The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zimbabwe's Mugabe Turns 81, Defiant and Isolated
Sun Feb 20, 2005 7:10 AM ET

By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, who turns 81 on
Monday, is celebrated by his admirers as a liberation war hero but his
opponents say his legacy will be that of a dictator who ruined his country.

Mugabe, Zimbabwe's only ruler since independence from Britain in 1980,
remains an enigmatic figure after half a century on the political stage.

A combative politician who commands the podium with fiery speeches, analysts
say Mugabe wants to portray to the world the picture of a radical and
invincible fighter, and Zimbabwe's political crisis as the work of his

"I think Mugabe has two images out there. One that he is a total disaster
and a disgrace, and the other that has had some great moments," said
Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of pro-democracy pressure group National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA).

"But I think the enduring image will be that he squandered some great
opportunities, that he abused his position and that he is the ultimate
political manipulator," he said.

Mugabe has been at the center of opposition charges he rigged his ZANU-PF
party's victory in elections five years ago and his own re-election in
2002 -- a scenario critics say could be replayed when Zimbabwe holds
parliamentary polls on March 31.

The veteran Zimbabwean leader remains defiant in the face of international
criticism that his government is undemocratic, saying he is being punished
for his policy of seizing white-owned farms to give to black Zimbabweans
left landless by centuries of white rule.

His supporters say Mugabe, who appears trim and vigorous in his public
appearances and has never been known to be seriously ill, has emerged on the
world stage as a fearless defender of black political and economic rights.

"We are lucky to have him as our leader in Zimbabwe, and anyone who is fair
will know that he is a brave and principled man who has done so much for the
welfare and the dignity of Zimbabweans," Didymus Mutasa, one of Mugabe's
closest political lieutenants, told Reuters recently.

"We are very proud of his record," he added.


In December 2003 Mugabe pulled Zimbabwe out of the 54-member Commonwealth
group of mostly former British colonies when it extended Zimbabwe's
18-month-old suspension, first imposed over accusations of vote-rigging in

The EU also imposed travel sanctions on Mugabe and some of his top
officials, and many countries have frozen economic aid to his government
over the last five years over his policies.

Mugabe maintains he won the last major elections fairly, and that Britain
and other Western powers are bent on imposing opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai as leader of Zimbabwe.

Tsvangirai says while Mugabe's credentials as a great fighter for Zimbabwe's
independence from colonial and white minority rule are unquestionable,
Mugabe has tainted his legacy by hanging on to power for too long, and by
his mismanagement of the economy. His term ends in 2008.

"Mugabe is a modern-day smooth dictator who goes through the motions of
running a democratic state, holding elections, maintaining some state
structures ... but manipulating these structures to remain in power," he
said recently.

"Mugabe is obsessed with power...and it's something that even some of his
own people are beginning to see now," he said.

But Mugabe can count on popular support across Africa -- where many leaders
may privately regard him as an embarrassment, but where his appearances are
often met by cheers from ordinary people who regard him as a hero.

Zimbabwe will officially mark his birthday next Saturday with a party
expected to draw some 20,000 people which officials say will give people a
chance to draw inspiration from Mugabe's long anti-colonial fight.

© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.

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Opposition vows "new beginning" for Zimbabwe

      Sun February 20, 2005 3:13 PM GMT+02:00
      By Cris Chinaka

      MASVINGO, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Opposition leaders vowed a "new
beginning" for Zimbabwe on Sunday, launching a campaign for March
parliamentary polls analysts say are already loaded in favour of President
Robert Mugabe.

      At a rally near the ancient Great Zimbabwe monument from which the
country derives its name, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan
Tsvangirai urged voters to back him as the only way out of Zimbabwe's
political and economic crisis.

      "We have suffered from continual economic decay, corruption and
mismanagement. We are down to our knees. This is criminal," Tsvangirai told
a cheering crowd of 5,000 supporters gathered at an open-air stadium.

      "The current administration is badly positioned to turn around the
damage it has caused. We are tired of a regime that blames imaginary foreign
enemies for its own mistakes. The time has come for us to declare that
enough is enough. The time has come for us to start afresh."

      Political analysts say the March 31 elections are almost certain to
return Mugabe's ZANU-PF to power, prolonging a crisis that has ruined the
once prosperous southern African country.

      Mugabe, who turns 81 on Monday and has been Zimbabwe's only leader
since independence from Britain in 1980, has promised to "bury" the
opposition, which he scoffingly refers to as pawns of racist Western powers.

      The veteran leader has been accused by both the MDC and several
Western countries of increased political repression and rigging both
parliamentary elections in 2000 and the 2002 presidential vote which handed
him a new five-year term.

      Mugabe denies the charges and says he is being targeted by Western
countries led by Britain who oppose his policy of seizing white-owned farms
to give to landless blacks.


      Tsvangirai -- who was acquitted of treason last year after the
government accused him of seeking to assassinate Mugabe and seize power
ahead of the 2002 vote -- said the MDC was ready to win despite an electoral
framework party leaders say is designed to ensure a ZANU-PF victory.

      "Notwithstanding the hostile electoral environment, we enter the race
from a position of strength," the burly former trade union leader said,
sporting a shirt emblazoned with the party's slogan "A New Zimbabwe, A New

      "We are confident of victory because we've had enough, because people
have suffered enough. We are confident that we shall win the popular vote as
we did in 2002 although Mugabe stole those victories."

      The MDC rally was not carried live by Zimbabwean state television
despite official pledges of equal access for parties contesting the March
vote. Mugabe's February 11 launch of the ZANU-PF campaign received four
hours of live coverage.

      The MDC has emerged as the biggest threat to Mugabe in more than two
decades and has gone to court to challenge his victory in the 2002
presidential election.

      In the 2000 parliamentary polls, the MDC took 58 out of the 120 seats
up for grabs against 62 for ZANU-PF, although the ruling party's majority
was cemented by a further 30 seats which under Zimbabwe law are filled by
presidential appointees.

      Tsvangirai said a March victory for the MDC would see the party
dismantle oppressive security and media laws, and deliver programmes
including rebuilding collapsing infrastructure, improving health and
education and tackling an HIV/AIDS epidemic estimated to infect almost a
quarter of the adult population.

      "Our vision is anchored on tolerance and respect for our diversity.
Our vision is fixed onto the future," he said.

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Ex-info chief hits Zimbabwe "politics of patronage"

      Sun February 20, 2005 2:48 PM GMT+02:00
      HARARE (Reuters) - Former Zimbabwe Information Minister Jonathan Moyo,
sacked this week after five years as a key ally of President Robert Mugabe,
said on Sunday he was the victim of "politics of patronage" in the ruling
ZANU-PF party.

      Moyo surprised political observers by leaving ZANU-PF to stand as an
independent in March 31 parliamentary elections, a rare public defection by
a member of Mugabe's inner circle ahead of the closely watched polls.

      Mugabe formally sacked Moyo on Saturday, stripping him of his
ministerial post and the legislative seat he had held as a presidential

      Moyo, in a public letter printed in state media on Sunday, said he had
run afoul of unnamed senior ZANU-PF figures who had blocked his nomination
as a party candidate for the March vote, and had decided it was better to
work outside the party.

      "I had come to understand and appreciate that it is far better to be
with the people and to work for them than to be hostage to the whims and
caprices of the politics of patronage," Moyo said.

      Moyo's letter was put on the front page by the weekly state-owned
Sunday News -- which he formerly oversaw as state information chief -- side
by side with Mugabe's letter firing him.

      Moyo is credited by many with crafting tough media laws 3 years ago
forcing news organisations and journalists to register with a state media
commission and barring foreigners from working permanently in the country as

      Moyo's departure from ZANU-PF marked one of the first serious
political casualties amid a succession wrangle which is seen favouring the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change in the March 31 vote.

      The dispute arose from the nomination of a woman candidate, Joyce
Mujuru, as the second vice-president of ZANU-PF and of Zimbabwe -- blocking
the rise of Speaker of Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa, long touted as
Mugabe's most likely successor when his term ends in 2008.

      Moyo was accused of holding a meeting to back Mnangagwa and authoring
a document that purported to create a new political leadership in ZANU-PF.
He denied the charge.

      Political analysts say the March 31 elections are almost certain to
return Mugabe's ZANU-PF to power, prolonging a political and economic crisis
that has ruined the once prosperous southern African country.
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EU, US not invited to observe Zimbabwe polls

      Sun February 20, 2005 12:43 PM GMT+02:00
      HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe has named observers for March
parliamentary polls but will exclude teams from the European Union and
United States which are critical of President Robert Mugabe's government,
state media said on Sunday.

      Political analysts say the elections on March 31 will almost certainly
return Mugabe's ZANU-PF to power and further entrench his hold on the

      The EU and the United States have imposed travel bans on the top
leadership of Mugabe's government to protest Harare's human rights record,
lack of rule of law and the controversial policy of seizing land from white
farmers to resettle blacks.

      Foreign Minister Stan Mudenge said observers from the EU had not been
invited because they had a "preconceived negative perception" of elections
in the country, the weekly Sunday Mail newspaper reported.

      The United States was also not on the official invitation list.

      Most of the observers invited by the government will come from Africa
and the Caribbean nations.

