, Asgard Investments P/L, Salisbury, Kildonan, 636.3929 ha,
Case No. LA 5166/04.
209. 481/79, Neptune Farm p/L, Salisbury, Remainder of Neptune, 283.0056
ha, Case No. LA 5178/04.
210. 2233/82, John Harry Curtis, Salisbury, Keargeri of Alderley, 151.0721
ha, Case No. LA 5228/04.
211. 2900/66, Clement Frnk Bruk Jackson, Salisbury, remainder of Tarnagulla
of Eclipse block, 1 703.5000 acres, Case No. LA 4025/04.
212. 8295/91, t S Payne P/L, Salisbury, Nil Desperandum of the Twentydales
Estate, 571.3335 ha, Case No. LA 5239/04.
213. 4800/97, Poulton Farm P/L, Salisbury, remainder of Harveydales,
901.3692 ha, Case No. LA 5279/05.
214. 1846/75, Nelson estates P/L, Salisbury, the Remainder of Eyam,
531.3412 ha, Case No. LA 5258/04.
215. 2242/69, P B Arnott and Son P/L, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of Good
Hope, 1 460.6822 acres, Case No. LA 5002/04.
216. 5022/82, Basil Jack Rowlands, Salisbury, Subdivision 14 of Welston,
40.5866 ha, Case No. LA 5011/04.
217. 11352/2000, James Ian Ross, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of gletwyn,
511.5844 ha, Case No. LA 5024/04.
218. 60/93, Gerald Douglas Davidson, Salisbury, S/D A of Xekene, 170.7128
ha, Case No. LA 5348/05.
219. 5103/56, Dunolly Farm P/L, Salisbury, Dunolly Farm, 756 morgen, Case
No. LA5300/05.
220. 5627/81, Frans Jacob Jordaan, Salisbury, Lot 1 of Vrede, 121.4846 ha,
Case No. LA 5273/05.
221. 910/95, Inverangus P/L, Salisbury , Lot 2 of Sunnyside, 536.8584 ha,
Case No. LA 5363/05.
222. 701/65, Richard John wiggill, Salisbury, Lisheen extension of
Twentydales, 506.1664 acres, Case No. LA 5402/05.
507. 4715/86, Dunnottar Farm P/L, Salisbury, Braemar A, 818.3586 ha, Case
No. LA 5168/04.
224. 7671/95, Goodcrop Enterprised P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Enondo,
306.3192 ha, Case No. LA 5183/04.
225. 6051/93, Albion Farm P/L, Salisbury, Albion Estate A, 1 335.5887 ha,
Case No. LA 5240/04.
226. 3780/92, Kanjara Enterprise P/L, Salisbury, Subidvision A of Lanark,
406.4549 ha, Case No. LA 5378/05.
227. 781/95, Freehold Investments P/l, Salisbury, Subdivision A of
Ingeborough, 109.9705 ha, Case No. LA 4824/04.
228. 5199/82, T J Greaves P/L, Salisbury, Enuondo B, 765.7700 ha, Case No.
LA 5153/04.

229. 3059/70. O P Vannikerk, Shabani, Remaining Extent of Behans, 3
829.1250 ha, Case No. LA 5210/04.

230. 1345/78, P&M Enterprises P/L, Shamva, Palmgrove Annexe of Ceres,
155.0298 ha, Case No. LA 5349/05.
231. 118/2001, Nimbindale Farm P/L, Shamva, Lot 2 of Wolley Estate, 141.778
ha, Case No. LA 5407/05.

232. 38/67, Nicholas Floyer Botwell Leared, Sipolilo, Flame Lily, 845.4819
ha, Case No. LA 5332/05.
233. 7093/81, red Lichen Farm P/L, Sipolilo, Red Lichen, 1 312.7610 ha,
Case No. LA 5222/04.
234. 8028/96, Mazooma P/L, Sipolilo, Mazooma, 1 344.4779 ha, Case No. LA
235. 288/76, Daisy Maureen christina Kennedy, Sipolilo, Delken , 1 013.6782
ha, Case No. LA 5223/04.
236. 4917/91, Beesquare P/L, Sipolilo, Under Cragg, 1 546.7392 ha, Case No.
LA 5221/04.

237. 386/83, Peter Hall Investment, Umtali, Witchwood, 283.47 ha, Case No.
LA 3747/04.

238. 3534/78, Cosmo Farms P/L, Urungwe, Remainder of Chumburukwe, 1
022.8593 ha, Case No. LA 5269/05.
239. 7662/91, Chitsuwa Farming P/L, Urungwe, toro Estate, 1 299.2784 ha,
Case No. LA 5226/04.
240. 5082/70, Rautenbach Brothers P/L, Urungwe, Marshlands, 3 502.4582
acres, Case No. LA 5237/04.
241. 1957/88, P N Stidolph P/L, Urungwe, Sangalalo Estate, 1 154.9689 ha,
Case No. LA 5199/04.

