The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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MDC claims Zanu-PF attacks
23/02/2005 04:01  - (SA)

Harare - Zimbabwe's main opposition party said on Tuesday that militia
members loyal to President Robert Mugabe's party attacked a group of its
members in a rural town near the eastern border city of Mutare.

A candidate in next month's election and another official from the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) were beaten up in the attack on the group who
were returning on Sunday evening from the launch of the MDC election
campaign in Masvingo.

"The MDC believes that these attacks are being carried out by members of the
Zanu-PF militia who have been drafted into the army in recent months," a
spokesperson said.

"Only brainwashed young people would carry out these barbaric acts with such
passion," he said.

He claimed least 20 soldiers assaulted MDC officials accusing them of
"selling the country to the British".

Two other election candidates and several party members escaped, according
to a party official.

A police spokesperson would not confirm the attack and an army spokesperson
could not be reached for comment.

Voters in Zimbabwe are to go to the polls on March 31 to elect
representatives to 120 contested parliament seats in a vote that will be
closely watched to gauge Mugabe's commitment to hold free and fair

Elections in Zimbabwe in 2000 and 2002 were marred by violence and
allegations of fraud.

MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai on Sunday launched his party's election
campaign, promising to repeal Zimbabwe's tough media and security laws.

Thirty pro-government youths were jailed last week for beating up opposition
supporters and stabbing a police officer.

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Zim Online

Government forks out Z$9bn to ex-political detainees
Wed 23 February 2005

      HARARE - The government has gazetted fresh benefits and pensions worth
Z$9 billion per month to former independence struggle political prisoners in
what observers say is an attempt to buy their support ahead of next month's

      According to the government gazette published last Friday, the
payments to all Zimbabweans jailed or detained for supporting the liberation
struggle will be effective beginning this month.

      There are about 6 000 registered former political prisoners and the
number could swell once the payments begin. The payments to the detainees
are enough to feed at least 30 000 starving Zimbabweans per month.

      "An ex-political prisoner, detainee or restrictee shall with effect
from 1 February be entitled to a monthly pension at a rate of $1 326 680
payable until death," the gazette reads in part.

      The unbudgeted payments fly in the face of advice by Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono on the government to limit expenditure in
order to help bring down inflation.

      In the last three months alone, the government has hiked the salaries
of teachers, chiefs and other traditional leaders.

      Opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party shadow economics
minister Tendai Biti said the payments were a cynical attempt by President
Robert Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party to buy support at whatever cost
to the economy.

      'For ZANU PF it does not matter when it comes to buy votes. Mugabe
wants to retain power at whatever costs to the economy,' the MDC official
said. - ZimOnline

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Zim Online

Army recalls retired soldiers
Wed 23 February 2005

      HARARE - The Zimbabwe army has recalled retired soldiers to ensure
enough troops to crush any possible outbreak of violence before or after
next month's general election, sources told ZimOnline.

      Army retirees, who did not want to be named, said orders were sent out
last week to all former soldiers who left the army in the last 10 years to
report at the Zimbabwe National Army's KG6 headquarters in Harare.

      "The response has been slow because of communication problems. We
(serving members) are the ones going out to tell retired members to report
for work. Only those who have been in retirement for not more than 10 years
are wanted," said one army captain.

      Defence Minister Sydney Sekeramayi said it was not illegal for army
commanders to recall retired troops but however denied soldiers had been
called back to beef up numbers ahead of the March 31 elections.

      He said: "Read the law that governs the army and see if there are any
anomalies in recalling retired soldiers, that is if any soldiers are being
recalled. To the best of my knowledge, that is not happening."

      According to sources, the army was short-staffed after failing to
recruit more soldiers in the last 12 months. Desertions by soldiers and
other military personnel to join millions of other Zimbabweans living abroad
after fleeing home because of hunger and economic hardship were also
beginning to put pressure on the army's number levels, they said.

      "The army is short-staffed and we don't have enough manpower to deal
with any potential violence. Our training schools in Nyanga and Bulawayo
were supposed to recruit massively last year but only managed three
recruitments, two in Nyanga and one in Bulawayo, due to logistical
problems," said another senior army officer.

      Senior opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) officials
yesterday criticised the move to recall retired soldiers saying the extra
troops would be used to intimidate the electorate.

      MDC shadow defence minister Giles Mutsekwa, said: "Retired soldiers
are being called back to the barracks. Of course retired members can be
recalled but that is if there is a war.

      "Now tell me, are elections a war? ZANU PF wants to use the army and
the police to brutalise our supporters ahead of the election, as they have
always done in previous elections."

      Churches and human rights groups have in the past accused soldiers and
the police of perpetrating human rights violations against opposition
supporters. The government denies its security forces victimise opposition
supporters. - ZimOnline.

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Zim Online

Judge issues warrant of arrest for MDC activists
Wed 23 February 2005

      BULAWAYO - A High Court Judge here yesterday issued a warrant of
arrest for two opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party
activists accused of murdering Limukani Luphahla, a ruling party supporter
in the run-up to the 2002 presidential election after they failed to appear
in court for their trial.

      The accused, Remember Moyo and Khethani Sibanda's whereabouts remain
shrouded in mystery as party officials say they also do not know where they
are. But impeccable party sources told ZimOnline that the two have since
fled the country following constant police raids at their homes and general
harassment by the law enforcement agents.

      Sibanda and Moyo were last year absolved of murdering war veterans
leader Cain Nkala alongside other party activists after languishing in
remand prison for almost three years.

      The duo's failure to attend the trial sparked a harsh exchange of
words between the police and their attorney Nicholas Mathonsi who refused to
take the blame for reneging on his undertaking to bring his clients to
court. Mathonsi maintained that it was the duty of the police to bring the
accused to court, not his.

      Justice Nicholas Ndou intervened and cooled down tempers when he set
with both parties in his chambers and resolved that the police and the
defence help each other in finding the two and bring them to court as a
matter of urgency. - ZimOnline
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Daily News online edition

      Mbeki worried about Zim voters* roll

      Date: 22-Feb, 2005

      JOHANNESBURG - South African president, Thabo Mbeki has conceded that
Zimbabwe's voters roll, to be used in the forthcoming parliamentary
elections, is defective and needs to be looked at.

      In an interview with Financial Times, a British based newspaper, Mbeki
expressed concern that the roll, which will be used during March 31
parliamentary election, was not up to standard.

      "The one complaint I have had has to do with the register of voters
that it is defective." He told the British newspaper, in an interview which
was widely covered by the South African media.

      This is the first time that Mbeki has admitted that the March 31 poll
may not be transparent.

      His concern comes in the wake of complaints and revelations of ghost
voters on the voters' roll by Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change, MDC.

      MDC has argued that the voters' roll, in its current state, can not be
used in any election as it needed to be cleaned of ghost voters and multiple

      As part of its efforts to prove that the voters roll is in shambles,
the MDC, last week filed an urgent High Court application, restraining the
police from interfering with it in its investigations into alleged tempering
of the roll.

      Justice Misheck Cheda, in chambers, ruled that the police had no legal
basis for stopping the opposition party from verifying the names of
potential voters whose names are feared to have been deliberately tempered

      Cheda also ordered that the Minister of Home Affairs, Kembo Mohadi
should pay the cost of the suit. The other respondents cited in the petition
were police commissioner, Augustine Chihuri and the officer commanding
Bulawayo province, Superintendent Jonah Muzambi.

      In his judgement Cheda said the police should not stop the MDC from
carrying out their investigation of the alleged anomalies in the voters'
roll because there were no provisions in the Public Order and Security Act
(POSA) that empowered police to stop MDC from carrying out its verification
of the voters' roll from door-to-door.

      Mbeki also said the American government, through utterances by its
secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, that Zimbabwe was among the list of
six 'outposts of tyranny', had discredited the Washington administration's
proclaimed policy to promote freedom, as viewed by other African states.

      "I think it's an exaggeration, and I think whatever the US government
wants to do with that list of six countries, or however many, I think it's
really somewhat discredited," Mbeki said.

      He also described his relations with Mugabe as very good, and said he
hoped that an observer delegation from the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) would visit Zimbabwe in the coming days to help it stage a
'free and fair' parliamentary poll which would be endorsed by the wider
international community.

      However, international observers, including the South African
government, have already expressed reservations over the holding of a free
and fair poll in Zimbabwe, considering that Mugabe has already flouted a
number of SADC protocols and principles of holding free and fair polls as
enshrined in the Mauritius Protocol, to which Mugabe is a signatory.
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Daily News online edition

      Full text of Moyo*s response to his dismissal by President Mugabe

      Date: 22-Feb, 2005

      I HAVE today received a faxed letter from President Robert Mugabe
informing me that he had with immediate effect relieved me of my duties as
Cabinet Minister and as an appointed Member of Parliament.

      I understand very well that he who appoints can also disappoint,
unless one has been directly chosen or elected by the people themselves. I
therefore accept the President's decision with humility and respect.