      Mudenge said the observers would, however, not be allowed to monitor
the elections, saying only locals would be entrusted with tasks such as
observing ballot counting.

      "The laws of Zimbabwe and the constitution do not provide for
foreigners to participate in the monitoring of our elections," Mudenge told
the paper.

      Some of the invited organisations for the March poll include the
13-member Southern African Development Community (SADC), African Union,
Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations.

      All the SADC countries and 10 other African countries could also send
their own national delegations independent of the invited organisations,
Mudenge said, while Russia was also on the list.

      The EU and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) accuse
Mugabe's ZANU-PF of rigging the past two general elections and using
violence and intimidation against opponents.

      Critics say Mugabe has produced a set of cosmetic electoral reforms,
including the formation of a nominally independent electoral commission,
which they say will ultimately compound Zimbabwe's five-year political and
economic crisis.

      Mugabe, 81 on Monday, has vowed to bury the MDC, the biggest threat to
his 25-year rule since independence in 1980, in the March vote. He says the
opposition is being funded by the West to topple him from power as
punishment for his land seizures.
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Sunday Mirror, Zimbabwe

Moyo in fresh scandal
Staff Writers

In what could pass as undue interference bordering on corruption, Chris
Mushowe, the Minister of Transport and Communication allegedly ordered
management at the government-controlled telecommunications utility, Net*One,
that 500 cellphone lines be released to Jonathan Moyo for his election

Moyo, the Information and Publicity Minister, on Friday announced that he
was breaking away from the ruling Zanu PF to stand as an independent in
Tsholotsho, a move observers say signals his imminent exit from the Cabinet.

Sources at Net*One told the Sunday Mirror that Moyo sought the assistance of
Mushohwe in obtaining the lines, and the transport minister in turn
instructed the cellular phone company to facilitate the release of 500
pre-paid Easycall lines.

Moyo wants to use the lines during his campaigns in the forthcoming
legislative elections that have been slotted for March 31. Moyo, said the
sources, is in possession of the 500 lines and has already distributed 50 of
them to his campaign team. However, several ministers who got wind of the
deal have reportedly moved to block it, reportedly because they are incensed
by Mushohwe's bid to help Moyo who is now considered by party insiders as a

Net*One staffers who refused to be mentioned said the practice of ministers
giving verbal orders for lines to be released to their friends or relatives
was rampant , adding that their hands were tied since they feared

Contacted for a comment, the permanent secretary in Mushohwe's ministry and
Net*One board chairman, Karikoga Kaseke, said he was not aware of any
manoeuvres to avail lines to Moyo.

"The day-to-day operations of Ne*tOne are the responsibility of management
and the board is not supposed to interfere. In addition, I am not aware of
any directive from anyone and am therefore not in a position to say it was
given," Kaseke told the Sunday Mirror.

He said he was aware of complaints of corrupt line allocation, saying the
utility was investigating the allegations.

"Lines are in short supply, and it becomes worrisome to learn that
individuals are being allocated huge amounts of them. If our network was not
congested and lines were available, we would not worry even if a person was
given a million lines.

"Currently there is no way in which Net*One can give huge numbers of lines
to individuals and for the record, we have guidelines to the effect that
whenever there is an application for more than 20 lines, even if spreading
over a period of 6 months, approval should be sought from the board, as a
thrown behind bars for abusing state resources.

"It's a smack in the face of the party that sought to rehabilitate his
political career since June 1999 (when Moyo was appointed Constitutional
Commission spokesperson). From that time Moyo has been able to raise himself
by using state resources and this is the payback that Moyo is giving Zanu
PF," said the insider.

This is not the first time Moyo has come under the spotlight for abusing
public funds and resources.

In the aftermath of the Tsholotsho debacle, Moyo unwittingly revealed that
the plane that had been chartered to ferry ministers invited to the
controversial meeting, had been paid for by the department of Information
and Publicity at close to $10 million.

This raised questions of conflict of interest as Moyo was alleged to have
been using state funds to donate computers and cash to a constituency in
which he had expressly declared interest.

Furthermore, this is the second scandal concerning Moyo and Mushohwe
concerning NetOne prepaid Easycall lines.

The duo, together with Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare minister,
Paul Mangwana; Mushohwe's deputy, Andrew Langa and suspended Manicaland
province chairperson, Mike Madiro, allegedly used their influence to acquire
hundreds of Net*One mobile phone lines to distribute in their
constituencies, and boost chances of re-election to parliament.

This has raised questions as what the Zanu PF insiders termed "an unholy
alliance" between Moyo and Mushohwe.

In a press statement that Moyo issued to Zimpapers and ZBH announcing his
intention to stand as an independent, Moyo said he had move to that decision
by Zanu PF's manoeuvres to interfere with the process of selecting a
candidate for Tsholotsho, a thinly veiled attack on the party leadership,
President Mugabe, the First Secretary included.

"It is an open secret who the people of Tsholotsho have as their choice of
representative in the Sixth Parliament of Zimbabwe and why. It is an open
secret why there has been an unprecedented interference with that choice of
the people and who has been interfering," wrote Moyo. In what analysts view
as a demonstration of tribal sentiments, Moyo added: It is my considered
view that arbitrary rule by any ruling party is a breeding ground for
tribalism and corruption and puts at risk our sovereignty, democracy and
national development".
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Sunday Mirror, Zimbabwe

MIC threatens Zim Independent
Kudzanai Musengi

Press watchdog, the Media and Information Commission, last week flexed its
muscles and reportedly warned management at the Zimbabwe Independent
newspaper not to let their staffers moonlight for foreign media houses or
risk having the newspaper's licence as well as the staffers' accreditation

Sources in the media industry told the Sunday Mirror that the Commission's
chairman, Tafataona Mahoso threatened to close down the newspaper over
claims that some of its reporters were writing for the Mail & Guardian, a
South African publication.

The Zimbabwean Independent is a Zimbabwean weekly, which is owned by media
mogul Trevor Ncube, who also has a major shareholding in the Mail &
Guardian, which regularly carries news stories about Zimbabwe. Ncube also
owns another local weekly The Standard. When contacted for comment, Mahoso
would neither confirm nor deny the reports.

"Talk to the people at the Independent. What are they saying? Even if
something like that happened, we wouldn't discuss it with the press," Mahoso
said. However, a senior member of staff at the newspaper, speaking on
condition of anonymity, corroborated the reports and said the MIC had met
with management at the newspaper.

"Yes our management met with Mahoso and his team. I understand that it was
over the issue that some of our reporters were said to be writing for the
Mail & Guardian. Mahoso wanted clarification over the relationship between
the Mail & Guardian and us," he said.

The MIC is a statutory body that regulates the newspaper industry. It was
instituted following the promulgation of the controversial Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act in 2001.

Under the Act, which has been roundly condemned as draconian and an
infringement on freedom of expression, it is an offence for a journalist who
works for a local media house to moonlight for media outside Zimbabwe. AIPPA's
chief architect, information minister Jonathan Moyo has been slammed for
crafting what critics have said is a law aimed at settling personal scores.

It is a statutory requirement for all print media to be registered under the
MIC, and it is under this requirement that the Daily News was closed in 2003
for failing to comply.

The Daily News had decided not to register as it was challenging the
constitutionality of AIPPA. The newspaper's application for an operating
licence is still before the courts.

The MIC's manouvres against the Independent fly in the face of speculation
that government would press for the granting of an operating licence to the
Daily News in time for the elections in order to give an impression that
freedom of expression exists in Zimbabwe.Some observers have said the MIC's
move would not augur well for the country's image, especially with impending
parliamentary elections billed for March 31.

A media analyst, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said, with the
enactment of Aippa, government has earned a reputation of silencing voices
that are viewed as critical of the establishment.

"I think it would be risky for the MIC to do something that would be
perceived as harassing a privately-owned newspaper at a time like this. The
world might construe this as yet another move aimed at silencing dissenting
voices. "We have been living under sanctions for the past five years, partly
because the west branded our government as being averse to the existence of
freedom of expression. The forthcoming elections provide us with an
opportunity to repair our image and mend relations with those that had
become our sworn enemies. We shouldn't do anything to jeopardise this," the
analyst said.

One diplomat said: "I think the MIC's move is as ill-advised as it is
ill-timed. Why do such a thing at a time when what everyone wants to see is
the promotion of plurality? Government already has a bad reputation as far
as promoting freedom of expression is concerned and they do not need
anything that seems to confirm such a reputation," the diplomat said.
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From The Sunday Times (SA), 20 February

Mugabe asks for election whitewash

As repression deepens, Zimbabwe puts pressure on neighbours to give official
approval for a poll already mired in controversy

Andrew Donaldson in London, Charmeela Bhagowat and Sunday Times Foreign Desk

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe is lobbying neighbours to declare that he
is complying with the region's rules governing elections - despite refusing
to allow them to send a legal delegation to inspect electoral reforms.
Mugabe sent his Anti-Corruption Minister Didymus Mutasa to seek outgoing
Namibian President Sam Nujoma's backing this week, while he dispatched
Special Affairs Minister John Nkomo to meet Botswana's President Festus
Mogae last week. Diplomats in Harare said Mugabe wanted Southern African
Development Community leaders to whitewash the result of the election likely
to be won by his party. His move comes as the country's controversial
Information Minister and chief spin doctor, Jonathan Moyo, announced he
would stand as an independent candidate in next month's general elections -
and repression in the country deepened.