242. 2529/90, Harold Arthur Paterson, Victoria, Lamotte, 428.2590 ha, Case
No. LA 5126/04.
243. 1008/67, J J & P D Swart P/L, Victoria, The Remaining Extent of
bompst, 933.4734 ha, Case No. LA 4393/04.
244. 5624/69, Albertus Jacob Pepler, Victoria, The Remaining Extent of
Dromore, 2 150.9557 acres. Case No. LA 4513/04.
145. 2487/91, Sale Camp Investments P/L, Victoria, Sale Camp, 927.54 ha,
Case No. LA 2095/02.

246. 198/88, Leeufontein Ranch (1987) P/L, Wankie, The Remaining Extent of
Railway Farm 55, 2 630.4683 ha, Case No. LA 5344/05.
247. 2890/71, Antoinette Estate P/L, Wankie, Antoinette, 2 569.6141 ha,
Case No. LA 5382/05.
248. B5812/61, Rhodesia Railways, Wankie, Kennedy Annex, 952.2614 acres,
Case No. LA 5278/05.
249. 1004/95, Dorcket enterprised P/L, Wankie, Carl Lisa, 858.1603 ha, Case
No. LA 5315/05.
250. 2468/97, Sunnaby Investments, Wankie, Riverside Farm, 3 547.9719 ha,
Case No. LA 5401/05.
251. 1004/95, Dorcket Enterprises P/L, Wankie, Bindonvale, 1 128.0986 ha,
Case No. LA 5334/05.
252. 4106/02, Zimbabwe Development Bank, Wankie, Dett Valley A, 2 047.7735
ha, Case No. LA 5311/05.
253. 344/86, Piers Edward Peter Taylor, Wankie, Matetsi Wildlife Leisure
Resort, 196.2706 ha, Case No. LA5313/05.
254. 4379/99, Rosepen Farming Enterprises P/L, Wankie, Bingwa Extension A,
6 274.6987 ha, Case No. LA 5257/05.
255. 3879/98, Hallow tansport P/L, Wankie, tor, 288.8810 ha, Case No. LA
256. B5813/61 Rhodesia Railways, Wankie, Dett Annex, 1 727.6128 acres, Case
No. LA 5272/05.


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Women of Zimbabwe Arise - WOZA Press Statement - 10 February 2005

St Valentines Day 2005 Protests.

The theme? The power of love can conquer the love of power!
Isindebele: Amandla othando anqoba uthando lwamandla!
Shona: Simba rwerudo runokunda rudo rwesimba!

Press Release

After a 3-week tour of over 80 communities in urban and rural areas, women
ready to undertake peaceful protests for love on Valentines Day. The 'Tough
Love' protests will be conducted in Bulawayo and Harare, with the handing
of red roses calling on Zimbabweans to choose love over hate.

Over 1000 women attended the 'secret' workshops conducted to consult on the
2005 theme and to mobilise them to choose LOVE when they vote on 31 March
This is the third year running that WOZA will convene Valentines Day
WOZA is a civic movement and as it deals with day-to-day issues affecting
women, women are joining from across the political divide and learning how
undertake 'Tough love' activities.

The consultation process revealed that women have a clear understanding of
different kinds of 'love' being employed by Zimbabwean political leaders and
that they recognize there has been little goodwill by the Mugabe regime to
fully respect basic freedoms and comply fully with SADC norms and standards.
Women are of the view that their willingness to exercise their right to vote
tempered with the reservation that this election is not about the people of
Zimbabwe and their need for love... but it is about a power struggle.
women agreed that they would go out in their numbers to vote and illustrate
that the power of love can conquer the love of power.  The time has come to
refuse to be 'shut up'.

In keeping with WOZA mandate to speak out, the latest issue of WOZA MOYA,
newsletter of WOZA reads, "The 2005 Election according to WOZA is not about
people of Zimbabwe exercising their voting rights - it is about holding on
political power. Zimbabweans seem to be woven into a rope that is being
in the tug of war between the political parties - we are only relevant as
a 'thing' to push and pull." Just like a bad husband who beats and mistreats
his wife and children. We would accept that this election is about our human
rights if we saw unjust laws repealed and genuine love being allowed to flow
through the exercising of basic freedoms. This newsletter is being

During the community rounds, women spoke of the love of power already being
demonstrated by political aspirants. They spoke of the following attempts
to 'buy' votes and the empty promises.

The promise of residential stands for low amounts of money ($20 000). The
people promising these stands are allegedly war veterans; Distribution of
blankets, fertilizer and land to plants crops; BEAM (Better Education
Assistance Module), Education fees assistance was withdrawn last year - the
excuse - no money! But suddenly it is back..... During previous election
periods this happened, some women said they were happy at first but before
found themselves paying fees in full; A politician in Mashonaland had
them a railway line. The people of that area need a railway line. Not the
promise of one! Vendors chased away just weeks ago from their stalls have
called back to their stalls. This is also evidenced by the proliferation of
corner phone shops. Informal Traders deserve business opportunities now and
forever not just when there is an election. Health Services are reported as
being in 'intensive care' in The Herald some weeks back but suddenly we are
being promised free treatment for children under 5years!

In their words
A WOZA Grandmother told us about an old pot that is no longer useful. She
has a
hungry family and a lack of cash. She advises as follows.
She bought a prized pot in 1980 and it has been used since then to feed her
family. But it has become old. It has been mended at least 25 times but
leaks. She has had no money to buy a new one. Continuing to use the rusty
is causing illness. But she cannot allow the children to go hungry. How can
buy a new pot to feed her family when she has no money? She will have to use
her mind to find a way to buy a better pot. One that will be strong and feed
her family well.