      Given the manner in which my election by the people of Tsholotsho to
the Ruling Party's Central Committee was arbitrarily blocked at the ZANU PF
Congress; how my selection by the same people of Tsholotsho to represent
them in Parliament was blocked, how a few now powerful individuals in ZANU
PF and Government across the country were made to suffer and many are still
suffering for allegedly being connected with the so-called Tsholotsho
Declaration that I stand falsely accused of having authored, how efforts by
Chiefs from Tsholotsho to intervene on the issue of my candidacy were also
blocked and how most of my administrative responsibilities and benefits as
Cabinet Minister had been curtailed or withdrawn since November 18, 2004,
how some Ruling Party politburo members were calling for my removal from
both ZANU PF and the Government, I had come to accept that it was sunset and
the letter the President faxed me today was most definitely on the way.

      For the very same reasons, I had also come to understand and
appreciate that it is far better to be with the people and to work for them
than to be hostage to the whims and caprices of the politics of patronage.
That is why I am standing as an Independent Candidate in Tsholotsho on March
31, 2005.

      But when all is said and done, I remain most grateful to President
Mugabe for having appointed me to serve him, the Ruling Party, the
Government and the Nation since 2000.

      I believe I served loyally, professionally and with total dedication
and commitment to national duty and I did so often at great risk to my
person and my family which never had any time with or from me since I
accepted President Mugabe's appointment to ZANU PF and Government.

      It is notable and I am sure history and posterity will record the fact
that my service to the President started at a time when the Presidency, the
Ruling Party and our Nation were individually and collectively facing an
unprecedented onslaught from a number of hostile foreign interests and

      I am very pleased that I had the honor and privilege to be one of the
very few in the Ruling Party and the Government that played pivotal roles in
the fight to preserve, defend and protect Zimbabwe's sovereignty and
democracy while also being able to promote development in Tsholotsho,
Matabeleland region and our country.

      Now that I have more time in my hands, I want to do more and better
for the people in Tsholotsho, Matabeleland region and our beautiful country
because I believe there is a rock somewhere upon which we can all develop a
better Zimbabwe.

      Prof Jonathan Moyo

      Independent Candidate for Tsholotsho Constituency

      Saturday, February 19, 2005

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Daily News online edition

      War of liberation: Leave posterity to decide

      Date: 22-Feb, 2005

      PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe turned 81 on Monday in a country whose life
expectancy now hovers around the mid-40s. HIV/Aids has taken its toll on
young people and the prospect of a halt to the decline seems distinctly

      Every country in the world has been affected by the pandemic but
Africa, the poorest continent, is the worst hit. In Africa, South of the
Sahara, Zimbabwe is one of those with a disturbingly high incidence of
people living with the disease. It may not be entirely accurate to blame it
all on the government's sluggish response to the initial outbreak of the

      But because this is a health problem and the government is
responsible, through the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare for the health
of the nation, it is illogical to exclude it from culpability. Every time
the President celebrates his birthday the focus is bound to shift to the
number of young people who may never see 50 in their lives because of the

      HIV/Aids pandemic.

      Nonetheless, it is right for people to wish the President many more
returns. In his customary birthday interview on television, Mugabe launched
an astonishing attack on one of the icons of the struggle, James Dambaza
Chikerema. He blamed him for influencing Joshua Nkomo to opt for the setting
up of a government-in-exile. He was clearly treading on very delicate ground

      To suggest that Nkomo himself was influenced by Chikerema may not be
the sort of remark to endear Mugabe to Nkomo's supporters. He should leave
posterity to be the judge of who played what role i n the struggle. He
himself came on the scene long after the likes of Chikerema and his
long-time colleagues in the struggle, George Nyandoro and Joshua Nkomo, had
been in the trenches.

      To suggest, as he did in the TV interview, that Chikerema was "afraid"
of returning to prison, is unworthy of Mugabe. It is the sort of petty
grouse that juveniles indulge in. The struggle was long and arduous.
Different people have tried to put a certain self-serving spin on how the
struggle progressed. It is politically profitless to start apportioning
blame today.

      There are many critics, it must be remembered, who would not hesitate
to cast doubt on Mugabe's motives for being in the struggle - a lot of dirty
linen could be washed in public. Chikerema was a pioneer of the struggle
against colonialism. Nobody, not even his relative Robert Mugabe, could ever
take that away from him.
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Daily News online edition

      Zim journalists vow to make politicians accountable

      Date: 22-Feb, 2005

      BULAWAYO -Journalists covering electoral issues before, during and
after the March 31 parliamentary election have resolved to make politicians
campaigning for office to account for their actions and promises.

      The journalists were speaking at the end of a two-day electoral
reporting seminar organised by the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network (ZESN)
at a Bulawayo hotel on Saturday.

      They said within the shortest reasonable time after an election,
journalists should pursue the promises made during this period before the
election to check for themselves how the politicians are working towards
achieving what they promised the electorate.

      An SFM producer Anna Miti said: "We should not hesitate to find out
what the politicians have done with their electoral promises."

      Gift Phiri of the Zimbabwe Independent said it would be a disservice
to the people of Zimbabwe if journalists just relaxed after an election and
do not follow up on what the contesting political parties and their
candidates have promised the electorate.

      Reginald Matchaba-Hove, the ZESN chairman urged journalists to
adequately prepare themselves for covering the post-election period.

      "The period after an election is most crucial," he said. "There is
always a chance of violent retribution against some people. The media should
come up with real issues that have to be tackled. These include the crucial
war against HIV/AIDS, poverty, food security, electoral regulations and the
issue of constitutional amendments before the 2008 presidential election."

      He said journalists should exert pressure on the government, the
political parties and all electoral bodies to start preparing for the 2008
presidential election to avoid the problems that have dogged the period up
to the March parliamentary polls.

      The ZESN chairman said it was unfortunate that the 31 March
parliamentary election was being held without adequate logistical

      However, his organisation was prepared to go along with what was
available to help create a conducive environment for the conduct of a
democratic election.

      "It is now the responsibility of everyone, particularly the media to
highlight the situation onthe ground in a positive manner, calling things by
their names," Matchaba-Hove said.

      "Journalists should not hide the truth. You have the capacity to build
Zimbabwe with your reports. It would help heal the polarisation if you as
journalists act responsibly by avoiding the politicians' language of hate
and incitement. The name-callings should end."

      It was resolved that all journalists should avoid being used by
politicians. There was concern from various journalists that publishers
interfered with the editorial content of their newspapers to the extent of
being biased against some politicians.

      The ruling Zanu PF faces the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) and other small political parties in this year's parliamentary poll.
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Daily News online edition

            Zimbabwe does not Comply with Regional Electoral Protocols

            Date: 21-Feb, 2005

            The date is set for 31 March and Zimbabwe's race for power is
on, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change having agreed - 'with a
heavy heart' - on 3 February to participate in parliamentary elections
against the ruling Zanu PF party, led by President Robert Mugabe.

            The country is nowhere near complying with regional guidelines
for free and fair polls, signed by Southern African Development Community
countries (including Zimbabwe) in Mauritius last August. With an electoral
environment so skewed and oppressive that victory is assured for the ruling
party, already in power for 25 years, the SADC protocols appear pointless.

            They are not, for several reasons - but the coming weeks and
months will be crucial if SADC is to make a positive contribution to the
conduct and legitimacy of the poll, or to the crisis in Zimbabwe. In the
words of Joseph James, president of the Law Society of Zimbabwe: 'If a
government decides not to adhere to a international agreements it has
signed - whether they are regional, African or United Nations protocols -
there is very little that can be done, except to bring peer pressure to bear
on the reneging state.'

            Despite an apparent, slight change in attitude towards the
Zimbabwean Government on the part of South Africa, there is little sign that
SADC will make a concerted effort to persuade Mugabe's Government to conform
to electoral protocols. 'Ultimately, responsibility rests with the
Zimbabwean Government to comply - it can do as it pleases,' James added.

            Importantly, though, the SADC 'Protocol on Principles and
Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections' is a regional initiative.

            When elections in 2000 and 2002 were condemned by international
bodies as un-free, unfair, violent, and rigged, Mugabe counter-argued that
Western democratic rules should not be imperialistically imposed on Africa,
which should develop its own democratic systems, and that Zimbabwe's polls
were adequate relative to others in Africa.

            By signing the SADC protocols, Zimbabwe has acknowledged (at
least in principle) that the will of southern African governments is to set
universally accepted rules for democratic polls, rather than some form of
less rigorous standards for Africa.

            Second, SADC now has comprehensive guidelines against which to
measure elections in the region. Lack of agreed principles for free and fair
polls was a glaring weakness when the body legitimized Zimbabwe's 2002

            Third, setting benchmarks for democratic elections is a crucial
part of regional and African efforts to promote stability and good
governance across the continent, as pre-conditions for increased
international aid and investment. It is widely agreed that Zimbabwe has
become an impediment to African development efforts, though it is not alone
in this.