This week alone:

Mugabe refused to allow a SADC delegation of lawyers to assess electoral

Zimbabwean police arrested opposition Movement for Democratic elections
director Ian Makone for convening an allegedly illegal meeting, and 14
members of the National Constitutional Assembly, an MDC ally, for staging a
protest for a free and fair election;

The European Union renewed its selective sanctions against the country's
ruling elite;

The respected International Crisis Group said that the election would not be
completely free and fair; and

A Democratic Alliance mission was turned back at Harare Airport

The South African government - considered Zimbabwe's most powerful
neighbour - has been largely silent on the latest events, with Foreign
Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma saying on Tuesday that she was
satisfied that Zimbabwe was doing enough to ensure free and fair elections.
Notwithstanding Harare's grandstanding, the South African government said
yesterday it had asked SADC to prepare to send observers - which would
include the legal team - in anticipation of an invitation from Mugabe. But
no invitation had been forthcoming by Friday night, according to a SADC

Moyo's decision to stand as an independent adds an interesting twist to what
is already a controversial poll. Moyo - principal architect of the draconian
media legislation that has all but strangled Zimbabwe's once-thriving
independent press - made the decision after falling out of favour with the
party's leadership. He will run in the Tsholotsho constituency held by the
MDC. Handing in his registration papers 15 minutes before electoral
nominations closed at Bulawayo's city hall on Friday, Moyo did not say
whether he had resigned from Zanu PF. But under the party's constitution he
will face dismissal for running as an independent candidate, the BBC
reported. On Friday, the European Union renewed its selective sanctions
against the country's ruling elite. The EU's decision came just hours before
a DA fact-finding team was added to a growing list of missions refused entry
into the country by Harare to monitor conditions there. An EU spokesman told
the Sunday Times that the renewal of the sanctions was largely a procedural
matter but added that the matter could be reviewed after polling on March
31. Sanctions include a ban on selected Zanu PF members from travelling to
the EU, a freeze on any financial assets they may hold in the EU, and an
arms embargo.

Earlier in the week, the International Monetary Fund postponed a decision to
expel Zimbabwe as a member - but not before it labelled as "insufficient"
Harare's attempts to halt the country's economic decline. The IMF board
began a process to expel Zimbabwe last year after it fell back on debt
repayments, as its economy struggled with its worst crisis since
independence in 1980. Peter Kagwanja, director of the International Crisis
Group's Southern Africa office, said that their recent mission to Zimbabwe
found that while Zanu PF had gone some way to try to level the playing
field, the elections would not be free and fair. "The repressive governance
system that emerged from 2002 has remained intact and poses the greatest
threat to a free and fair election in March 2005," he said. Mugabe's cousin
and ruling Zanu PF MP Phillip Chiyangwa, who was facing charges of
espionage, was released from jail on Friday. Chiyangwa was freed on a judge's
orders after more than two months in police custody for allegedly spying on
Mugabe's government for South Africa. Although it was not clear if the
charges would be withdrawn, Chiyangwa has escaped long incarceration, at
least for now.

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From The Sunday Times (UK), 20 February

Hounded out by Mugabe's thugs

Journalist Brian Latham tells how he was forced to leave his family and
homeland last week as Zimbabwe's dictator tightens the screw

Last Monday, Valentine's Day, started like any other with a scan through the
Zimbabwean newspapers. I was first into the Harare office I shared with two
other freelance journalists and a photographer. The calm of the morning was
shattered just before 10am. With three business stories to write for
Bloomberg news and in a hurry to get my stories onto the wire, I hadn't
noticed the office messenger open the door. A voice behind me told me to
stop writing. I turned round to find three men in plain clothes had entered
the office. The leader told me he was "from the police" and wanted to
question me and my colleagues, Angus Shaw and Jan Raath. "Call them and tell
them to come to the office," the man ordered. "We have had a tip-off that
you are running a spy ring." They spent an hour sifting through private
papers, listening to our phone calls and inspecting photographs. Only the
insistence of our lawyer that no law had been broken persuaded them to
leave. That was the first and easier of two raids that day. We were warned,
as they left, that we could expect a visit from Zimbabwe's notorious and
feared "law and order" branch, which operates out of Harare central police
station, usually with scant respect for law or order.

Half an hour later they arrived, ordering us to stop work. This time we were
accused of being "illegal journalists" (reporters in Zimbabwe can only work
with the permission of the government's media commission). Protest from
Beatrice Mtetwa, our lawyer, and ourselves was fruitless. The same
accusation was made, menacingly, time and time again. When asked to prove
their allegations, one of the policemen smiled and said: "First we get
suspects, then we get facts, not the other way around." A plainclothes
policewoman, all 6ft 4in of her, inspected our computer equipment. She
wanted to know whether we had broadband satellite connections, presumably to
back the spying allegation. But all of us worked on dial-up internet, using
Zimbabwe's rickety phone system to get our stories out, often with a
frustrating lack of success. Policemen from the law and order branch told us
they knew our home addresses and the registration numbers of our vehicles.
Their visit left our office, known by Zimbabwean journalists as the Old
Gentlemen's News Co-operative, in a state of shock and bewilderment.

We had been tipped off that the police were in a vindictive mood and
determined to close us down before the parliamentary election next month.
Already mired in controversy and allegations of violence and vote rigging,
the elections are set to pit President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF
against the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. I had hoped to see
the election through. Instead, I climbed on to my motorcycle and, at high
speed, went to get my passport, which had been hidden in a friend's house
for months because of the ever-present threat of closure, torture and
harassment. Another friend took me across the border into neighbouring South
Africa, from where I could find a flight to London. It wasn't a difficult
decision to make. After more than a decade of reporting from Zimbabwe we
were all more than aware of how often wrongful, illegal arrests are made,
how frequently confessions are extracted under torture, how corrupt court
officials think little of keeping people in disease and lice-ridden cells
for months on end.

So I fled, but it was only after crossing into South Africa that what I had
lost seeped into my consciousness. I had left my children behind, two of
them in school and now without a father or anyone to pay their fees. I had
lost my home and possessions because I crossed into South Africa in just the
clothes I was wearing. And I'd lost the country I was born in. My
colleagues, Angus and Jan, also fled. We are free but sadly bereft. None of
us knows when we will see our families again, lie in our own beds or have
dinner with friends. All the charges are spurious. We have been accused of
spying for foreign powers and of publishing information "likely to be
detrimental to the state". But all we have ever done is let the world know
what was happening in Zimbabwe, and it has cost us everything. Driving south
to South Africa down the wooded escarpment into Zimbabwe's broiling lowveld,
we passed the devastation left by Mugabe's so-called land reform, home to
thousands of unemployed people waiting for better times. Almost my entire
life has been spent in Zimbabwe. Once, I used to return light-hearted after
working in other African countries. It was like Switzerland; everything
worked and everywhere was clean. That has all changed. Litter festoons the
cracked, broken streets and little works. Worst of all, the people are
beaten and bloodied. I had reported from anywhere in the world in order to
earn a living but, like most people, I liked working in my own country,
among my own people - people who laughed at the same things I did and shook
their heads in horror at the things that horrified me. I'll miss them.

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Comment from The Sunday Independent (SA), 20 February

Too late for a free election in Zimbabwe

But SADC could still salvage something by looking through the smoke and
mirrors and having it postponed

By Claude Kapemba

It will not be possible to hold fair and credible elections in the current
constitutional and legal framework in Zimbabwe. The best thing the Southern
Africa Development Community (SADC) advance team of legal experts which is -
or was? - supposed to go to Zimbabwe to assess the electoral system could do
would be to recommend that the Zimbabwean government postpone the elections.
This would allow the necessary reforms that have just been introduced to be
institutionalised, and the verification of the voters roll by political
parties and voters to take place. The high court in Malawi requested the
Malawi Electoral Commission to postpone last year's presidential election to
allow for the verification of the voters roll. It did so, and there is no
reason why the same cannot be done in Zimbabwe.

There are inconsistencies, gaps and potential conflicts within the current
legislative framework that need to be clarified before Zimbabwe can hold
credible elections. The laws and institutions do not accurately reflect the
political reality of the country. The ruling Zanu PF party continues to have
a monopoly on decisions about electoral matters. Recent reforms, including
the creation of an Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), electoral court
and other electoral procedures, will make very little difference. While the
government has created what it calls an independent electoral commission to
supervise and organise elections, previous structures - the Electoral
Supervisory Commission, the registrar-general, the Election Directorate and
the Delimitation Commission - remain in place and are fully functional. The
continued existence of this quartet structure, side by side with the new
IEC, will cause confusion and tension and make it hard for anyone to observe
what is actually happening in the management of elections. Zimbabwe has also
kept intact legislation such as the Public Order and Security Act and the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, which are inimical to
freedom of expression and the press respectively.