Ugogo we WOZA watshela abantwana ngendaba yembiza. Uthi wathenga imbiza
ngo 1980. Pho imbiza isibhobokile, isilezikhala ezingamatshumi amabili
lanhlanu - 25. Njalo isilethomba nkala (irusi). Angayibeka eziko icitsha
umlilo. Isipheka ukudla okungahlanzekanga okugulisa imuli. Pho
sokuthi ayilahle athenge eyinye ngoba kayiselancedo. Pho uzathenga njani
mali? Sokumele asebenzise inqondo!

Gogo ve WOZA vaiudza vazukuru vavo nenyaya yepoto yavo yaka chembera. Poto
yachembera yaka tengwa makore makumi maviri nema shanu apfuura. Uye yanzwa
booka ichingo namiwa. Poto yashaisa vanhu mufaro nokuti vano garo rara
vave kudya sadza mbodza - nguva dzose, nekuti iyi yagarisa. Ikagarisa pamoto
inobooka zvakare. Saka kuti Gogo varerukirwe - vanofanira kuti vatenge imwe
vacha tenga nei ko vasina mari? Vanofanira kushandisa pfungwa kuti vawane

The WOZA Newsletter is available from the Kubatana Website - It is called
MOYA/ HUYA MWEYA  (Meaning: Come Holy Spirit/ Cleansing Wind)

Write: Box FM701, Famona, Bulawayo
Mobile: +26311-213-885 +263 91 300 456 +263 91 362 668 +263 23 514 895 +263
377 800

WOZA means 'Come forward'.  By women for women and with women, across race,
colour, creed, class or political persuasion. Empowering women to be
courageous, caring, committed and in communication with their communities.

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Daily News online edition

      ANC, Cosatu agreement on observers to Zimbabwe poll

      Date: 11-Feb, 2005

      JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's ruling alliance partners, the ANC and
Cosatu, are reported to have finally come up with a common position on how
to ensure free and fair elections in neighbouring Zimbabwe.

      The two had been sharply divided , following the Congress of South
African Trade Unions' insistence on travelling to Zimbabwe on a fact-finding
mission, a move opposed by South Africa's ruling African National Congress
as not helpful to finding a solution to the crisis.

      The Cosatu delegation got no further than Harare's airport before it
was thrown out, thwarting its bid to hold talks with the Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade Unions.

      Under a deal hammered out after a marathon meeting on Wednesday,
members of the regional trade union body, the Southern African Trade Union
Co-ordinating Council (SCTUCC), will travel with a Southern African
Development Community (SADC) delegation to observe the Zimbabwean elections
due next month.

      Two members of SCTUCC, Bobby Marie and Vihemina Prout, tasted the
wrath of the Harare authorities when they were deported on Wednesday this
week, after they tried too enter Zimbabwe for talks with ZCTU on training
for unionists.

      While Cosatu has succeeded in convincing the ANC to support the
inclusion of regional trade unionists on the SADC team, political analyst
Dumisane Hlophe told Business Day that Zimbabwe was unlikely to allow the
SADC observer team to include trade unionists.

      The alliance's position was seen as an attempt to save face for Cosatu
after its two aborted fact-finding missions, which led to strained relations
within the tripartite alliance in SA.

      Cosatu spokesman Paul Notyhawa said following talks with ZCTU, the
South African allies had agreed to put pressure on Zimbabwe to adhere to all
SADC electoral principles and guidelines.

      The alliance said SADC had to decide whether conditions in Zimbabwe
were conducive to free and fair polls, including an undertaking that police
act impartially and that citizens enjoy freedom of movement, assembly,
association and expression.

      The SADC team will be in Zimbabwe to assess whether President Robert
Mugabe is complying with regional standards for holding free and fair

      Concern has been expressed that invitations for observers to the polls
are yet to be issued, despite the fact that this was supposed to be
     done 90 days before the 31 March elections.
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Daily News online edition

      Gono issues ultimatum to platinum producers

      Date: 11-Feb, 2005

      CAPE TOWN - The Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, Dr Gideon
Gono, has given South African companies with interests in mining platinum an
ultimatum to increase production or allow other new players into the

      Zimbabwe has vast platinum deposits, believed to be the second largest
in the world after South Africa, and enough to last 4 000 years at the
present rate of production. The precious metal has the potential to surpass
gold as the major foreign currency earner.

      South African-based Impala Platinum (Implants) and Aquarius Platinum
own the mines in Zimbabwe.

      Gono said at a lunch held in Cape Town on Wednesday: "We are saying to
current players, either increase your throughput or allow others to come in
and mine. To Zimbabwe platinum is what oil is to Saudi Arabia."

      Gono repeated President Robert Mugabe's call last December for a
platinum refinery in the country but said it would be needed only after
production has increased. A suggestion was made then that Implats should
join forces with unspecified Chinese partners.

      Last November, Implats unveiled R4,7 billion (US$750 million) plans to
boost output by six times at its Ngezi and Mimosa mines, starting next
month. The company controls the two mines through its Zimbabwe Platinum
Mines (Zimplats) subsidiary and a joint-venture with Aquarius.