            Fourth, the SADC protocols recognize that conditions in the
run-up to polls are as important to fulfilling free and fair criteria as
conduct of elections on the day. It is no longer enough for voting to take
place reasonably peacefully if, for example, the opposition has been denied
access to the state media, citizens have been disenfranchised or judicial
independence compromised, as has happened in Zimbabwe.

            Finally, with electoral protocols in place and signed by all 14
member countries, SADC will be able legitimately to act against members who
do not comply, without accusations of undermining national sovereignty or
cow-towing to imperialist interests - even if its actions are limited, in
the way that international organisations inevitably are by their members.

            Much, therefore, depends on the announced visit of SADC lawyers
to Zimbabwe to look at electoral laws and reforms, and on SADC election
observers - especially as observers from other international bodies, such as
the European Union and Commonwealth, will be barred.

            It will be very difficult, many would argue impossible, for SADC
lawyers from South Africa, Lesotho and Namibia - the countries that
constitute the organ that monitors elections - to reach favourable
conclusions about Zimbabwe's compliance with pre-electoral protocols. That
is, if they are allowed to do their job: the Cape Times reported on 4
February that the team, expected in Harare in late January, had yet to
receive permission to visit Zimbabwe.

            The SADC protocol covers key conditions for free and fair polls,
including: full participation of citizens in the political process; an
independent judiciary; political tolerance; human and civil liberties for
all citizens, including freedom of movement, assembly, association,
expression and campaigning; equal access of all parties to the state media;
a conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections;
non-discriminatory voter registration; an updated, accessible voters' roll;
impartial and accountable electoral bodies; adequate security for all
parties; vote-counting at polling stations that are in neutral places; voter
education; regular elections; and measures to prevent fraud, rigging or
other illegal practices.

            Very few of these criteria are met on the ground in Zimbabwe
where, Human Rights Watch predicted last month, elections will likely
'unfold in a climate of repression and intimidation' under draconian laws
used 'to suppress criticism of government and public debate'.

            While the SADC guidelines encourage free association and
political tolerance, scores of MDC supporters and two of its MPs have been
arrested in the past month, simply for holding meetings. In its latest
political violence report, published last month, the umbrella civil society
group the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO forum said that last November it
recorded 399 assaults, 62 abductions and 406 unlawful arrests, almost all of
them opposition supporters.

            Writing in South Africa's Mail & Guardian recently, human rights
lawyer Daniel Molokele argued that while claiming compliance with the SADC
protocol through reforms including the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act,
Mugabe's government had set out to hoodwink SADC leaders with moves that are
no more than 'democratic window dressing'. Comparing SADC guidelines to
reality on the ground in some areas, Molokele found the concept of a
credible election in March to be a 'political mirage':

            Under Article 2.2.7 of the protocol, all SADC states must ensure
an independent judiciary and impartial electoral institutions. But in
Zimbabwe, Molokele wrote, some half of all judges have left the Bench 'as a
result of the erosion of the rule of law, harassment and the government's
contemptuous disregard of court orders'. The current Chief Justice is a
former deputy minister, and the judiciary has yet to finalise disputes from
the 2000 election. Also:

            'An attempt was made to set up an independent electoral
commission. However, it is neither constitutionally independent nor
impartial since commissioners are hired and fired by the president. The role
of the new commission is further compromised by the supplementary roles of
such bodies as the Electoral Supervisory Commission, Electoral Delimitation
Commission and the Registrar General's office - all stacked with Zanu PF yes

            In terms of Article 2.2.5, SADC states are obliged to ensure
equal access to the state media by all political parties. However, there
have been 'no attempts' to open up the public media to opposition parties,
three independent papers have been shut down, repressive media laws bar
journalists from working without a state-issued licence, and journalists
disobeying new rules enacted last month face up to two years in jail.

            Under Article 2.1.1, SADC states must ensure that all citizens
are allowed to participate fully in the political process. But, Molokele
pointed out, millions of Zimbabweans will be unable to vote because of
selective new registration processes, opposition supporters have reported
problems obtaining identity cards or accessing the voters' roll, and there
is a 'shambolic' voters roll, which reportedly contains 800,000 dead people
and which 5.7 million voters out of a population of 11.4 million - an
'improbably high ratio', says to the National Constitutional Assembly, an
NGO advocating constitutional reform, and one ripe for fraud. Many voters
might not participate because of political violence, Molokele wrote, a
situation aggravated by Zanu PF's use of 50,000 youth militias and
liberation war veterans who 'have declared areas off limits to the
opposition'. New laws crack down on NGOs working in voter education. Public
servants, rather than independent observers, will monitor the election.
South Africa's weighty Financial Mail, expresses concern that SADC might
'manage to feed off such crumbs as the promise to use translucent ballot
boxes, the restriction of polling to a single day, and official claims that
the electoral commission is independent'. Also, it warns, on past experience
there is little chance that the region will confront Mugabe: 'Yet, if the
past is any guide there is little chance than the troika will take Mugabe
on. SADC has always backed down. It is hard to see why it should be any
different this time.'

        This column is provided by the International Bar Association. An
organisation that represents the Law Societies and Bar Associations around
the world, and works to uphold the rule of law. For further information,
      visit the website
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The Telegraph

Kenya threatens to arrest British envoy for 'theft and corruption'
By Adrian Blomfield in Nairobi
(Filed: 23/02/2005)

Relations between Britain and Kenya plunged to their lowest point in decades
yesterday after a senior minister in President Mwai Kibaki's government
threatened to arrest the British high commissioner on charges of theft and

In an outburst reminiscent of an angry tirade by Zimbabwe's president,
Robert Mugabe, Kenya's lands minister, Amos Kimunya, claimed that Sir Edward
Clay had used stolen government files to prepare a controversial dossier
alleging corruption in the cabinet.

Sir Edward has become the bane of Mr Kibaki's administration since he began
a crusade against top-level corruption last year. This month he accused
ministers of "massive looting" and said he had handed over details of 20
major scandals to the president.

The government was quick to brand Sir Edward "an incorrigible liar" and "an
enemy of the state" but was alarmed by the overwhelming support he received
among Kenyans.

In what amounted to the first tacit admission that Sir Edward's allegations
were true, Mr Kimunya said senior civil servants leaked the details that
formed the basis of the dossier. "The information was corruptly obtained,"
Mr Kimunya said. "He should be taken in."

Mr Kimunya is seen as one of President Kibaki's closest allies. Both men are
members of the Kikuyu, Kenya's largest tribe. A cabal of Kikuyu ministers is
accused of cashing in on a series of procurement tenders, costing Kenya up
to £500 million half the government's annual budget since Mr Kibaki came to
power two years ago.

It is unlikely that the government would be rash enough to fulfil its threat
and breach diplomatic immunity by arresting Sir Edward. But there are signs
that Nairobi is prepared to ignore international condemnation and assume a
policy of defiance similar to that practised by Mr Mugabe.

In a worrying sign of a return to the repression that characterised Kenyan
politics in former years, Mr Kimunya announced that all civil servants who
leak information on corruption to foreign diplomats or the press would be
charged with treason, a hanging offence.

The move is seen as particularly targeting the former head of the
anti-corruption unit, John Githongo, who resigned this month and fled the
country. His departure prompted the United States, Britain and Germany to
suspend aid.

The British High Commission has ignored Mr Kimunya's threat but there is
growing concern among the 30,000 British residents in Kenya that they could
become victims.

Kenyan ministers claim that the British Government is behind all corrupt
deals in the country and there have been veiled threats against British
business interests.

There are fears that Mr Kibaki could seek to deflect anger among Kenyans by
demanding the redistribution of white-owned farms, as has happened in

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Further to Friday's Urgent Legal Communique, herewith the Section 5 notices
listed in Friday's Herald (Friday 18th February 2005) Lot 162 with 209


SECTION 5 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:

Preliminary Notice to Compulsorily Acquire Land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of subsection (1) of section 5 of the Land
Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President intends to acquire
compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for resettlement purposes.

A plan on the land is available for inspection at the following offices of
the Ministry of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet
in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and resettlement between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.
from Monday to Friday other than on a public holiday on or before 21st of
March, 2005.

(a) Block 2, Makombe Complex Cnr Harare Street and Herbert Chitepo Avenue,
(b) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, CF 119, Government
Composite Block, Robert Mugabe Way, Mutare;
(c) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 4th Floor, Block H
Office, 146, Mhlahlandlela Government Complex, Bulawayo;
(d) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, M & W Building, Corner
Park/Link Street, Chinoyi;
(e) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 1st Floor, Founders
House, The Green, Marondera;
(f) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 19 Hellet Street,
(g) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Exchange Building,
Main Street, Gweru;
(h) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Mtshabezi Building,
First Floor, Office No. F20, Gwanda;
(i) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Ndodahondo Building,

Any owner or occupier or any other person who has an interest and right in
the said land, and who wishes to object to the proposed compulsory
acquisition, may lodge the same, in writing, with the Minister of Special
Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, Private Bag 7779, Causeway, Harare, on or before
21st March 2005.

Minister of Special Affairs in the
Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.