What effect could a SADC delegation of lawyers from South Africa, Lesotho
and Namibia - countries that form a troika in the regional organ on
politics, defence and security - have on the electoral process in Zimbabwe?
The brief of such a team would be to investigate how Zimbabwe is complying
with SADC principles and guidelines and report to SADC heads of state. But
does the Zimbabwean government take these guidelines seriously? Patrick
Chinamasa, the minister of justice, seems to regard them as a political
instrument that countries must follow to upgrade their electoral systems,
rather than as a legal instrument. Indeed they are not legally binding and
offer no legal recourse to SADC if a member does not observe them. What,
then, could SADC do if Zimbabwe did not comply with its guidelines and
principles? What Chinamasa might have missed is that the principles have
opened space for political recourse if SADC deems it worthwhile to intervene
in a member state that does not comply with them. This is why, I think, it
would not be too late for the SADC advance team to go to Zimbabwe, even at
this late stage. The political options available to SADC to sanction a
country that does not comply could include expulsion from SADC, and if the
infractions are deemed serious enough it could even contemplate imposing
economic sanctions on a member state. Chinamasa also, in an effort to
diminish the importance of these principles and guidelines, said they were
simply a road map to guide the democratic process in the various SADC
countries, and could not be applied uniformly across the board because
countries were at different levels of democratic development.

This might suggest that the problem with elections in Zimbabwe is the same
sort of structural weaknesses that the Democratic Republic of Congo or
Angola face. But in fact in Zimbabwe the problem is very different. There is
simply a deliberate attempt not to do the right thing. For example, Zimbabwe
had a unique chance to introduce changes to the constitution and the
Electoral Act after the 2002 elections. It is not clear why these reforms
had to wait until SADC came up with guidelines.In fact, the SADC guidelines
are not the first. The African Union has guidelines that member states are
supposed to follow and apply and which are similar to SADC's. Further,
electoral reforms in Zimbabwe have been called for since 2000 and
recommendations - including the ones proposed in the SADC guidelines - had
already been articulated by the opposition and civil society, regional and
local. Zanu PF knew it had no option but to introduce changes to the
administration of elections, and there was no need to wait until just two
months before the elections to do so. The Zimbabwean government deliberately
delayed electoral reforms in a calculated move to ensure there would not be
enough time for the opposition to scrutinise the electoral process. The
government seems to be applying the same tactic in dealing with SADC.
Consensus on the rules of the electoral game is crucial for creating the
basic atmosphere for a fair election. A dialogue on these rules between the
main political parties, Zanu-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change, held
early enough to make a difference, would have gone a long way towards
establishing confidence in the system and reducing tension between the
parties and among their supporters.

Claude Kapemba is research manager of the Electoral Institute of Southern
Africa and writes in his personal capacity

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                        Mugabe sacks information minister after defection

                              Moyo is running as an independent in next
month's parliamentary elections

                        February 19, 2005, 21:30

                        Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwe president, sacked
Jonathan Moyo, the controversial information minister, today after he
defected from the ruling Zanu(PF) party to run as an independent in next
month's parliamentary elections. George Charamba, Mugabe's spokesperson,
said Moyo - who has spearheaded Mugabe's propaganda campaign over five years
of mounting political and economic crisis - had been stripped of party
membership, legislative seat and cabinet post.

                        "By his actions, he ceases to be a member of
parliament and a minister in government," Charamba said in a statement.

                        Moyo registered yesterday as an independent
candidate for the March 31 parliamentary elections after being sidelined in
a power struggle over who would be named as Mugabe's likely successor when
he retires in 2008. Moyo was not immediately available for comment.

                        Moyo is regarded by many as the architect of tough
media laws enacted three years ago requiring news organisations and
journalists to register with a state media commission and barring foreigners
from working permanently in the country as correspondents. Moyo, who had
held one of 20 parliamentary seats reserved for Mugabe appointeees under
Zimbabwe's electoral laws, now plans to run as an independent candidate in
his rural home constituency of Tsholotsho in southwestern Zimbabwe.

                        Moyo's departure from Zanu(PF) marked one of the
first high-level defections following an unprecedented succession struggle
which political analysts said may boost the fortunes of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in the March 31 polls. The dispute
centred on the nomination of a woman government minister, Joyce Mujuru, as
the second vice-president of Zanu(PF) and of Zimbabwe - a move which blocked
the rise of Emmerson Mnangagwa, the speaker of parliament, regarded for
years as the most likely candidate for the post.

                        Moyo was accused of holding a meeting to back
Mnangagwa, who eventually lost the race for the job widely seen as a
stepping stone to the presidency. Mugabe, who turns 81 on Monday and has
been in power since independence from Britain in 1980, has said next month's
vote will result in a huge victory for Zanu(PF) amid opposition charges that
the country's electoral landscape has already been engineered to keep the
ruling party in power. - Reuters
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Mugabe picks poll monitors
19/02/2005 22:00  - (SA)

Harare - Russia is the only European country among 32 nations invited by
President Robert Mugabe to observe next month's crunch parliamentary
elections in Zimbabwe, state radio reported on Saturday, quoting Foreign
Minister Stan Mudenge.

The minister unveiled the much-awaited list of foreign observers at a news
conference in the southern town of Masvingo, according to the radio report.

"Mudenge made it clear that European Union countries such as Britain and her
allies were not invited since they are hostile to Zimbabwe and have already
made their own pre-judgement of the elections," it said.

The EU slapped "smart sanctions" on Mugabe and his inner circle shortly
after the 2002 presidential polls which international observers said were
tainted with fraud and voter intimidation.

It was not immediately known when the invitations were sent out but South
Africa on Tuesday voiced concern over the delay in inviting observers from
the region.

According to democratic electoral guidelines pencilled last year by all
members of the 14-member Southern African Development Community (SADC),
invitations should be extended 90 days before elections.

Of the 32 invited countries, 23 are from Africa, five from Asia, three from
the Americas and Russia.

The African Union (AU), the SADC, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern
Africa (COMESA), the Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations are among
the regional and international organisations to which invitations have been

South Africa's African National Congress (ANC), Tanzania's Chama Chama
Pinduzi and Mozambique's Frelimo are some of the liberation movements coming
to witness the closely watched polls.

Foreign diplomats based in Harare wishing to observe the polls will "be
accredited upon request" by the foreign ministry.

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Washington Times

Mugabe accused of jeopardizing fairness of vote

By Geoff Hill

JOHANNESBURG - Zimbabwe's main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), has accused President Robert Mugabe's government of making it
impossible for elections on March 31 to be free and fair.
    The protest came Wednesday after the arrest of MDC director of elections
Ian Makone at a training session for the party's 120 candidates. He was
later released without charges.
    MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi told reporters that the training
session at the Harare Sheraton Hotel was interrupted by three plainclothes
police officers.
    "They told the gathering that the meeting was illegal under the Public
Order and Security Act (POSA) and that all those present should leave
immediately or face arrest," Mr. Nyathi said. "Then they arrested our
director of elections, who is currently being held at Harare Central Police

    Earlier this month, the MDC dropped its planned boycott of the March
election, saying it would "participate with reservation." During the
election in 2000, the party won 57 of the 120 contested seats. Since then,
its members of parliament have been continually harassed and arrested.
    Under the POSA law, it is illegal for two or more people to meet in one
place to discuss politics unless the police have been notified at least four
days in advance. Members of Mr. Mugabe's ruling Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) are always granted permission for meetings,
but police have repeatedly used the law to ban MDC rallies.
    Two weeks ago, Sam Muponde, an electoral worker in the southern city of
Bulawayo, was arrested while conducting a door-to-door campaign when police
insisted that discussing politics in a voter's home constituted a meeting.
    "In addition to the disruption of the party's public meetings, our
advertisements continue to be rejected by the state media," Mr. Nyathi said.
    The government nationalized the daily press in 1981 and owns the only
radio and television stations. Private broadcasting remains illegal.
    Mr. Mugabe, 81, has been in power since Zimbabwe gained independence
from Britain in 1980 and, in recent years, his government has come under
increasing criticism from human rights groups, including Amnesty
International, that accuse it of widespread torture and repression.
    In the wake of a disastrous land redistribution program largely driven
by Mr. Mugabe, United Nations' food agencies estimate that 70 percent of the
population now lives under conditions of famine in a country which, until
2000, had been a net exporter of food.
    Mr. Mugabe was returned to power in a presidential election in 2002, but
most Western countries, including the United States, refused to recognize
the result, charging that the election was marred by cheating and
state-sponsored violence against the opposition.
    Mr. Nyathi said he could see no way that the March election would be
free and fair but that his party would participate under protest, "because
our supporters wish to exercise their inalienable right to vote and to
continue the struggle for democracy."
    Mr. Mugabe fired Information Minister Jonathan Moyo yesterday because he
registered as an independent candidate instead of as a member of the ruling

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Enough is Enough



We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!



From Jono to Gono

Sokwanele reporter

19 February 2005

During the past five years we have come to know Jonathan as ZANU PF’s chief propagandist, fabricator of stories, distorter of information, source of venom and hate-filled invective. Those of us who were not permanently intellectually disabled by the constant drone of the electronic media or the failure of our schools to teach any analytical or creative thinking, easily recognised most of what came from Jonathan or one of his many aliases as blatant falsehood. We learned to read between the lines, to look for the reality behind the torrents and played games deducing what was really happening. So we became pretty good at finding out the truth behind the lies.


Jonathan’s life in ZANU PF is in the intensive care unit; most doctors have given up hope and are just keeping him on life support, but we have come to accept that the machines will eventually be turned off and his body will be laid to rest in some obscure place where the party can do its best not to remember him. 