      Implats's finance director, David Brown, was quoted as responding:
"There's a mismatch between reality and expectation. How is bringing in
third parties going to develop those mines any faster?"

      Implats shares fell R3 to R535 on the Johannesburg stock exchange on
Wednesday, while the platinum sector fell 0,18 percent.
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Daily News online edition

      Call for police restraint over blind beggars

      Date: 11-Feb, 2005

      HARARE - A number of Zimbabwean-based welfare organisations have
called for restraint from the South African Police force when dealing with
the hundreds of Zimbabwean blind beggars who have become a nuisance on
Johannesburg's roads.

      In interviews with Daily News Online, the organisations said most of
the blind people who were begging on the streets of Johannesburg in South
Africa, had done so after the Zimbabwean government failed to look after

      "Begging is one of the last things which any person would do, but here
in Zimbabwe, there are now many beggars on the streets, resulting in serious
competition for the few dollars which they will be chasing after," said
Kingstone Chisale, a blind beggar and co-ordinator of Harare Street Beggars

      He said his organisation had been born out of the need to find decent
ways of begging for the country's blind population.

      Chisale, who still patrols and begs on Harare's streets, said most of
his organisation's members had left for Johannesburg in search of more money
after they were removed from the government's support programme.

      "Johannesburg is the economic hub of the region, and everyone tends to
trek there in search of a living. We have had more than 130 members who left
the streets of Harare for Johannesburg because they indicated that they were
not getting much to look after their families," he said, adding that more
blind people were set to leave for Johannesburg as they were getting a much
better return from the South Africans.

      Auroma Trust, a Zimbabwean based NGO which is involved in the welfare
of the country's blind, said in a statement that the treatment of blind
beggars in Johannesburg was a cause for concern. It said it did not support
the concept of street begging, but has always advocated for government
support for the under-privileged.

      "What we are now seeing in South Africa should not be allowed to
continue. The government should move swiftly and bring back those blind
people who have now become a nuisance on the South African roads. Those
people should be adequately supported by the government," said the

      In the past two weeks, the Johannesburg Metropolitan police, as part
of its 500 Days Campaign Against Vice, has been arresting beggars on the
city's streets. It was only later discovered that most of the beggars who
were blind, originated from Zimbabwe.

      Some of them did not have travel documents, which meant they would
have entered the country illegally.

      A number of South African organisations involved in the campaign
against discrimination of the blind, have castigated the Metropolitan City
police for being insensitive to the plight of the blind.

      However, the South African government has urged the Zimbabwean blind
beggars to approach the government for assistance.

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      The Inside story of SA*s Lindela deportation centre

      Date: 11-Feb, 2005

      JOHANNESBURG - The three metre-high security fence around the
sprawling complex is almost as intimidating to new arrivals as the dogs and
the armed security guards, who yell orders to form a proper queue at the
admissions table.

      This is Lindela, South Africa's deportation centre for illegal
immigrants. Located in Krugersdorp, west of Johannesburg, Lindela houses
both males and females arrested in regular sweeps by the South African
Police Services (SAPS).

      The bulk of the detainees are Zimbabweans and Mozambicans, but there
are also citizens of Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo,
Congo-Brazzaville, Rwanda, Burundi, Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, Liberia and
Zambia. Lindela is, in theory, their last address before being deported from
South Africa.

      Last week an IRIN journalist, wrongly arrested by the police in
Johannesburg, was a temporary inmate of the notorious facility.

      Despite its modern design, space is at a premium in Lindela,
particularly in the male wing. A room no larger than a standard bedroom is
meant to hold 18 men, but immigrants detained during heavy crackdowns
remember occasions when there were up to 54 people per room, two to three
people shared the same bed, and just one toilet.

      "Most of these toilets do not have functioning flushing systems, a
situation which dictates that we use them sparingly. To keep out the smell,
we drape one blanket over the toilet seat and pile whatever

      else we can find on top of it," explained Mark Magwiro, a barefoot
Zimbabwean detainee clad in a dirty white shirt, which he said had not been
washed in two weeks.

      Due to the relatively small number of women in Lindela, the female
wing is less congested, with as few as six women sharing a large room.
Besides better accommodation, women also enjoy generally privileged
treatment from security guards and kitchen staff because they help to clean
the public halls and their own quarters.

      The men, on the other hand, have to compete for the few jobs available
on their side of the complex. The rewards can be a loaf of bread, regular
access to better food - a constant problem - or, allegedly, help from
security staff in arranging an escape.

      The first meal of the day includes a bowl of porridge, a thin slice of
bread and a cup of tea, served as early as 6 am. Tablets of unknown
composition float in the tea, according to the guards, these help to
suppress sexual appetite.

      Detainees start queuing for lunch from 11:00 am, which can take until
3.00 pm before everyone has been served. Supper times are the most
irregular, with the last person being fed as late as 11:00 pm.

      For inmates who have something to trade, Lindela offers business
opportunities and a captive market. As the guards control access to the
landlines, detainees lucky enough to still have their cellphones can charge
R4 (US 60 cents) for a one-minute call.