SECTION 5 listing in Herald 18th February 2005:


1., 120/95, Sabi River Ranch P/L, Bikita, Lot 9 of Devuli Ranch, 18
2., 5782/95, Mukazi River Ranch P/L, Bikita, Lot 1 of Angus Ranch, 11
452.2507 ha.
3., 5855/74, Humani Estate P/L, Bikita, Lot 2 of Humani Ranch, 174.7010 ha.
4., 5563/94, Mokore Ranch P/L, Bikita, Ouse, 747.4244 ha.
5., 5251/92, H J Vorster P/L, Bikita, Lot 4 of Devuli Ranch, 23 143.0000
6., 6336/94, Dunmow Enterprises P/L, Bikita, Bedford Block, 12 209.6648 ha.
7., 11181/97, M'Shlabata P/L, Bikita, Lot 1 of Chigwete, 442.3045 ha.
8., 119/95, Chanurwe Ranch Properties P/L, Bikita, Lot 7 of Devuli Ranch,
12 877.9110 ha.
9., 10511/02, Lowveld Marketing Services P/L, Bikita, Lot 8 of Devuli
Ranch, 12 970.0000 ha.
10., 11049/89, Midwest Ranches P/L, Bikita, Senuko 1, 12 621.9977 ha.
11., 2282/83, FeedsAnd Pharmaceuticals P/L, Bikita, Senuko 3, 12 10.9889
12., 762/87, BateleursPeak Farm Holdings P/L, Biita, Masapas Ranch, 15
430.1726 ha.
13., 1884/93, Pioneer Capital Partners P/L, Bikit, Lot 2 of Devuli Ranch,
13 117.2437 ha.
14., 5911/91, Vundu Ranching Company P/L, Bikita, Lot 3 of Devuli Ranch, 11
369.2477 ha.
15., 3318/96, Rovambira P/l, Bikita, Lot 6 of Devuli Ranch, 9 972.4108 ha.
16., 5865/74, Feeds And Pharmaceuticals P/l, Bikita, Senuko 2, 11 949.1177
17., 5706/92, Wenhope P/L, Bikita, Lot 2 of Angus Ranch, 16 590.5000 ha.
18., 7753/98, Jinda Ramambo enterprises P/L, Bikita, Lot 5 of Devuli Ranch,
9 711.4294 ha.

19., 1814/61, thomas Mattheus Lambert, Charter, Mooi Leegte, 4072.5353
20., 1098/65, Ernest RonaldSaul, Charter, Ngesi, 6372.1717 acres.
21., 5174/81, Christiaan Jacobus Albertus Kirstein, Charter, Wilderness,
404.2675 ha.
22., 5174/81, Christiaan Jacobus Albertus Kirstein, Charter, Wilderness
Extension of Honey Spruit, 388.5634 ha.
23., 5376/85, Colron Farming P/L, Charter, Wittendale, 1 584.9567 ha.
24., 1198/87, Natalian Viviers & Jane Mary Viviers, Charter, the Remainder
of wonderklip, 642.4028 ha.
25., 5072/98, Versailles P/L, Charter, Versailles of Nyamazaan, 723.7577
26., 469/85, Peter Johannes Cornelius De Klerk, Charter, Remainder of
Hazeldene, 1 379.4908 ha.
27., 1461/98, Planwace Investments Private, Charter, Jackalsdraai, 1
284.8156 ha.
28., 3209/75, Jacobus Johannes Erasmus, Charter, Klipheuval, 771.4373 ha.
29., 273/98, Grasscroft Enterprises P/L, Charter, Long Hope of
Wildebeestelaagte, 1 713.0361 ha.
30., 5376/85, Colron Farming P/L, Charter, Southfield, 1 284.7899 ha.
31., 4268/82, Campbells Holdings P/L, Charter, Tevrede of Rockydale,
160.2547 ha.

32., 701/61, Izak J Roux, Chipinga, Torwood ofGeluk, 644.5413 ha.
33., 2645/90, H De Foiard Brown P/L, Chipinga, Strepie of Hofstede,
164.6548 ha.
34., 1483/73, LA Lucie P/L, Chipinga, Lot 7 of Newcastle, 192.9829 ha.
35., 4672/88, Thomas Webster Herselman, Chipinga, Oribi Ridge ofGrass
Flats, 163.3981 ha.
36., 3699/59, Coffee Estates P/L, Chipinga, Subdivision C of Chipinga,
250.0860 morgen.

37., 1620/77, Joseph Charles Baxter, Gatooma, Remainder of Subdivision A
of Kanyemba Estate, 421.2105 ha.
38., 1620/77, Joseph Charles Baxter, Gatooma, Subdivision B of Subdivision
A of Kanyemba Estate, 200.5115 ha.

39., 8807/99, Amreco Properties P/L, Goromonzi, Remaining Extent of
Koppies of the Twentydales Estate, 1 002.4605 ha.
40., 281/61, Friern Estates P/L, Goromonzi, Mandalay of Nil Desperandum of
the Twentydales Estate, 2 150.2306 acres.
41., 4005/78, Delport Brothers P/L, Goromonzi, S/D J and M of the
Twentydales Estate, 133.2485 ha.
42., 4645/79, Christoffel Johannes Greyling, Goromonzi, S/D F of Sellair,
104.6832 ha.
43., 5262/59, Patrick Noel Wingfield, Goromonzi, Lot 1 of Belvedore,
919.6135 ha.
44., 6567/56, Trustees of the Estate of the Late harold Basil Christian,
Goromonzi, Subdivision A of Mount Shannon of the Meadows, 334.3620 morgen.
45., 2046/80, Michael Seton Major Cullinan, Goromonzi, Xanadu Estate, 1
734.1987 ha.
46., 8093/94, Williamson Properties P/L, Goromonzi, Inversnaid of Melfort
Estate, 1 113.3152 ha.
47., 3333/85, Dodman Brothers P/L, Goromonzi, Liwonde Estate, 1 916.9877
48., 4856/99, Hunterscraig Investments P/l, Goromonzi, S/D A of Sellair,
104.4370 ha.
49., 4966/68, Meadows Farm P/L, Goromonzi, Lot 1 of Mashonganyika, 699.9904
50., 6032/70, Chipunza Farm P/L, Goromonzi, Remaining Extent of Lot 2 of
Bally Vaughan, 291.1405 ha.
51., 4440/93, Paddock Farm P/L, Goromonzi, The Padock of Melfort Estate,
404.8476 ha.
52., 7441/00, Fonrel Investment P/L, Goromonzi, Remainder of Mamanora of
Mashonganyika, 123.1014 ha.

53., 3661/59, George Weyman Taylor, Hartley, Subdivision B Portion of
Croc-na-ragh, 475.7152 ha.
54., 5409/56, Roelof Jacobus Geyser, Hartley, Remaining Extent ofBedford,
375.2861 ha.
55., 2062/59, Wilfred James Rundle Dean, Hartley, Lot 2 of Orchidvale,
259.1053 morgen.
56., 10087/01, Bounchcap Investments, Hartley, Lot 1 of Wantage, 42.8259
57., 3929/92, T Caine P/L, Hartley, Edinburgh of Nyatsime Ranch, 1 470.6415

58., 5097/59, Metalfields P/L, Inyanga, Brondersbury Park of Rodel,
907.7805 ha.

59., 918/92, Monte Cristo Farm P/L, Mangwendi, Monte Cristo of Ballinard, 2
704.0275 ha.