But Jonathan has a replacement already. ZANU PF has a new spin doctor. His name is Gideon Gono. But his approach is very different. He is sweet reasonableness personified. He doesn’t use hate speech or invective. And his words are buttressed by multitudinous statistics, evidence from reports, concern for the economy and dislike of corruption. He assures us that we are on the road to recovery, inflation has fallen precipitously and it will continue to fall until it reaches a respectable third-world level in the low two-digit figures by the end of 2005. The economy is going to grow this year, he tells us, and soon all will be back to “normal”, whatever that might be. He even tells ministers that they have to change their policies over land acquisition and parastatals that they must start making money. Respected business-oriented media south of the border analyse his pronouncements and congratulate his achievements. They evidently take him seriously.


So why don’t we? Why don’t we think that inflation is coming down? Why are we quite sure that by this time next year we won’t be better off? Why are our professionals still leaving, our services still deteriorating, and our young people in the depths of despair?


Perhaps we just don’t understand the figures. Perhaps there are ways of calculating statistics that we haven’t grasped and we are too ignorant to believe that inflation is falling when it is actually rising. Perhaps there is some kind of magic in the year-on-year inflation figure akin to those bent mirrors in the amusement parks, which make short and fat people look tall and slender. Of course, anyone with the slightest bit of education knows that statistics are not to be trusted. But how could Gono have got it so wrong?


Gono tells us that inflation in December was 132%. That means that on average our cost of living was 132% more than it was in December 2003. It still means that we were spending more than twice as much as we were 12 months ago. So it is not negligible. However, if 132% was correct, then surely in January it went up again, not down. When we look at the bills we paid at this time last year, they are three, four, five or six times as much as they were last year. Perhaps Gono is only looking at the few items which are controlled and/or subsidised by government, such as mealie meal, fuel, bread. Certainly, the costs of these (especially when you have to buy them on the black market) have gone up, but not more than double what they were last year at this time. But we do not live on these items alone. Rents or rates are a large item in most family budgets. Rents have gone up by more than three times for most people, and far more for others; rates, at least in Bulawayo, have multiplied six-fold, (although we now hear that has been blocked) water bills by the same factor. Government controlled fees have skyrocketed: the carbon tax, which is certainly not being used to control carbon emissions, was raised by more than five times, telephone rates, we hear, have recently doubled without our being told, and are now astronomical as are postal rates. It now costs more to post a local letter in Zimbabwe than it costs to post a letter from South Africa all the way to North America. Electricity charges in January 2005 are several times what they were in January 2004. School fee increases vary of course from school to school. For many, the increase has been by more than ten times, but the least is about three times more than last year. And we can’t even bear to talk about the cost of medical care. Surely it is not surprising that no one believes Gono when he tells us that inflation has come down.


But, he might say, what about food items. Rice has not gone up drastically, bread has been kept down, mealie meal is still cheap when you can find it. Well, I suppose it all depends on several things – can you find it? And what do you actually eat? If you want some milk, then get ready to pay five times what you paid a year ago; if you want meat, nearly the same; and if you want eggs, poor you – at a minimum of $1,500 an egg, the cost has more than doubled just in the past three months. Vegetables go up and down like yoyos so you can never be sure whether you’ll afford them or not. Sugar has skyrocketed, but perhaps it is not much more than doubled since January last year. Our over-worked memories fade as items have increased every time we visit the supermarket – sometimes by a small amount, other times drastically.


The actual rate of inflation depends on what you need to buy and what goes into your “basket” of items to be considered. But even if inflation is only slightly higher than what the Governor tells us, we certainly find it impossible to believe that it will continue to go down over the next few months, and we even more certainly don’t believe that the economy is improving. We have seen no evidence whatsoever of the much-vaunted “recovery”. Nobody would surely dare to suggest that unemployment is going down; government spokesmen never mention it any more, and for most of us it is the most important indicator. The only indicator of improvement that Gono seems to have been able to offer us is that foreign currency inflows have multiplied from an abysmal low in 2003. And the source of much of this increase? - gold. The increase is to a significant extent based on the work of gold diggers, using the most primitive means of extraction, working in horrendously unsafe and unhealthy conditions, and having a disastrous impact on the environment. Other exports continue to decrease, agriculture has deteriorated even further, and tourist arrivals go down. We have been given absolutely no indication that any of these sectors is likely to improve in the coming year. In fact, the lauded policy of “look east” seems to be set to challenge even the little indigenous activity that still exists – building contracts are given to Chinese companies instead of to Zimbabwean ones, and cheap Chinese goods of a wide range threaten to displace the pathetic remnants of our clothing and hardware manufacturing. Even the Chinese tourists, who are not exactly flooding in, spend far less per person than the expansive Americans or Germans.


How can we possibly believe that anything will get better this year? Without even mentioning agriculture, which at this stage of the season appears to be heading for another disaster on every front, we can only see indicators of further difficulties. The 280% salary increases given to the civil service may be an electioneering gimmick – it after all has become a tradition – but what effect will they have on the economy? We don’t deny that the long-suffering public servants need it, but where will the money come from? And what is the source of all the billions and trillions needed to fund all the unbudgeted expenditure being promised with new extravagance every week? Ex-detainees allowances, war veterans’ increases, chiefs and headmen’s increases. Every day there seem to be new promises. But even more horrifying – our tax money is to be used yet again to prop up parastatals that have been losing money for all of our much-vaunted 25 years. A mild exhortation from Gono and even from our lady Vice President that parastatals must make money is hardly going to change anything; everyone knows that they can’t make money when they are used as political playthings, and in the absence of professional management and autonomy from government interference, they will continue to gobble up our money. Ten trillion dollars – none of us knows the meaning of this any more, but we certainly didn’t hear anything like this in the budget.


 Last year, before the ex-detainees’ legislation was passed by Parliament, Gono warned that the expenditure was unbudgeted and if the money had to be found, it would certainly be inflationary and disrupt his carefully laid plans for recovery. – just one item of what we are now being promised would, he claimed, be unsustainable. So what of the multi trillions that are now being trumpeted, alongside the public service increments? No wonder Gono wants interest rates to come down. Government will have to borrow it all, and the lower the rates, the better for Government borrowing.


But what he is no longer telling us is that all this extra expenditure, nicely timed just before the elections, will shoot inflation through the roof.


Will we ever be told the truth again? That the only thing which genuinely will bring inflation under control is a recovery of production; that none of Gono’s new measures are going to bring that recovery; that we are sinking deeper into the mire with every new promise of vote-buying expenditure; that we can only get out of the mire with help from the IMF and World Bank; that they will not help us as long as ZANU PF subverts the rule of law. Gono may smile like a Cheshire cat, and appear to get tough on the corrupters. But what we now know is that he has joined the pack. He has taken Jonathan’s place as the chief tale-spinner. That he does it without venom and hate does not make him any less of a liar.


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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

'Moyo fall inevitable'

Brian Mangwende Assistant Editor
issue date :2005-Feb-21

THE writing was on the wall. Political analysts were yesterday unanimous
that the dismissal of Jonathan Moyo from Cabinet as the Minister of State
responsible for Information and Publicity in the Office of the President and
Cabinet was inevitable and long overdue.
President Robert Mugabe on Saturday fired Moyo - a rabid critic of the
independent media and architect of the controversial Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act, reportedly to prolong his flirtation with
Zanu PF - after he went independent.
The former passionate critic of the government before being thrust into
Cabinet in 2000 automatically expelled himself from Zanu PF after he decided
to stand as an independent in Tsholotsho and fight the ruling and opposition
parties in parliamentary polls slated for March 31.
The political analysts said Moyo's move was tantamount to biting the hand
that fed him and dragged him from the political doldrums, before giving him
a chance to prove his patriotism.
Political analyst Lovemore Madhuku said of Moyo's dismissal: "The dismissal
was inevitable. For you to be in Cabinet, you have to have the trust of the
President. he (Moyo) was a formidable oppressor and that made him survive."
Another analyst, Eldred Masunungure of the University of Zimbabwe, where
Moyo - who has single-handedly destroyed the state media forcing the
retrenchment of over 2 000 media workers - once worked, said he was
surprised that Moyo was still in the government despite his disrespect for
the party's leadership.
"What is surprising is that he managed to stay in government for so long
after the Tsholotsho declaration," Masunungure said.
"His dismissal was long over due and became even more inevitable when he
decided to stand as an independent despite his party's call not to.  He was
defiant.  After the Tsholotsho issue and subsequently standing as an
independent, he did not have to wait for expulsion, but to simply resign
because what he did was an act of insubordination and gross misconduct.  By
implication, he defied President Mugabe."
Political analyst Joseph Kurebwa concurred with Madhuku and Masunungure,
saying: "It was given. He was a non-constituency member of Parliament and
after what he did, logically, he had to be sacked.  The President (Mugabe)
only clarified the party's position. Now that they can't control him, they
let him go. They really don't see him as a threat.  He has lost value."
Another political analyst Alois Masepe, said Moyo - who reportedly has a
pending court case on the abuse of funds he received from the Ford
Foundation in Kenya - made his bed and should lie on it.
"He has made his bed and he has to live with it," Masepe said. "I don't know
why he did not resign after the Tsholotsho saga. Tsholotsho was more of
celebration. The declaration must have been done already. Maybe as an
insider he (Moyo) knew why he didn't want to resign. He can't complain.
"I think Zanu PF was very generous to him. He shot into the political
limelight from nowhere. Imagine, from being an opposition activist to become
minister. He must count his lucky stars."
Trouble for Moyo started last year when he reportedly attempted to
reconstitute the ruling party's presidium, effectively stopping the
ascendancy of Joyce Mujuru to the presidency against a Politburo decision to
have a female co-vice-president.
Mujuru's name had cropped up as the frontrunner for the position ahead of
Thenjiwe Lesabe during the women's conference last year, but Moyo reportedly
thought otherwise.
Moyo's deck of cards started falling after the alleged plot was exposed,
prompting President Mugabe to explode.
Six provincial chairpersons were expelled after they reportedly backed the
reshuffling of the presidium behind the party's back, while Moyo's name was
removed from the list of central committee members, before being booted out
of the Politburo.
Dismissing Moyo, President Mugabe said at the weekend: "By that action
(deciding to stand as an independent), Professor Moyo has automatically
ceased to be a member of Zanu PF, the party which sponsored him into its
Government as a Cabinet minister in the first place.
"Accordingly, as a direct consequence of that step which he took yesterday,
Professor Moyo automatically ceases to be both a Member of Parliament and a
Minister of my government forthwith, with all the benefits associated with
those responsibilities standing withdrawn with immediate effect."
Moyo blamed Retired general Solomon Mujuru, national chairman John Nkomo,
Politburo members Dumiso Dabengwa, Nathan Shamuyarira, Obert Mpofu and Cain
Mathema, for his downfall.
Said Moyo: "I want them to know that I did not join the Zanu PF gravy train
in 2000, but that I jumped onto a sinking ship that was heading for the
ground after its captain was left alone by its crew."