      "No one is allowed to use the phones, except at given times. Even
then, one has to ask for permission from staff or guards and it is usually
denied unless they get R10 (US $1.6). So we provide phoning and charging
services, so that detainees can inform their relatives of their plight,"
said Mozambican Emmanuel Nandza.

      Because charging the phones is done via illegal connections to
electricity supply lines around the complex, the going rate for a
five-minute zap of power is R5.

      Those doing menial jobs to earn a loaf of bread make a killing by
cutting it into small slices, which they sell to hungry fellow inmates for
as much as R3.00 each. Enterprising businessmen can make up to R30 per loaf.

      And then there are the "resident detainees" - people who have lived in
Lindela for years, even though 30 days is the maximum period. They are
mostly Congolese, Nigerians, Mozambicans and Zimbabweans who have no wish to
return home and allegedly bribe the security guards to avoid deportation.

      "It is safer here than outside. I used to be a street telephone
operator outside, so when they caught me I brought my two sets here, only to
discover that there is more demand for telephone services than outside.
Outside, one has to compete; here there is zero competition. So I thought I
would better stay here to avoid harassment and arrest outside," explained
one Congolese detainee.

      Claims of appalling treatment of asylum-seekers led to a demonstration
outside Lindela in November 2004, held to coincide with the final day of a
hearing into xenophobia hosted by the South African Human Rights Commission
(SAHRC) and parliament's portfolio committee on foreign affairs.

      They heard a litany of alleged abuse at the centre, including heavy
beatings by the guards, an increasing number of inmate deaths, and the
denial of access to immigration officials.

      Head of communications at the Department of Home Affairs, Nkosana
Sibuyi, rejected the allegations. He said some Lindela inmates had died of
pre-existing medical conditions rather than abuse. "We are guided by country
and international conventions, which prohibit any form of ill treatment of
detainees," Sibuyi told IRIN.

      But, according to the inmates IRIN spoke to last week, it would appear
that little has changed since the publication of a report in 2000 by SAHRC,
exposing conditions at the deportation centre. The report "Lindela: At the
Crossroads for Detention and Repatriation" listed poor food, overcrowding,
inadequate health services and the systematic denial of basic rights as some
of the problems needing urgent attention. "The three most reported
complaints are lack of adequate nutrition, irregular or inadequate medical
care, and systematic, forced interruptions of sleep. Similar problems, such
as general living conditions, access to information, assault and the
treatment of minors, have been added to the list of unsatisfactory
conditions at the facility," read part of the SAHRC report. Proper access to
lawyers and the right of detainees to inform relatives of their arrest were
violated by curbs on the use of the telephones on arrival at Lindela, the
commission found. However, Sibuyi rejected the allegations. "Each and every
room has an allocated number of people and it's not true we exceed that
capacity," he told IRIN. He stressed regular check-ups by health inspectors
ensured the food served was sufficient and nutritious, and any reports of
abuse by the guards was investigated and could be verified by examining the
records of the closed circuit TV system. The detainees IRIN spoke to said
corruption was also rampant among staff and guards. An inmate's freedom
could be bought, or an escape from the deportation trains arranged for
between R600 (US $100) and R800 (US $133). "Deportation is for those who do
not have money. Those who can pay police or immigration officers never get
registered [at Lindela]; they just wait for relatives to bring the money. In
such cases, a detainee is collected by special arrangement, on the pretext
that he is going for further questioning or to court, and freed on the way,"
said one illegal immigrant. "If I had money I wouldn't be here." Sibuyi said
he could not confirm or deny there was corruption at Lindela, but the
Department of Home Affairs had adopted a "zero-tolerance policy" and any
official found guilty would be named and dismissed.- IRIN

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Daily News online edition

      Ideal Parliament possible after free, fair poll

      Date: 11-Feb, 2005

      THE ideal Parliament is one in which the government and opposition
benches respect each other to the extent of not abusing their privileges at
every opportunity.

      The ideal parliament is one in which both sides concern themselves
only with the welfare of their constituents, and not their own petty
jealousies or the massaging of their own kingsize egos.

      Above all, however, the ideal parliament is one whose membership was
elected in a free and fair election. It is one in which no Honourable
Members have been told by a court of law that their election was, to put
mildly, fraudulent.

      An analysis of the last parliament can, therefore, not be complete
without reference to how it came about.

      The 2000 parliamentary elections may go down in Zimbabwean history as
the most violent after independence. Not all the 120 Honourable MPs elected
then could swear they had no blood on their hands. A few were accused by
their rivals of actually using firearms during the campaign.

      Challenged as to their legitimacy, a few were censured by the courts
and told they had no right to be in the House. So, if there were fisticuffs
in the House, we have to remember the background: that Parliament resulted
from an election spattered with the blood of voters and other innocents.

      On a more sober note, the last Parliament passed two of the most
obnoxious pieces of legislation in the country - the Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act (POSA) and the Public Order and Security Act

      It also passed a law, during its last session, virtually outlawing
most non-governmental organisations (NGOs), claiming most of them were
anti-government and acted on the orders of foreign governments.

      As with the other two laws, there was no substance to the validity of
the new law. Most of the NGOs were doing voluntary work which helped many
people who could not be helped by the government, because it was and is
still strapped for cash.