60., 123/65, Hercules Salomon Nel, Marandellas, Nyeri, 3 059.9260 acres.
61., 1986/97, Carnol Farming P/L, Marandellas, Kanzargwe of Soft, 664.0771
62., 7656/99, Varus Investments P/L, Marandellas, The Remaining Extent of
Soft, 593.2800 ha.
63., 4548/94, J H Erasmus Investments P/L, Marandellas, S/D A of Welcome
Home, 856.5180 ha.
64., 2323/86, Cradock Enterprises P/L, Marandellas, The Remainder of
Alexandrea, 932.6362 ha.
65., 6639/72, Carswell Farm P/L, Marandellas, Remainder of Carswell of
Killiemore, 1 311..3748 ha.
66., 2111/84, Claire Kit Wiggle, Marandellas, The Remainder of Coquetdale
of Rudmans, 119.4115 ha.
67., 3769/82, Raymond Dank Ponter, Marandellas, Mbima of Igudu, 428.0473
68., 872/98, S & B Cloete P/L, Marandellas, Bow, 1 240.2810 ha.
69., 90/93, Daskop Farm P/L, Marandellas, Lot 1 of Lot KD Carruthersville,
607.3791 ha.
70., 8368/71, Devon Estate P/L, Marandellas, Devon Estate, 1 750.3929 ha.
71., 489/96, Ian Burgoyne, Marandellas, Dudley Estate A, 298.2722 ha.
72., 2/95, PTA Farming Number Twenty Eight P/L, Marandellas, Lot 21 of
Wenimbi Estate, 1 724.0731 ha.
73., 2783/93, Malibar Farm P/L, Marandellas, Malabar Estate, 284.6738 ha.
74., 116/96, G H Westhoff & Sons P/L, Marandellas, Meandu of Longlands,
509.5034 ha.
75., 7755/89, chipesa Farm P/L, Marandellas, Rusinga of Gresham, 589.1822
76., 158/83, Nurenzi Farm P/L, Marandellas, S/D M of Carruthersville, 1
027.6764 ha.
77., 1154/58, Iamba Farms P/L, Marandellas, Remainder of Iamba, 1 035.2713
78., 6012/84, Somerset Farm P/L, Marandellas, Somerset Estate, 973.6153 ha.
79., 11527/2000, Steven Raymond Pratt, Marandellas, Remaining Extent of
S/D A of Wenimbi, 171.2566 ha.
80., 9116/97, Scorror Estate P/L, Marandellas, Remaining Extent of S/D C
of Eirene, 777.7016 ha.
81., 870/62, Rigidita Estates P/L, Marandellas, Lot 1 of S/D C of
Carruthersville, 1 520.0022 acres.
82., 6659/72, Showers P/L, Marandellas, Remainder of Showers, 581.3602 ha.
83., 240/84, Kenneth Mckelvey, Marandellas, Theydon Estate, 327.9939 ha.
84., 2145/66, Welton Enterprises P/L, Marandellas, Welton, 2 974.8000
85., 2323/86, Cradock Enterprises P/L, Marandellas, The Remainder of
Alexandrea, 932.6362 ha.
86., 227/40, Johannes Paulos Smit, Marandellas, Lendy Estate, 1 377.07 ha.
87., 9434/90, Makarara Farm P/L, Marandellas, Makarara of Lot HG of
Carruthersville, 520.2468 ha.
88., 99/87, Claydon Farm P/L, Marandellas, R/E of Mtemwa, 1 218.1236 ha.
89., 8155/88, Paul Peach Bekker, Marandellas, S/D A of Showers, 776.8290
90., 6665/83, Cradock Enterprises P/L, Marandellas, S/D C of Solitude of
Alexandra, 45.7621 ha.
91., 9115/97, Gorejena Farm P/L, Marandellas, Tambala of Subdivision A of
Carruthersville, 54.8174 ha.
92., 3619/47, Glenisla tobacco Estate P/L, Marandellas, Twyford, 1 898.319
93., 7331/99, Kegworth Enterprises P/L, Marandellas, The Remaining extent
of Anwa, 917.2168 ha.
94., 4489/95, G T N Farm Holdings P/L, Marandellas, Lot 18 of Wenimbi
Estate, 527.3470 ha.
95., 2784/93, Waverley Farms P/L, Marandellas, Farm 4 of Wenimbi Estate,
398.8907 ha.
96., 1404/93, Wecome Home Farm P/L, Marandellas, Remaining Extent of
Welcome Home, 1 011.6164 ha.
97., 5362/82, Pembry Farm P/l, Marandellas, Rocklands, 1 387.3023 ha.
98., 5452/91, Casta Farms P/l, Marandellas, Remainder of S/D B of
Alexandrea, 404.5923 ha.
99., 5595/92, Peter Joseph Moor, Goromonzi/Marandellas, Mimosa Estate,
302.8713 ha.
100., 924/99, Nine Jacaranda P/L, Marandellas, Remainder of Mukute,
488.2342 ha.
101., 2092/99, Tambaguta P/L, Marandellas,Waltondale, 1 636 ha.
102., 2710/50, Denzil Ernest Rhodes Stockil, Marandellas, Norfolk, 1
469.239 morgen.
103., 9380/99, Cudjoe Properties P/L, Marandellas, The Remaining Extent of
Rastenburg, 856.1972 ha.,
104., 1950/73, B & D Dairy Farm P/L, Marandellas, R/E of Logan Lee,
814.8313 ha.
105., 1492/77, Gresham Farms P/L, Marandellas, Tawoomba of Eirene, 597.6383
106., 7827/71, Ponderosa Estate P/L, Marandellas, The R/E of Vrede,
401.3760 ha.
107., '84/87, Petrus Gerhardus Botha, Marandellas, S/D D of Welgetroos,
214.1295 ha.
108., 1950/73, B & D Dairy Farm P/L, Marandellas, R/E ofLogan Lee, 814.8313

109., 6737/81, Michael John Langle, Makoni, Widsorton, 566.9093 ha.
110., 3495/88, Freezing Point Estates P/L, Makoni, Sunrise, 1 112.2906 ha.
111., 7070/98, Polnat Investments, Makoni, Moodiesville, 1 328.00 ha.

112., 2692/95, Bennet Brothers Farming Enterprises P/L, Melsetter,
Vooruitzicht, 2 784.5859 ha.
113., 4618/90, John Barlow, Melsetter, Redstar of Mutazarara of Albany,
53.5749 ha.
114., 5517/84, Saurel Holdings P/L, Melsetter, Remainder of Umzila,
859.8619 ha.

115., 6499/85, Philip Lawrence Mackie, Mrewa, Eureka, 837.8130 ha.
116., 8150/94, Landsley Farm P/L, Mrewa, Remainder of Leylands, 235.8480
117., 8156/96, Huncote Enterprises P/L, Mrewa, Timorim of Macsoso, 601.6098
118., 6536/80, Howard Philip Arnold, Mrewa, Remainder of Lot 1 of
Whispering Hope, 1 181.8687 ha.
119., 1535/93, Mayendoro Farm P/L, Mrewa, Mayendero, 872.8509 ha.
120., 6954/94, Landsley Farm P/l, Mrewa, Lot 1 of Leylands, 809.3726 ha.
121., 8347/89, Springlea P/l, Mrewa, Springs, 1 206.8339 ha.
122., 6968/87, Waterloo Farms P/L, Mrewa, Waterloo Estate, 982.1419 ha.
123., 3024/82, Mount Belingwe Farm P/L, Mrewa, Muckleneuk Estate, 146.2084
124., 6964/99, Denik P/l, Mrewa, Airlie, 1 051.8824 ha.
125., 6617/96, Gilsland Enterprises P/L, Mrewa, Chikowatsine, 1 057.8782
126., 924/84, Frederick Kendall Nicholson, Mrewa, Hazeldene, 896.7744 ha.
127., 884/90, Pigeonswood Farm P/L, Mrewa, The Remainder of Devauden,
996.7071 ha.
128., 884/90, Pigeonswood Farm P/l, Mrewa, Chabwino, 774.8084 ha.

129., 4406/67, Mleme Estates P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
5, 539.8793 acres.
130., 341/66, Kwa Ingwe Farm P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
6, 516.6012 acres.
131., 5931/00, Ngwane Ranch Properties P/L, Ndanga, The Remainder of Ruware
Ranch, 16 242.1289 ha.
132., 2642/94, The Trustees of the Malilangwe Conservation Trust, Ndanga,
The Remainder of Lone Star Ranch, 26 114.4301 ha.
133., 2642/94, The Trustees of The Malilangwe Conservation Trust, Ndanga,
The Remainder of Lone Star Ranch Watershed Extension, 638.5551 ha.
134., 4398/76, Jatala Estate P/L, Nddanga, Lot 1 o Faversham, 3 673.6398
135., 5029/93, N & B Holdings P/L, Ndanga, Glendevon A of Glendevon Estate,
1 830.5447 ha.

136., 1673/72, De La Rey Beyers Fourie Geldenhuys, Nuanetsi, Lot 9 of Lot 1
of Lot 12 of Nuanetsi Ranche A, 6 074.1161 ha.
137., 1673/72, De La Rey Beyers Fourie Geldenhuys, Nuanetsi, Lot 7 of Lot 1
of Lot 12 of Nuanetsi Ranche A, 7 543.2179 ha.
138., 10971/98, Quartack Investments P/L, Nuanetsi Lot 2 of Lot 1 of Lot 12
of Nuanetsi Ranche A, 6 070.5136 ha.
139., 6797/73, B J B Ranch P/L, Nuanetsi, B J B Estate, 9 139.4981 ha.,