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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Zanu PF, MDC differences superficial

Mabasa Sasa
issue date :2005-Feb-21

DESPITE being rabidly opposed at the ideological and practical levels, the
ruling Zanu PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) are
really no different in their rhetorical approach to the coming March 31
Parliamentary polls.

A cursory look at the two parties election manifestos reveals how both the
ruling party and Zimbabwe's largest opposition movement since independence
in 1980 actually tend to agree on what needs to be fixed to prevent the
nation from becoming another failed State.
What is of particular interest is the manner in which Zimbabwean politics
has been conducted over the years.
Election campaigns are actually exercises in decampaigning rival
This is a phenomenon consistent with African politics in general and can be
traced to the anti-colonial movements of the post World War Two era to 1980.
While the MDC and the ruling party agree that the economic situation that
prevailed in the country over the past five years is untenable and
unsustainable, and while both agree that sectors like agriculture, mining
and manufacturing are key to economic revival, the rhetorical approach is
never really abandoned.
Zanu PF will say that the economic meltdown was largely to sabotage, Western
neo-liberal resistance to the Fast Track Land Reform Programme and the
targeted sanctions slapped on President Robert Mugabe and scores of
government and party officials.
On the other hand, a common theme running through the MDC's manifesto is
that economic degeneration was a direct result of the pseudo-command
economic governance style of the Zanu PF government.
Neither of the two views can be totally discarded as mere propaganda as both
tend to contain elements of truths, half-truths as well as blatant lies.
However, one observer made a particularly interesting observation after the
presentation of the Zanu PF manifesto concerning the ruling party's attempts
to bring sanity back to the economic management of the country.
"Why," she asked, "should Zanu PF pat itself on the back for turning around
the economy when it was partly responsible for bringing it down in the first
place?" In its 2005 election manifesto, the ruling party points out that it
has managed to bring inflation down from an all-time high of 622.8 percent
in January 2004, to 132.4 percent by December 2004.
The MDC has promised to bring inflation down to single digit figures within
a year of assuming power compared to the government's target - through
Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono - to between 20 and 35 percent by the end
of 2005.
Realising the need for stabilisation in foreign currency in-flows, both the
MDC and Zanu PF have made undertakings in their manifestos to ensure the
situation normalises as soon as possible.
Interestingly, neither side really attempts to explain how exactly this is
going to be done. However, both sides have distinct advantages they can
offer the nation on this front. Zanu PF has Gideon Gono while the opposition
can depend on financial support from Western-based backers on assumption of
national office.
In fact, media reports over the past year have had it that bi-lateral
financial support from a number of European countries will be extended as
soon as the MDC takes power.
The MDC manifesto declares that efforts will be made to ensure something by
way of debt relief and debt rescheduling is worked out with countries and
institutions the nation has borrowed from.
The ruling party, on the hand, does not indicate in its manifesto what is
going to be done over the next Parliamentary term about the servicing of
Zimbabwe's huge domestic and foreign debts.
The land issue has remained contentious over the past five years and what
was intended as a 'Fast Track' initiative has become a long drawn out affair
characterised by grave allegations of mismanagement and sordid tales of
corrupt implementation.
A few years ago, MDC legislator Fidelis Mhashu appeared on the BBC saying
the opposition would return compulsorily acquired land to the former owners.
Of course, that was highly unlikely and the MDC manifesto makes no such
odious claims this time around. Instead the emphasis, much like that of Zanu
PF's, is on consolidating whatever gains were made and ensuring the
agricultural sector regains its former glory.
This will require a lot of funding in addition to technical support and both
parties pledge to do so over the coming years.
As has come to be expected, Zanu PF's solution lies in looking East while
that of the opposition - though not forthrightly stated - involves more of
looking West.
The opposition has ambitious plans for the country's housing problem and
proposes to build 750 000 houses over the next five years.This building
project will create an estimated 100 000 jobs to add to the 250 000 the MDC
says it can create through a national infrastructure rehabilitation
In line with its stance since its formation, the opposition seeks to have a
new Constitution in place after 12 months though some observers have noted
that the National Constitutional Assembly's 2000 Draft Constitution, which
was backed by the MDC, is only slightly different from the rejected
Chidyausiku Constitution of the same year.
In all, the real differences between Zanu PF and the opposition are largely
superficial but are continuously over-stated for obvious political reasons.

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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Women accused of forcing people to buy Zanu PF cards

The Daily Mirror Reporter
issue date :2005-Feb-21

WOMEN campaigning on behalf of incumbent Zanu PF candidate for Zengeza
constituency Christopher Chigumba, are allegedly forcing people in the
constituency to buy ruling party membership cards.
The Chitungwiza businessman will battle it out with opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) candidate Goodrich Chimbaira, in the forthcoming
parliamentary elections scheduled for March 31.
People in the Zengeza constituency claimed the women were demanding the
production of the ruling party's membership cards or face unspecified
However, Chigumba dismissed the allegations as hogwash, and added: "That
does not exist at all."
Also, residents in Unit D said they were forced to attend Zanu PF meetings
in the area.
One resident complained: "These women and the youths come and knock at our
doors commanding us to attend Zanu PF meetings, regardless of whether we are
their member or not. We just attend these meetings because of fear of
victimisation since several women in our street are ruling party cadres."
Chigumba said: "We haven't even held rallies as yet, so they are being
forced to do what?"

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Institute of War and Peace Reporting

Expelled South Africans Furious

Visiting parliamentary delegation say their deportation was "scandalous".

By Bridget Musa in Harare (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 08,

A delegation from South Africa's official parliamentary opposition party,
the Democratic Alliance, DA, on a fact finding mission ahead of Zimbabwe's
crucial March parliamentary election, was expelled on arrival at Harare
International Airport on Friday, February 18.

The three officials, DA deputy leader Joe Seremane, party spokesman Douglas
Gibson and backbench MP Paul Boughey, were labelled prohibited immigrants
and put on the same South African Airway plane on which they had arrived.
The plane left Harare in the afternoon an hour after landing.

Gibson said they were shocked at the treatment by Zimbabwe's immigration
officials. They had expected to be welcomed as honoured guests from a
friendly neighbouring country.

"We are going to appeal regarding us being treated as prohibited immigrants.
We didn't expect this to happen," Gibson told IWPR in Harare. He said they
had written in advance to the Zimbabwe government, through the country's
South African embassy in Harare and Zimbabwe's ministry of information,
requesting a meeting with President Robert Mugabe and other government

The DA officials said they had also wanted to meet other organisations to
understand the Zimbabwean situation ahead of the March 31 parliamentary
election and assess whether a free and fair poll was possible. "Clearly, we
have to suppose that the election will be a farce," said Gibson. "Our
treatment was scandalous, but we can only conclude that the people of
Zimbabwe are daily facing even worse treatment than we have received."

Seremane told IWPR their deportation showed that the Zimbabwean government
had something to hide, particularly in the field of human rights abuses and
lack of freedom of expression and association. He said the DA was concerned
about allegations of violation of human rights and the disregard by Mugabe's
government of principles and guidelines set down by the Southern Africa
Development Community, SADC, for the conduct of Zimbabwe's election.

"We recognise Zimbabwe's sovereignty," said Seremane, a veteran of the
guerrilla struggle against apartheid in South Africa. "We are going to
appeal. I am very sad that this has happened. It seems that something is
being hidden. I don't think it was proper to deport us.

"We are passionate about democracy and democracy in the southern region and
in Africa. And where SADC principles are being threatened, we want to know."