      The main opposition, the MDC, performed with remarkable restraint.
Some critics thought it was almost somnolent in its challenges to the

      Certainly, the MDC could have acted with more vigour against the
passage of some of the laws. Zanu PF had its built-in majority; still, many
critics feel the MDC took the label of a "loyal opposition" to preposterous

      For instance, there would have been no harm in continuing to its
logical conclusion its campaign in Parliament to impeach the President.
After it had abandoned this action, there were mutterings of a "toothless
bulldog" among its critics.

      The MDC had other opportunities to demonstrate its tenacity of purpose
and the early walk-outs from the House were useful reminders of how
disgusted with the government the party was. But in the end, the opposition
party seems to have decided to fight another day.

      In general, though, it is the atmosphere of terror which inhibited
open and loud denunciation of the government among many opposition MPs.

      Tafadzwa Musekiwa's flight to the United Kingdom, marked a new low in
the spinelessness of the MDC MPs. Voters in next month's elections must hope
that the House will be filled by men and women of vision and courage. It is
only the voters themselves who can decide.

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      Mugabe commends eastern countries for supporting Zimbabwe 2005-02-12 03:06:30

          HARARE, Feb. 11 (Xinhuanet) -- Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe
on Friday commended eastern countries for supporting it in the face of
political bigotry from the West and pledged to foster closer ties with the

          "We thank eastern countries for their support," Mugabe said at the
launch of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-PatrioticFront
(ZANU-PF) election campaign manifesto, as the country gears up for the March
31 parliamentary elections.

          It was time for Zimbabwe to foster close ties with eastern
countries, as western countries had become hostile toward the country, he

          "Let us look east. We have been looking to the west, where we are
hated, for a long time," Mugabe said. "We have never had any problem with
China or any eastern country."

          Zimbabwe fell out with western countries after it embarked on the
land reform exercise in 2000 to rectify land imbalances perpetuated by the
colonial regime of Ian Smith.

          The United States recently named Zimbabwe one of the six countries
in the world that are outposts of tyranny.

          The Zimbabwean government's "Look East" policy has paid dividends
with China, India, Malaysia and Iran having entered intovarious trade
agreements with the country in various sectors including power generation,
communication and agriculture.

          Good relations with the East have seen the national airline, Air
Zimbabwe launch a direct flight to China via Singapore, a moveexpected to
enhance trade between Zimbabwe and the region and alsoboost tourist
arrivals. Enditem

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State to Gazette Media Rules for Political Parties

The Herald (Harare)

February 11, 2005
Posted to the web February 11, 2005


GOVERNMENT will next week gazette regulations to be followed by all
political parties willing to have reasonable access to the electronic media
to campaign for the March 31 parliamentary elections.

The Minister of State for Information and Publicity, Professor Jonathan
Moyo, said the regulations would be gazetted next week following the
official nomination of candidates on February 18.

In a statement yesterday, Prof Moyo said the Electoral Act, which provides
for reasonable access to the media to contesting political parties and their
candidates, referred only to access to radio and television free-to-air
broadcasting and not the print media.

He said following the proclamation of the election date by President Mugabe
and in view of the recently promulgated Electoral Act, some confusion had
arisen in some quarters interested in participating in the election about
the meaning and application of Section 3 c (iv) of the Electoral Act 2005.

The section provides that "every political party has a right to have
reasonable access to the media".

Prof Moyo said this was one of a number of declaratory provisions under
Section 3 of the Electoral Act dealing with general principles governing
democratic elections.

He said those interested or participating in the forthcoming parliamentary
elections should note and understand that the declaration in the Electoral
Act that "every political party has the right to have reasonable access to
the media" was nothing less or more than a statement of principle equivalent
to a preamble.

"As such, it would not make any legal sense for anyone to treat the
declaration as if it confers a specific and actionable right that can be
claimed without reference to actual provisions of the Electoral Act that
come after Section 4 which deals with the interpretation of terms used in
the Act and, more importantly, without reference to the laws governing the
media in Zimbabwe, namely the Broadcasting Services Act and the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA)," said Prof Moyo.

He said the print media is regulated under AIPPA and this law does not have
any provision that whatsoever enables any political party to claim right of
coverage during an election as a matter of entitlement outside the normal
professional and ethical business of news and information reporting,
including carrying commercial advertisements at commercial rates.

"As is the norm and practice in constitutional democracies around the world,
the newspaper in question, not the law, determines all this based on the
newspaper's editorial policy and commercial practice.

"This means a newspaper can, in fact, decide not to cover any political
party or candidate during an election and that decision would not be in
contravention of any law," Prof Moyo explained.

He said the situation was, however, different when it comes to free-to-air
broadcasting media on radio and television that utilise the frequency
spectrum, which is a finite national resource shared among and between
countries of the world in terms of stringent and binding regulations
formulated by the International Telecommunica-tions Union.