140, 1144/76, Ardno Farm P/L, Salisbury, Ardno A, 1 326.7425 ha.
141., 509/78, Auks Nest Farm P/L, Salisbury, Auk's Nest, 637.2494 ha.
142., 8351/96, Hussite Investments P/L, Salisbury, Remainder ofBrakveld,
558.6078 ha.
143., 2882/73, Peter Douglas Dorward and Alistair Ian Dorward, Salisbury,
Bolton, 835.1051 ha.
144., 1012/56, Valerie Pape Laing, Salisbury, Caledonia, 2 309.2179 ha.
145., 6451/89, Irvines Day Old Chicks P/l, Salisbury, the Remaining Extent
of Carnock, 904.3399 ha.
146., 356/02, Maranbay Ventures P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Charleston,
400.0976 ha.
147., 1462/77, John Peacey Danckwerts, Salisbury, Remainder of Chedgelow of
Arlington Estate, 572.9724 ha.
148., 9626/90, Inyondo P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Inyondo, 921.1993 ha.
149., 5675/83, D Corson & Son P/L, Salisbury, Silgo, 1 357.5811 ha.
150., 7791/88, Eyam P/L, Salisbury, S/D A of Eyam, 881.0570 ha.
151., 11259/99, Fullite Investments P/L, Salisbury, Stilton, 704.0578 ha.
152., 7589/90, Tchinungu Farm P/L, Salisbury, S/D A of Tchinungu, 610.0077
153., 5296/81, Red Dane Dairy P/L, Salisbury, Aldington, 799.6781 ha.
154., 2012/96, J F Du Rand P/L, Salisbury, Vrede of Tweespruit of Mtsike,
321.8833 ha.
155., 4321/86, J H Butler Farms P/L, Salisbury, The Remainder of Draycott
of Arlington Estate, 1 165.3978 ha.,
156., 3667/95, Farland Investments P/L, Salisbury, Gabaza, 665.5145 ha.
157., 5234/83, Archibald Peter Mcmaster, Salisbury, Geluk of Elim, 404.7816
158., 6592/88, John Milton Fick, Salisbury, Glorviana Extension, 442.8198
159., 2867/83, Johannes Frederick Fick, Salisbury, Glorvina, 474.9021 ha.
160., 767/80, York Farms P/L, Salisbury, Guildford, 620.9927 ha.,
161., 597/93, Gwalia Properties P/L, Salisbury, Gwalia, 1 322.4639 ha.
162., 5290/01, Brickend Trading P/L, Salisbury, Kellet, 1 320.7508 ha.
163., 5511/94, Wouter Theron, Salisbury, Lot 1 of Fresnaye, 310.0135 ha.
164., 909/00, Mvunda Investments P/L, Salisbury, Lot 1 of Groot Schuur,
303.9138 ha.
165., 1519/84, Gideon Stephanus Theron, Salisbury, Lot 1 of Zanka, 472.3933
166., 4973/85, Daniel Johannes Ferreira, Salisbury, Lot 1A Portugal,
654.8118 ha.
167., 5600/69, John Milton Fick, Salisbury, Manderley of Vrede, 1 137.5547
168., 1818/93, Mashonda Farm P/L, Salisbury, Mashonda, 799.1313 ha.
169., 4308/73, Mayfield Farm P/l, Salisbury, Mayfield, 741.9859 ha.
170., 2882/73, Peter D Dorward and A Ian Dorward, Salisbury, Bolton,
835.1051 ha.
171., 5505/79, Scottsbank Farm P/L, Salisbury, Moreless, 746.0272 ha.
172., 342/57, 342/57, Brechin Estates P/L, Salisbury, Brechin A, 2 981.0617
173., 1570/81, Peter Samuel Warren Kileff and Hazel Ellen Lileff,
Salisbury, Farm Chesham, 1 339.5642 ha.
174., 7874/94, R G P Johnson P/L, Salisbury, Chester, 614.9799 ha.
175., 1190/86, George Kileff & Sons P/L, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of
Eyerston of Arlington Estate, 1 086.9361 ha.
176., 5505/79, Scottsbank Farm P/L, Salisbury, Moreloess, 746.0272 ha.
177., 12/83, Elizabeth Seanan, Salisbury, Ndibiriri A of Lisheen Estate,
102.7838 ha.
178., 614/97, Nhuku Farm P/L, Salisbury, The Remaining Extent of farm
Nhuku, 424.3976 ha.
179., 5965/94, F J Nel P/l, Salisbury, Orangia, 1 755.8620 ha.
180., 4577/76, Kenneth Michael Mumford, Salisbury, remainder of Plumstead
Estate, 336.2802 ha.
181., 1856/64, Johanna Maria Van Der Merwe, Salisbury, the Remaining Extent
of Portugal, 1 0000.0799. acres.
182., 1811/78, Erens Hendrik Nieuwoudt, Salisbury, Quarries, 811.4838 ha.
183., 5511/94, Wouter Theron, Hartley/Salisbury, Remaining Extent of
Fresnaye, 469.4179 ha.
184., 5675/83, D Corson & Son P/L, Salisbury, Silgo, 1 357.5811 ha.
185., 7791/88, Eyam Private Limited, Salisbury, S/D A of Eyam, 881.0570 ha.
186., 140/86, Coenrad Johannes victor Fick andJohannes Frederick Fick,
Salisbury, Victory, 1 085.9542 ha.
187,2529/96, Atlanta Farm P/L, Salisbury, Atlanta of The Meadows, 546.5099
188., 8092/94, J Williamson Properties P/L, Salisbury, Remainder of Banana
Grove, 1 233.2532 ha.
189., 5481/99, Shepherd Hall Farm P/L, Salisbury, Chakoma estate, 1
275.9283 ha.
190., 76/68, Susman and Newfield P/L, Salisbury, Marden of Swiswa, 1
526.2891 acres.
191., 2831/81, P J E Williams P/L, Salisbury, Matsirirano of Hillside,
494.5350 ha.
192., 3534/59, Steve Delport P/L, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of S/D A
portion of Twentydales Estate, 990.0608 acres.
193., 9170/99, Beeflos Enterprises P/L, Salisbury, the Remaining Extent of
Welgetroos, 459.0601 ha.
194., 4602/70, Wernel Farm P/L, Salisbury, Wernel, 2 860.8912 acres.
195., 4312/93, Dorisdale Farming P/L, Salisbury, thursfield, 41.1338 ha.
196., 5438/74, Goromonzi Estate P/L, Salisbury, R/E of Goromonzi Estate of
Liwonde, 1 073.0769 ha.

197., 5290/2000, Kerry Hope Heyns, Umtali, Tregenna, 42.5159 ha.
198., 12891, Border Timbers Limited, Umtali, Sheba, 1 280.4833 ha.
199., 2435/77, David Charles Walker, Umtali Imbeza Valley Lot 2, 73.6605
200., 4940/71, Nyamheni P/L, Umtali, Remaining Extent of Cloudlands Estate,
407.2163 ha.
201., 5126/86, Border Timber Limited, Umtali, Nyaronga Manor, 222.8975 ha.
202., 809/77, Bezuidenout Brothers P/L, Umtali, Remainder of Lot 1 of
Warnham of Cairndhu, 220.13343 ha.
203., 4151/58, Border Timbers Limited, Umtali, Epson, 874.06 ha.
204., 2987/84, Cidimu P/L, Umtali, Cidimu Estate, 79.7518 ha.

205., 545/89, Hester Helena botha, Weza, Cloutsham, 1 308.5982 ha.
206., 6159/80, David Charles Hamilton, Weza, emma, 434.6900 ha.
207., 6489/81, Jan Andries Smith, Weza, Espy, 1 468.9613 ha.
208., 4346/88, Hursley Park P/L, Wedza, Bally David Estate, 1 108.4086 ha.
209., 6191/93, N C Tapson Properties P/l, Weza, Lower Dean, 1 882.9958 ha.

End LOT 162 Section 5 SCHEDULE


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Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to: with subject line "For: Open Letter Forum".


Thought of the Day:

"I'm reminded too that it wasn't the runner who made it first over the line
that won, but the one who made it over the line with the torch in his hand
still burning."



- AGCO Stock Exchange Message - Keith Clubb
- Going to Vote - S&S



by Keith Clubb

Dear Jag

Please ask your members who are interested in the Massey Ferguson debacle
to visit the Yahoo! website; click 'finance' and enter AG on search on the
finance page. This will open the Agco stock exchange page. Click on
'message board'and you will find "Why does Agco support terrorists ?" which
deals with Mr Wright's Massey Ferguson statement.

Perhaps your members might like to add their views.

In the meantime, please keep your e-mails flowing to Mr Wright to tell him
what you think ( I've been told that you are
certainly making your voices heard.

Best regards

Keith Clubb


LETTER 2: GOING TO VOTE?, received 20.2.2005

by S&S

Dear Zimbabweans outside Zimbabwe

After having been abducted in 2000, beaten regularly, run from the police
and jailed by the current governent, had my farms and my livelihood taken
away, I was understandably anxious about going out to the rural area where
I was registered to vote to check if I was on the voters role. I eventually
found an organisation which had purchased a copy of the Voters role and
checked to see if I was able to vote on 31 March. I found I was registered
twice, with different ID numbers! But one of the numbers co-incidede with
the ID I carry as a citizen of Zimbabwe. I will carefully travel to my
rural home and I will vote, if I am allowed to, in the March 2005 National

Do you know that 6 Zimbabweans outside the country are currently
challenging the government in our local courts to allow them to vote in the
elections, despite the fact that they currently live outside of Zimbabwe?

That means that so many of you who still believe that you are Zimbabweans,
despite being forced by economic or political events, to leave Zimbabwe,
may find yourselves able to vote on 31 March 2005. It also means that you
may well find that you have very little time to prepare for this event and
will possibly just give up if the process is too complicated.

Please dont give up.

Please check to see if you can vote. Please vote if you can. We need your
vote, even if you are in Brisbane, Waiki, Vancouver, London or where ever.
It is the indominable spirit of our people that has made us survive so far.
Help us to make the changes we so badly need to make Zimbabwe a country we
all want to live in and bring our children up in.