This is the third South African delegation to be deported from Zimbabwe,
after representatives of the Congress of South African Trade Unions were
expelled first in October last year and then again early this month.

The purpose of Cosatu's visits was to find out how the current political
crisis is affecting Zimbabwe's workers

The first 13-member Cosatu group was arrested by intelligence officers and
driven to Beitbridge border post - on the Limpopo River between Zimbabwe and
South Africa - in the middle of the night after being accused of
unauthorised meddling in Zimbabwe's domestic affairs. It had hoped to meet
trade unionists, government officials and human rights groups. The second
Cosatu group was put back on the plane on which they arrived.

Bridget Musa is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe.
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Institute of War and Peace Reporting

Nigeria Welcomes White Farmers

Victims of Mugabe's land confiscations breath new life into moribund farming
economies of other African countries.

By Joyce Jungwe in Harare (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 08,

Graham Hatty, a 65-year-old Zimbabwean who has spent the past 41 years
farming at Norton, 35 kilometres west of Harare, is this week packing to
leave for Nigeria and a new life there as a pioneer agriculturalist.

He is one of a team of fifteen white Zimbabwean farmers courted vigorously
by Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo, the head of the African Union, to
settle in Nigeria to open up commercial farming. The farmers all lost their
properties in Zimbabwe in President Robert Mugabe's land confiscation
programme over the past five years.

Hatty and the pioneer party's leader, 46-year-old Alan Jack, were told by
Obasanjo on a visit to Abuja, the Nigerian capital, from which they have
just returned,"Why leave Africa and go to Australia? We do not want to take
away what is good for Zimbabwe from Zimbabwe, but I believe that it is in
the best interests of Africa that you do not leave this continent. The more
of you who come to Nigeria the better."

Obasanjo plans eventually to settle at least two hundred white Zimbabwean
farmers along the banks of the huge Niger River.

Graham's wife Judy, who has surveyed the one thousand hectares of virgin
bush she and her husband have been allocated alongside the upper reaches of
the Niger in the western state of Kwara, told IWPR, "We have gone from being
considered enemies of the state in our own country to being treated like
royalty in another."

The Hattys were expelled from their 360 hectare Melton Park Farm in January
last year when Mugabe allocated the property to the newly retired head of
Zimbabwe's National Defence Force, General Vitalis Zvinavashe.

Melton Park was one of the best run and most productive farms in Zimbabwe.
The Hattys grew maize, seed maize, wheat and soya beans for the local market
and exported runner beans and sugar snap peas to Europe.

"When the farm was taken from us we lost everything," said Judy Hatty, who
moved with Graham into a small flat in Harare, Zimbabwe's capital, after
Zvinavashe's takeover. "We have no pension and no insurance. Melton Park was
our identity. It was our past, our present and it was to be our future. We
had built a school on the farm with seven classrooms, not only for our own
workers but for other local people. Now it is closed. The programme we built
up to support local AIDS orphans has died."

However, the family, like many white Zimbabwean farmers, have not lost their
tenacity and their abiding passion for farming. So, when the Nigerian
government laid out the red carpet for a new venture, the Hattys were among
the first to sign up.

The original idea to keep the white Zimbabweans farming in Africa came from
Bukola Saraki, the dynamic 36-year-old governor of Kwara State, who is
spearheading a national drive to wean Nigeria from oil-based revenues, which
have totalled more than 200 billion US dollars over the past 40 years.

"In Kwara we don't have oil, but we have a vast amount of virgin land, 2.3
million hectares, available for agriculture, which has the potential to
provide jobs and bring down the cost of food," said Governor Saraki from
Ilorin, the state capital.

"White farmers were having problems with Robert Mugabe. They saw themselves
as Africans and wanted to stay in Africa. We [Obasanjo and Karaki] thought:
if you've got what it takes to make it in commercial farming, the
opportunities are here."

The migration of the Hattys, Alan Jack and other white Zimbabwean farmers
such Alain Faydeherbe, William Hughes and Dan Swart, is the latest and most
remarkable chapter in the exodus of white Zimbabwean farmers - shown the
door by Mugabe and vilified as greedy racists - to other African countries
where they are breathing new life into moribund farming economies.

Zambia, an importer of maize, its staple food, for the first 36 years of
independence, has become a maize exporter since it began giving land to some
200 white Zimbabweans from 2001 onwards.

Karaki said Zimbabwe's loss is Nigeria's gain. Kwara State has given the
Zimbabweans pioneer status, which brings with it many financial incentives,
including investment by the government of some 1.6 million dollars in
irrigation, electricity, roads and housing around an impoverished village
called Shonga in the north of the state.

The Zimbabweans have been given initial 25 year leases on their land. Karaki
said he is also creating an export cargo hub at Ilorin Airport so that
commercial crops can be flown to European markets. Easy term loans will be
extended and the Zimbabweans can import equipment duty free.

"Within ten years our airport will be busy with agricultural exports and our
young [Nigerian] chaps coming out of university will think about going into
farming," said Karaki, who, when elected governor in 2003, launched a Back
to the Land strategy.

He was appalled that Nigeria, despite its abundant land, spends more than
1.6 billion dollars a year on food imports, including rice, sugar, chicken
and milk, which it should be producing itself.

He said he quickly realised that the agricultural economy was composed of
peasant farmers, stuck at the rake and hoe stage, with little exposure to
modern technology and mechanisation. "They were producing low yields, with
no money to buy tractors or inputs," said the governor. "We brought in
foreign experts to develop oil in the Niger Delta. I realised we'd need
foreign experts to kick start our agriculture plans."

Pinching herself with excitement, surprise and some trepidation as she
supervised the loading of packing cases, Judy Hatty said, "This is a giant
leap into the unknown and it is pretty scary, but we have got so much to
gain and so little to lose. We were welcomed with open arms and treated like
Hollywood film stars by President Obasanjo, who told us: 'You are the best
farmers in Africa. Don't leave Africa. Africa needs you.'"

Their departure, initially to a tent while boreholes are drilled and the
foundation of their new farmhouse is laid, is heavily tinged with sadness.
To the last, the Hattys have been involved with their multiracial community
church at Norton, which cares for sick children of local farmworkers.

Recently, a nine-year-old boy with a badly shattered leg was left untreated
in the local hospital for nearly a week while his mother tried to scrape
together money for doctors' fees. The Hattys and the church stepped in and
raised the money and bought the equipment that finally persuaded doctors to
set the little boy's leg.

The Hattys will be accompanied on their journey across Africa by their
56-year-old neighbour William Hughes, who used to be regularly voted
Zimbabwe's top dairy farmer, producing 5000 litres of milk a day. "I was
forced off my farm after death threats began," said Hughes, who had spent
more than three decades breeding the perfect genetic stock from Holsteins
for high milk yields in semi-tropical Zimbabwe.

"But, under Mugabe, if some local bigwig wants your farm it's curtains for
you. I lost my farm and my life's work. But now I'm damned well going to
build the first modern dairy in Nigeria."

With her move imminent from the country she loves and that has been her
lifelong home, Judy Hatty said she was not bitter, just saddened. "I thought
I would die of a broken heart," she said. "But now it is time to move on."

Joyce Jungwe is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe.

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Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to: with subject line "For: Open Letter Forum".


Thought of the Day:

"If you think you are too small to make a difference, you haven't been in
bed with a mosquito."

Tish Henson.


- RE: MF Comment from Canada - Peter Wright
- RE: MF - No Answer - RB


LETTER 1: RE: MF Comment from Canada, received 18.2.2005

by Peter Wright

Dear JAG

I have been following the letters on the Massey Ferguson/Nick Wright saga
with both disgust at Massey Fergusons activities & weak excuses, & a degree
of encouragement that there are many ex Zimbabwean farmers still prepared
to protest.

I have forwarded my emails to Nick Wright & John Bradley (see below), sent
on 9 Feb, & as yet no response received.

Best wishes to all of you at JAG.

Peter Wright (Not related to the Massey Ferguson Wright)
Ontario Canada.

----- Original Message -----
From: peter wright
To: Nick Wright
Cc: John Bradley
Sent: Wednesday, February 09, 2005 8:34 PM
Subject: Nick Wright's alleged comments in Zimbabwe

Dear Sir

As an ex Zimbabwean farmer illegally subjected to 3 years of intense
intimidation, abuse & eventual illegal detention, culminating in the
unlawful eviction from our farm, loss of our home, income, livestock &
assets, I read reports of your alleged comments during your visit to
Zimbabwe with disbelief.

I am concerned that your company could hold any discussions with members of
the current Zimbabwe government who are themselves subject to sanctions by
the British & other governments. I am amazed that you could even consider
discussing business with these people.

Do you realise that should you supply the Zimbabwe government with any
equipment, this equipment could be used on my & many other stolen
farms.Remember that around 500 000 black Zimbabweans have lost their
incomes as a direct result of farm seizures. (over 200 on our farm alone)
You would then be prolonging the suffering of the people of Zimbabwe by
propping up the Mugabe government.

I am an ex Massey Ferguson owner myself, I hope to start farming in a small
way in Canada & I have some influence in equipment purchase decisions made
by the large farming operation here that I am associated with.