"The fact that free-to-air radio and television broadcasters utilise the
national frequency spectrum, whose availability is necessarily limited and
thus can only be occupied by a limited number of players, together with the
fact that the free-to-air radio and television have vast potential to reach
vast audiences, make radio and television unique media that require unique
regulation to give access to different national voices as a matter of legal

Therefore, as a guiding principle, Section 3 c (iv) of the Electoral Act is
intended to specifically apply to radio and television free-to-air
broadcasting which is governed by rules of universal access, the minister

He said this was in sharp contrast to the print media that might require
literacy, knowledge of the language used by the publisher and one's ability
to purchase a newspaper and these factors might be discriminatory on these
and other related grounds.

"Anyone interested or participating in the forthcoming parliamentary
election can, thus, enjoy the rights that accrue from the principle in
Section 3 (c) (iv) of the Electoral Act that 'every political party has the
right to have reasonable access to the media' under the Broadcasting
Services Act, which provides that every political party or candidate
contesting an election has a right to reasonable and equal access to radio
and television free-to-air broadcasting.

"Regulations to this effect will be gazetted next week following the
official nomination of candidates for the March 31, 2005 parliamentary
election scheduled for February 18, 2005," he said.
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Masiyiwa Donates Papers to Workers

Business Day (Johannesburg)

February 11, 2005
Posted to the web February 11, 2005

Dumisani Muleya

SA-based Zimbabwean international telecommunications mogul Strive Masiyiwa
has "donated" the closed Daily News and its sister paper to workers.

Masiyiwa, founder of Zimbabwe's biggest cellular firm, Econet Wireless, said
he gave his majority shareholding in the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe
(ANZ) to a trust owned by his employees and management.

The envisaged trust will be comprised of prominent Zimbabweans and South
Africans tasked to revive the ANZ.

The Daily News, one of Zimbabwe's two independent dailies, and Daily News on
Sunday were closed by government last year for failing to register as a mass
media organisation with a state-appointed commission.
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New Zimbabwe


      Togolese fiasco ominous for Zimbabwe

      Last updated: 02/11/2005 21:48:44
      THIS week I wanted to focus on the implications of the MDC's decision
to contest in the March 2005 elections. However, I was forced to abandon the
idea due to the unfolding political crisis in the West African nation of
Togo. Under normal circumstances, events in the tiny former German and
French colony would be of little if not any consequences to us as

      However, the political happenings in Togo were brought closer home by
the Constitutional crisis that has arisen as a result of the untimely death
of the country's leader. The nation's President, Gnassingbe Eyadema died
this weekend after suffering from a serious heart attack. He was 69 years

      Eyadema was one of Africa's most well known politicians. He was one of
the last of the continent's ruthless and notorious strongmen who ruled his
people wit a very firm iron grip. At the time of his death he was regarded
as Africa's longest serving head of state. He seized power in a bloodless
coup in April 1967. His death will now leave the Gabonese leader; Omar Bongo
as the continent's longest serving President.

      By implication, our very own long serving President Robert Mugabe has
also moved up the scales of the leading long distance marathon Presidents in
Africa. He is now ranked fourth overall, after Bongo, Libya's Muammar
Gaddafi, Angola's Eduardo dos Santos by order of succession.

      But what could be of more keen interest to us as Zimbabweans is the
Constitutional fiasco that has erupted in the aftermath of Eyadema's death.
Shortly after his death, the military leaders moved in fast and announced to
a bewildered and shell-shocked Togolese nation that they have installed his
son, Faure as the Acting President. Faure was curiously, the Communications
Minister at the time of his father's death.

      Under normal circumstances, it is clear that Faure cannot in any way
be installed as an Acting President. The Togolese Constitution expressly
provides that in the event of a sudden death of the President, it is the
Speaker of Parliament who should immediately take over as the Acting

      But for reasons best known to them, the military leaders ignored the
Constitution and blatantly ignored all cries of concern against the measure.
They have since then claimed that the Speaker could not have become Acting
President since he was out of the country. However, this desperately lie has
been proved totally outrageous by the mere fact that the initial broadcast
said that Faure would be Acting President till the 2008 elections.

      This move has thus been received with dismay and anger by many
stakeholders in Togo including the opposition and the civil society groups.
In the meantime, it has also attracted a lot of bitter condemnation from
international bodies and human rights groups. The AU and EU have led the
outcry against these developments.

      Stung by this rather unexpected national and international outrage,
the military conspirators have in turn resorted to amend the Togolese
Constitution. On Tuesday, a special session of the Parliament successfully
voted for an amendment of the Constitution that retroactively legitimizes
the seizure of power.

      At the moment, it appears the conspirators are more than determined to
ignore calls for Faure to step down in favour of the Speaker. They are also
sealing their ears with wax over other calls for elections within the next
two months to elect a new President. They are afraid that if an election is
held, Faure might not be able to win the popular vote.

      As such, what is at stake is a blatant and brazen attempt to forfeit
the right of the Togolese people to choose a leader of their choice as their
new President. This is a serious case of 'guided democracy' that cannot in
any way be accommodated in this modern era of democracy in Africa.

      The situation in Togo is thus a good case study of vis-à-vis the
possibility of a similar situation also erupting in Zimbabwe.

      We are all aware of the strong influence of the military in the
political process of Zimbabwe today. As I write, the country has undergone a
massive militarization of most of its state funded institutions. In fact,
most government departments now have many retired army leaders in key
positions. The latest of which is the newly appointed Attorney General,
Sobusa Gula-Ndebele.