It does not matter what colour, race or tribal affiliation we have. We are
Zimbabweans. Vote so that we can move forward.

Its just Simply, simply, simply important to us all.



JAG Hotlines:
+263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or need advice,
                                  please don't hesitate to contact us -
                                  we're here to help!
+263 (04) 799 410 Office Lines
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How to Steal the Crown Jewels.

Many people who watch Africa cannot understand how poor countries can
sustain leaders who rapidly become some of the richest people on earth. How
do they do it?

Take Mobutu in the Congo, he was estimated to have accumulated a personal
fortune of over US$4 000 000 000.00. This huge sum could have almost paid
off the international debts of the country at the time. Then one of the last
Military leaders in Nigeria accumulated a fortune at the astonishing rate of
over a billion US dollars a year during his tenure. That is US$2,7 million
dollars a day!

The new leader of Mozambique, one of the poorest countries on earth, is not
only a long time Marxist but is now the richest man in the country. Even in
chaotic and impoverished Angola, the leadership lives in a lavish manner and
has enormous sums of money stashed in secret overseas accounts. Just how is
this sudden wealth achieved?

First of all they do it very secretly - using their power at home to
withhold the information from the watching eyes of the media. Secondly they
do it with the connivance of overseas banks and financial agencies that
specialize in looking after such wealth and in keeping it out of sight.

It helps if you have oil. It is now a known fact that a third of Angola's
oil revenues (about US$3,5 billion a year) finds it way into the personal
accounts of the powerful elite that runs the country. But what is less well
known is that these same people take a cut on just about everything that the
country buys. These funds are paid with the full knowledge of the
authorities in the paying countries and go into a network of accounts with
foreign banks so complicated that they would make Bill Gates proud.

But the main mechanism used is that wonderful invention of the Breton Woods
agreements and the West - the Reserve Bank and the Ministry of Finance. No
tribal Chief ever invented such a simple mechanism for milking the people
and enriching the powerful.

In Zimbabwe, the Zanu PF regime has been using these institutions for years
to line their pockets and entrench their power. Just take a few examples.
Foreign exchange inflows from official sources run at about US$33,5 million
a week. The real value of this flow of resources is about Z$340 billion. In
fact the State only pays out via the Reserve Bank Z$200 billion leaving a
hidden surplus value of Z$140 billion a week or Z$7,3 trillion a year. That
is Z$650 000 a year for every Zimbabwean in the form of a hidden tax.

Then take another favorite collecting point - gold sales. Zimbabwe is about
the 6th largest gold producer in the world. Not much after South Africa and
Russia or Australia, but still significant at about 35 tonnes a year. The
law in Zimbabwe, as in all African States, says that producers must sell
this to the Reserve Bank at a price fixed in local currency. So about 1
million Zimbabweans slave away digging gold out of the harsh soil and then
sell this (about two thirds are sold to the Reserve Bank - the rest is
smuggled out) for a set sum in Zimbabwe dollars printed by the Reserve Bank.
This payment in recent years has been well below its real value as
determined by the market for gold and the local market for the Zimbabwe

Cheap gold not only implies another tax - valued last year at about Z$1,7
trillion but also an internationally convertible source of hard currency. It
can be sold in international markets or hidden in overseas bank vaults.
Whatever the Reserve Bank does with its gold purchases the effect is to
convert real value into paper money with a rapidly declining value.

These two simple mechanisms are used to steal money from ordinary people.
They are part of the reason why inflation is so high and the value of our
currency falls by the day. In one sense they constitute a hidden tax, in
another they are a major source of corruption and patronage. This explains
how people closely connected to the ruling Party are able to accumulate
wealth very rapidly. It also explains the need for secrecy in Reserve Bank
dealings and in foreign exchange matters.

In Zimbabwe it also explains why the new Reserve Bank Governor has used his
very considerable influence and power to criminalize the parallel market for
foreign exchange. For this reason many business persons, whose business
could not have survived in recent years without certain open market
activities, have found themselves under investigation and many have paid
huge bribes to escape further punishment. Others have been imprisoned and
many of Zimbabwe's brightest and best have fled the country, leaving behind
considerable corporate holdings and assets. There is much evidence that the
Governor himself - in his capacity as the State Presidents personal banker
and the CEO of a major commercial Bank has undertaken open market
activities, which are today regarded as criminal acts. The selective use of
investigation and punishment is again typical of such regimes in Africa.

But the ripple effects of activities of this nature spread very wide. In
South Africa there is clearly a deliberate policy to over value the Rand.
This then enables the newly powerful to use the Rand - which can be printed
for a fraction of its face value, to buy assets cheaply. This is the
underlying mechanism being used to transfer assets to the new elite. At the
same time a strong Rand counters the inflationary pressures created by the
rather loose monetary policies that this requires. But the impact of the
strong Rand on all exporters and on manufacturing is serious and damaging.
It is hindering job growth and undermining the traditional pillars of the
South African economy.

In Zimbabwe the same policies - pursued with reckless abandon by this
regime, has called the death knell for major exporters such as the mining
industry and agriculture. It cost over Z$60 million to grow a hectare of
tobacco this year - the farmers will be paid about US$2 per kilogram and
this will translate at present exchange rates into Z$36 million dollars. A
quick way to go bust, even if you got your land and all the assets on it for
nothing from a criminal regime.

Eddie Cross

Bulawayo, 22 February 2005.

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The Herald

Tourism aims to rake in US$250m

Business Reporter
THE tourism industry is aiming to increase its earnings this year to US$250
million from US$152 million generated last year.

The Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) expects the improving image of the
country internationally coupled with the Miss Tourism World pageant to buoy
this year's earnings.

The sector has been enjoying a new lease of life since last year with a
notable increase in tourist arrivals from Asia.

"The industry is slowly on the path to recovery and the Miss Tourism World
pageant will have a positive effect. It has improved the perception of the
country's business and tourism sectors, bringing awareness in both sectors
as more business people are now willing to do business in Zimbabwe," said
ZTA chairman Mr Emmanuel Fundira.

Miss Tourism World will target foreign visitors from the traditional markets
and that is likely to contribute positively to the sector.

Mr Patison Sithole, president of the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries
(CZI), also spoke highly of the Miss Tourism World pageant saying, as
businesspeople, the CZI welcomed this development as it is likely to be a
boon for both tourism and business in general.

Zimbabwe stood to gain as the pageant was likely to attract new business
opportunities and foreign currency to the country, he pointed out.

Zimbabwe was recently given a rare opportunity to parade its tourism
capacity and launch a strong advertising campaign during the Miss Tourism
World pageant, which other countries such as China and Thailand were also
biding to host.

The pageant will also be expected to boost Zimbabwe's tourism after five
years of hostile publicity. The tourism industry has been in a slump during
the past four years, and the biggest decline was experienced in the year
2003 when earnings dropped to a mere US$61 million.

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If You Are Not Going to Vote, Ask Yourself Why

The Daily News (Harare)

February 22, 2005
Posted to the web February 22, 2005

Munodii Kunzwa

APATHY has doomed many elections in Africa. One reason could be that most
elections don't make a difference to the status quo.

Ruling parties have rigged elections so thoroughly they can only lose if the
chief riggers decide to switch sides in midstream. Another reason is that
people are frightened of being caught in the crossfire of the violence
between the competing parties.

So, most stay at home and watch everything on television - assuming they
have a set. This is not as far-fetched as it may sound. Political thuggery
is commonplace in elections all over the world bu t in Africa it has become
as inevitable as vote-buying.

One reason is that the people in power want to hang on, unless the
electorate decides life is not worth living under the incumbents: they'd
rather die than let the same crowd return to power. These people may be so
corrupt the thought of giving up all their ill-gotten loot and not being
able to add to it, is too ghastly to contemplate.

Being in power in Africa must give some people the sensation of being
absolutely untouchable, even if you are caught red-handed with stolen US
dollars under their pillow or with their best friend's wife in their bed.
People begin to believe they possess God-like omnipotence. With a snap of
their finger, they could change the laws - the son of a dead president can
succeed his father.

Or a city council dominated by the opposition party can be kicked out with
the stroke of a pen. When you voted in 2000 and 2002, can you identify what
overwhelmed you to make such a decision? Were you fed up with the
incumbents? Did you believe your vote in favour of the opposition could make
a difference? Or did you feel so strongly against the incumbents you voted
against them because it made you so happy?

If you voted for the ruling party and its candidate, did you do this because
you felt they had done a good job? Or were you scared someone would squeal
on you for voting for the Other Side and that someone would be sent "to fix"
you for it?

Are you scared of being "fixed" for acting according to your conscience? Are
you a mouse in these matters? If you voted out of a deep sense of loyalty to
the ruling party, then was it because they brought independence, or because
they gave you a piece of land, or because when you couldn't find a job, they
offered you one in exchange for joining the party?