Unless you can satisfactorily explain that the remarks"Zimbabwe agriculture
is in good hands" were not made by yourself, I will certainly not be using
or reccomending, Massey Ferguson equipment in the future.

Peter Wright

LETTER 2: RE: MF - No Answer - received 17.2.2005

by RB

Dear JAG


- Massey Ferguson - Traffic 2000
- RE: Reply to Steve's Comments on MF from Charles - Charlie Warren
- RE: Massey Ferguson Deals in Zimbabwe - Trevor Midlane
- RE: Concern over MF Reply to Charles - John Hickson
- Everyone Stays Quiety - Cathy Buckle


With regards to the abovementioned articles, I have added my voice and
written personally as I cannot write my thoughts and feelings publicly on
this issue. Just to let you know that ALL mail sent to the e/mail addresses
that you gave did not go through, I have no idea WHY? but have a good

What Cowards.....


JAG Hotlines:
+263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or need advice,
                                  please don't hesitate to contact us -
                                  we're here to help!
+263 (04) 799 410 Office Lines
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Today's Herald (Friday 18th February 2005) contains four new listings

- Section 7 notices (Lot 12: 1 property)
- Section 8 orders (Lot 23: 8 properties)
- Section 5 notices (Lot 162: 209 properties and Lot 163: 27 properties).

Herewith, in order of priority, Lot 12 (Section 7), Lot 23 (Section 8), and
Lot 163 (Section 5). Lot 162 will follow on Monday 21st February 2005.


SECTION 7 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:

Farmers are reminded that they have FIVE DAYS within which to lodge "Heads
of Argument" objections.




TAKE NOTICE that an application for the confirmation of the acquisition
order issued in respect of the following farms has been filed in the
Administrative Court at Harare and that the Respondent and any holder of
real rights over the said farm are required to lodge their objections
within 5 days after the publication of this notice failure of which the
matter shall be set down unopposed without any further notice.

A copy of the application is available for collection at Applicant's
undersigned legal practitioner of record's address between Monday to Friday
from 8 am to 4 pm.

Applicant's Legal Practitioners
2nd Floor, Block "A"
New Govt. Complex
Cnr Samora Machel Ave/Fourth St.

Minister of Special Affairs in
the Office of the President and Cabinet
Responsible for Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement


SECTION 7 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:

1., 1422/67, Leslie Reginald De Jager, Lomagundi, Friedawail of Renfield,
991.7851 acres, Case No. LA 5411/05.

End Section 7 SCHEDULE Listing.


SECTION 8 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:

  Vesting of land, taking of materials and
  exercise of rights over land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of paragraph (iii) of subsection (1) of
section 8 of the Land Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President
has acquired compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for
resettlement purposes.

Minister of Special Affairs in
the Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of
Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement.

Collection of Section 8 Orders for lodgement of Section 5 Notice objection
letters can be effected at the following address which is not given in the

Block 2
Makombe Complex
cnr. Herbert Chitepo Street/Harare Street
See Mr. Pazavakombewa


SECTION 8 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:



1. 1422/67, Leslie Reginald De Jager, Lomagundi, Friedawail of Renfield,
991.7851 acres, Case No. LA 5411/05.

1., 1486/73, Lowveld Agencies P/L, Chipinga, Lot 10 of Newcastle, 100.8345

2., 3621/97, Ellingham Investments P/L, Hartley, Remaining Extent of
French Hoek, 581.8641 ha.

3., 883/51, Pulpwood Company Limited, Inyanga, Lot Z Portion of Inyanga
Downs Portion of Inyanga block, 8 195.7533 ha.

4., 4861/91, Dedi Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Mwonga, 902.1191 ha.

5., 3718/75, Chibara P/L, Mazoe, Granite, 3 718.75 ha,

6., 2663/66, David Gerald Meikle, Umtali, Lot 1 of En Avant, 498.3356
7., 3764/68, Sleightholme Farms P/L, Umtali, Subdivision A of Witchwood
Estate, 249.9994 acres.
8., 6696/92, P D Hulley P/L, Umtali, Lot 1 of Orkney of Howth, 438.0069 ha.

End of Section 8 SCHEDULE


SECTION 5 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:

Preliminary Notice to Compulsorily Acquire Land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of subsection (1) of section 5 of the Land
Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President intends to acquire
compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for resettlement purposes.

A plan on the land is available for inspection at the following offices of
the Ministry of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet
in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and resettlement between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.
from Monday to Friday other than on a public holiday on or before 21st of
March, 2005.
(a) Block 2, Makombe Complex Cnr Harare Street and Herbert Chitepo Avenue,
(b) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, CF 119, Government
Composite Block, Robert Mugabe Way, Mutare;
(c) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 4th Floor, Block H
Office, 146, Mhlahlandlela Government Complex, Bulawayo;
(d) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, M & W Building, Corner
Park/Link Street, Chinoyi;
(e) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 1st Floor, Founders
House, The Green, Marondera;
(f) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 19 Hellet Street,
(g) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Exchange Building,
Main Street, Gweru;
(h) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Mtshabezi Building,
First Floor, Office No. F20, Gwanda;
(i) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Ndodahondo Building,

Any owner or occupier or any other person who has an interest and right in
the said land, and who wishes to object to the proposed compulsory
acquisition, may lodge the same, in writing, with the Minister of Special
Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, Private Bag 7779, Causeway, Harare, on or before
21st March 2005.

Minister of Special Affairs in the
Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.


SECTION 5 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:


1., 1100/99, Tipit Trucking and Construction P/L, Goromonzi, Lot 1 of
Lyndurst of Subdivision A of Twentydales Estate, 135.5816 ha.

2., 1766/99, P E N Nicolle and Son P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 2 of Hunyani, 3 4426

3., 1994/87, Geofrey Kelly Mckinnon, Mazoe, Sussexdale, 266.5584 ha.

4., 9123/89, Earl Aiden Connolly and Valerie Jennifer Connolly, Salisbury,
Lot 27 of the Glen of Glen Forest of Borrowdale Estate, 16.7884 ha.
5., 9123/89, Logiflor P/L, Salisbury, Lot 3 of Glen of Glen Forest of
borrowdale Estate, 10.1170 ha.
6., 6257/69, Mervyn Edward Jones, Salisbury, Lot 20 of Glen of Glen Forest
of borrowdale Estate, 34.6703 acres.
7., 3988/52, Ruth Carolyn Mayger, Salisbury, Lot 16 portion of Glen
portion of Glen Forest portion of Borrowdale Estate, 11.9064 morgen.
8., 9123/89, Roy Henry Manuel, Salisbury, Lot 17A the Glen, 9.8472 ha.
9., 2803/86, B D Powell P/L, Salisbury, Lot 28 of the Glen of Glen forest
of Borrowdale Estate, 13.2227 ha.
10., 4011/91, Colin Malcolm Small, Salisbury, Lot 11 of the Glen of glen
Forest of Borrowdale Estate, 13.6230 ha.
11., 506/79, Meadolea P/L, Salisbury, Lot 18, Glen of Glen Forest of
Borrowdale Estate, 12.3681 ha.
12., 4026/00, Joan Clare Burrows, Salisbury, Lot 22A the Glen, 8.1947 ha.
13., 1784/87, uronga Farms P/L, Salisbury, Lot 21 of Glen of Glen Forest of
Borrowdale Estate, 9.6601 ha.
14., 7806/98, geometric Enterprises P/L, Salisbury, The Remaining Extent of
Lot 19 of the Glen of Glen Forest of Borrowdale Estate, 6.1721 ha.
15., 64/82, The Trustees of the Agricultural Research Trust, Salisbury,
Subdivision C of Teviotdale, 12.3178 ha.
16., 1193/74, Craighall Estate P/L, Salisbury, Buckland Estate, 280.2765
17., 1320/87, Riverridge P/L, Salisbury, Subdivision 4 of Welston, 41.2754
18., 3222/84, Zilla Margaret Batchelor, Salisbury, Subdivision 10 of
Welston, 40.8706 ha.
19., 6237/88, Michael Clinton Glen-Williamson and Julie Nicholette
Glen-Williamson, Salisbury, Subdivision 11 of Welston, 42.1850 ha.
20., 3447/83, Bazel Jack Rowlands, Salisbury, Subdivision 13 of Welston,
42.4494 ha.
21., 5022/82, Bazel Jack Rowlands, Salisbury, Subdivision 14 of Welston,
40.5866 ha.
22., 11988/01, Jane and Eshton Roses P/L, Salisbury, Subdivision 17 of
Welston, 40.8891 ha.
23., 5247/86, Sweetwater Gardens P/l, Salisbury, Subdivision 19 of
Welston, 43.2645 ha.
24., 6993/89, top Crop (1976) P/L, Salisbury, Subdivision 21A Welston,
91.3025 ha.
25., 8172/90, Mount Grace Farm P/L, Salisbury, Subdivision 23 of Welston,
26., 5082/85, Chikomo Chemhute P/L, Salisbury, Subdivision 24 of Welston,
40.4670 ha.
27., 2455/72, Nanette P/L, Salisbury, Subdivision 25A of Welston, 14.9129

End LOT 163 Section 5 SCHEDULE


JAG Hotlines:
+263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or need advice,
                                  please don't hesitate to contact us -
                                  we're here to help!
+263 (04) 799 410 Office Lines
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