      We are also aware that Solomon Mujuru, a retired former head of the
army is still very active in the running of such key national institutions
such as Zanu-PF. He is highly regarded by many as the party's chief
kingmaker. He has of late been credited for the rise of his wife, Joyce
Mujuru to the Vice Presidency and the fall of Emerson Mnangagwa, Jonathan
Moyo, among others.

      But even more critical is the crucial fact that the army generals have
all made it clear that they believe they have the final say on who leads the
country. They have even gone to the extent of calling for a public press
conference and emphasized that they would never accept any winner of a
popular election as long as that person has no history related to the
liberation war of the 1960-70s.

      This was of course, a very thinly veiled threat against the electorate
of Zimbabwe voting for a new leader such as the MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai. The
net effect of the Zimbabwean military position is to subvert the will of the
nation's majorities. In particular, it sets into doubt any belief that
Zimbabwe is a Parliamentary democracy that is governed by the tenets of
Constitutional supremacy and the rule of law.

      As such, the question we need to ponder upon as Zimbabweans is simple.
Can our military leaders stop us from voting out an incumbent such as Robert
Mugabe? Is it possible for us to experience a similar crisis to the one
currently raging on in Togo?

      My take on this is that, indeed it is possible for the Zimbabwean
military to attempt to subvert the wishes of the electoral majorities. But
as it, I believe they are also watching keenly as events unfold in Togo.

      Much will therefore depend on what lessons they will learn from the
current crisis in that country. Thereafter, they may be able to adjudge
whether it is advisable or not to stage their own 'constitutional coup' in
Zimbabwe in defiance of the will of the nation's majority voters -
      Daniel Molokele is a lawyer and a former student leader. He is
currently based in Johannesburg, South Africa. His column appears here every

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From ZWNEWS, 11 February

Ploughing a field

A new weekly newspaper, The Zimbabwean, was launched yesterday in London and
Johannesburg. The 24-page tabloid is edited by a leading Zimbabwe
journalist, Wilf Mbanga, a prime mover behind Zimbabwe's only independent
daily, The Daily News, which was silenced under Zimbabwe's draconian press
laws. "Zimbabweans are deprived of news - they are being fed a diet of Zanu
PF propaganda every day," Mbanga said in an interview at the launch in the
Africa Centre in London's Covent Garden district. "The aim of the paper is
to inform millions of Zimbabweans in the diaspora about what is going on at
home, and to tell Zimbabweans at home what's happening outside the country.
It is a two-way traffic." Mbanga and his wife, Trish, who are now based in
Britain, have sunk their life-savings into the project. Two Dutch NGOs are
raising funds, and subscriptions from Zimbabweans have poured in, said
Mbanga, not only from South Africa and Europe, but from exiles in the USA,
Canada and Australia. There are hopes that circulation will rise to hundreds
of thousands and more. Plans are for early print runs of 20,000 in South
Africa and 30,000 in Britain. For sales in Zimbabwe - where thugs regularly
beat up vendors of The Daily News - Mbanga believes he has found a loophole
in Mugabe's catch-all press laws requiring journalists and publications to
register. "It's unpredictable," he acknowledged. "But there is no law
requiring us to register if the paper is published outside Zimbabwe."

The first issue is impressive: a mixture of politics, commentary, art,
entertainment and sport - all Zimbabwe-related. The lead story predicts the
renewal by the European Union of personal sanctions targeted at Mugabe and
his ruling elite and sums up the growing abuses by the regime ahead of March
31 elections: the violence, the youth militia, intimidation of the
opposition, dead voters on the rolls, and the rest of the strategy from a
handbook for ballot-rigging. There are analyses by an academic of the
challenges the paper faces; and a "Party Politics" page in which a message
from opposition leader Morgan Tsvangarai runs alongside a
self-congratulatory piece lifted from the ruling party's website. Mbanga had
to lift the material as Zanu PF ignored an invitation to put its viewpoint.
Other stories focus on Zimbabwean failed asylum-seekers facing deportation
from Britain; demands by exiles to vote; Mbeki's dilemma over Zimbabwe;
Nigeria welcoming dispossessed white Zimbabwean farmers. There is human
interest. In A Letter from Home, Litany Bird graphically describes a trip to
a school to check whether her name is on the voter's roll: the pot-holed
road, the broken street lights, the hisses of Zanu PF thugs stationed
outside the building to deter checkers, and more ominously their apparent
success: the writer found herself checking alone - no queue in front, no one

All this was done by voluntary contributors. "We now have 62 Zimbabwean
journalists who have offered to write for us for free," said Mbanga. These
include journalists inside Zimbabwe deprived of their livelihood by the ban
on The Daily News. Some write under bylines, others do not. "To all those
who have to remain nameless for fear of vicious repercussions . we know who
they are and the time will come for due recognition to be made of their
services at this significant moment in our country's history," Mbanga wrote
in the first issue. Graphic design, stories, feature and cartoons are all by
volunteers. It reflects, Mbanga said before the launch, the Zimbabwean
custom of "kubatana" (let's help one another) usually associated with big
tasks such a ploughing a field. "It is this spirit which gives me hope for
the future of my country."

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