Is your loyalty for sale? Do you hold sacred and sacrosanct your right to
vote for the candidate of your choice? Or was it your father who persuaded
you to vote for the ruling party, because he had lost your brother in the
liberation struggle and felt it would be a heinous betrayal not to vote for
the party which sent him into battle and to his death?

Did you, at any time before going to vote, consider your material status?
Were you employed, half-employed, unemployed, or unemployable? Did you
consider you and your family well-off at the time? Did your decision to vote
or not to vote depend on the answer to that question?

Finally, after learning the results of the elections in 2000 and 2002, were
you satisfied that "the will of the people" had been done? Or did you
suspect that something had gone awry between the voting and the counting of
the votes? Were you satisfied that the outcome was what you expected? Were
you content or disillusioned?

Having answered some of these questions - you would be a genius if you
answered them all - have you considered why in some African countries the
ruling parties have been beaten fair and square at the polls? Examples
include Senegal, Ghana, Malawi, Zambia and Kenya.

In which of these countries would you say the people voted against the
ruling party because (a) the president looked so old the chances were that
he had lost his marbles; (b) the ruling party was so corrupt people shouted
"Thief!" as the president walked along Main Street in the capital; (c) the
rest of the world, especially those who had always been wiling to help the
country economically, had given up because there was no visible development
to justify all their aid, except the palatial residences of the ruling

or (d) the president answered the question "When are you going to retire?"
with: "Does God retire?"

Having read the manifestoes of the two par ties, were you inclined to react
with "So what?" or "What a load of rubbish!" or "Give us a break!" or "Hey,
this sounds interesting!"

If you are not going to vote, where is your sense of patriotism? Have you
read what Socrates, Aristotle, Plato and all those other ancient pioneers of
good governance have said about democracy?

Or do you think it's irrelevant because they were all Europeans, whose
descendants would later launch The Scramble for Africa? Or do you believe
your vote won't make a hell of a difference to the outcome? If so, have you
any idea why this has come about - why your vote cannot make any difference?

Doesn't this make you feel utterly impotent, politically? Also, doesn't it
raise in you the suspicion that, perhaps deep down, you don't give a hoot
who runs your country, that you are not too worried about what other people
do to your country, even if, in the end, you may be the major victim of
their actions?

If you believe nothing you do now can conceivably alter the course of your
country's destiny, doesn't that suggest you suffer from an acute lack of
self-esteem, that you believe yourself to be utterly useless, spineless,
worthless, because you would rather go to the tavern for a scud or a pint at
the corner pub, than go to the polling station?

Aren't you ashamed of yourself? Is your understanding of democracy so
shallow it has not occurred to you that, in a way, voting for your own MP is
an integral part of your right to self-determination? Of course, if your
answer to this last question is No, then it is time, perhaps, for you to
examine your Conscience, if you are still able to identify it. Or to find
out from your family tree if there are any ancestors who sold out to the
enemy, either for a pint of beer, or because they didn't have the courage to
confront their fear head-on. It all comes down, in the end, to fear. Your
cowardice could determine your destiny and that of your country.

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Cape Times

      SADC's credibility in the balance

      Much is at stake as election looms in Zimbabwe
      February 23, 2005

      By Allister Sparks

      The Zimbabwe elections are fast becoming a test not so much of
President Robert Mugabe's credibility, which is blown anyway, but of the
Southern African Development Community's.

      The 14-nation Southern African Development Community (SADC) expended a
great deal of energy six months ago drafting its guidelines for free and
fair elections at a summit in Mauritius, an excellent document that won
worldwide acclaim.

      Yet now the SADC is showing a painful lack of political will to apply
it to Zimbabwe's election.

      The organisation has all the teeth it needs to enforce compliance. The
guidelines are embedded in the 1992 SADC Treaty and are binding on member
countries. Sanctions can be applied against a member country which violates
the guidelines or "implements policies which undermine the principles and
objectives of SADC".

      Zimbabwe has done both, yet SADC remains silent and Mugabe continues
to treat the guidelines with contempt.

      One can appreciate that the regional organisation doesn't want to rush
in to a member country with a heavy hand, but a little real pressure - such
as a stern warning that unless the guidelines are complied with the SADC
observer team will have to declare the elections illegitimate - would surely
have brought Mugabe to heel.

      He may not give a damn about condemnation from Tony Blair, George Bush
or the European Union, but he certainly wouldn't want to be censured by his
fellow Africans.

      Of course any such warning would have to carry a credible threat of
implementation, which is where the SADC falls down. Mugabe counts on his
regional partners not having the stomach to act against him and so he leads
them a merry dance.

      In the end it is the SADC more than Mugabe that will pay the price in
terms of lost credibility in the developed world, where it has an important
role to play in negotiating a better deal for the struggling nations of

      The Mbeki doctrine of delivering good governance in Africa in exchange
for better trading opportunities in the developed world will be the prime

      Incredibly, Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma told a media
briefing in Cape Town last week that she believed enough was being done to
ensure that the March 31 elections would be free and fair.

      By contrast, that much more down-to-earth individual, Cosatu's
Zwelinzima Vavi, told a private briefing he thought it was already too late
to save the election process, that the political dice were so irretrievably
loaded against the opposition that with only five weeks to go the election
could not possibly be free and fair.

      This week the SA Communist Party's Blade Nzimande said much the same.

      Dlamini-Zuma said her optimism was based on the fact that Mugabe had
called for a violence-free election, while the leader of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), Morgan Tsvangirai, had said the level of political
violence in Zimbabwe had declined.

      In similar vein, President Thabo Mbeki spoke positively during a radio
interview on February 14 about the appointment of an independent electoral
commission in Zimbabwe, and expressed confidence that a SADC observer team
would soon be invited to Zimbabwe, as required by the SADC guidelines.

      There are gaping holes in all these assertions. Mugabe's call for a
peaceful election is meaningless, since it is his government that instigated
the violent repression of the opposition that has been ongoing for years.
And while Tsvangirai did indeed say the level of violence had declined
somewhat, it is still continuing at an unacceptable level.

      According to independent sources inside the country, the Zanu-PF youth
militia is still active everywhere, intimidating opposition supporters,
while the government is blatantly using food distribution in the starving
rural areas to secure support for the ruling party.

      Free electioneering is impossible. Under the notorious Public Order
and Security Act, the MDC must apply to the police for permission to hold
meetings, and these are frequently turned down.

      Last week the police arrested the MDC's election director, Ian Makone,
for organising a meeting of party candidates to prepare for last Friday's
nomination court procedures, while in Bulawayo a team of door-to-door
canvassers were arrested while trying to check out the chaotic voters roll.

      Nor does the opposition have fair access to the state-owned media, as
the SADC guidelines require. Last Sunday state television gave the MDC
airtime for the first time, with a four-minute report on its campaign
launch - promptly followed by a two-hour interview with Mugabe.

      Meanwhile, the state-owned newspapers are routinely refusing to accept
paid MDC election advertisements while publishing reams of free Zanu-PF

      The country's most important independent newspaper, the Daily News,
remains banned. The Zimbabwe Supreme Court was supposed to deliver judgment
on an appeal against the banning order on February 7, and rumour has it the
judgment is in the paper's favour - but nothing has yet appeared.

      Even the foreign media has been effectively disabled. Last week the
three most important foreign journalists operating in Zimbabwe, Jan Raath,
Angus Shaw and Brian Latham, all fled the country after being subjected to
heavy-handed police raids and the seizure of their computers and other
essential equipment.

      As for the so-called independent electoral commission, it is nothing
of the sort.

      The opposition was presented with a shortlist of candidates, none of
whom were acceptable to them. As one MDC leader put it: "All we could do was
choose the least bad." To cap that, Mugabe appointed as chairman a judge who
was one of his most controversial appointees to the bench.

      Moreover, this new electoral commission is itself not the supreme body
in charge of the election. It is subordinate to another body, the Electoral
Supervisory Commission, made up entirely of staunch Zanu-PF loyalists.

      Most critical of all, however, is the absence of any observer teams to
take note of these delinquencies and to pressurise the Mugabe government
into complying with the SADC guidelines.

      In terms of those guidelines the Zimbabwe government should have
invited the SADC to send an observer team 90 days, or three months, before
polling day. In fact the invitation only went out last Saturday, with
polling day only five weeks away.

      Worse still, the Zimbabwe government refused entry to a team of
lawyers from the SADC organ on politics, defence and security (chaired by
South Africa), whose task was to inspect the electoral legislation and
assess conditions in the country ahead of the election.

      The reason for all this obfuscation is obvious. The critical rigging
is being done in advance and the regime wants no observers around to see
what is happening. No doubt it will allow some selected observer teams in
once the nefarious work is done.

      Will these observers then ignore what occurred before their arrival
and blandly proclaim the election to have been free and fair? That is
obviously what the Mugabe regime is counting on them doing. It will be a
travesty if they play ball.

      As for the SADC, any such connivance would be a monumental blunder.
Its reputation is far more important to this region than any futile attempt
to save face for Mugabe. It must speak up and show that it has the courage
of its own

      .. Sparks is a veteran journalist and political commentator.
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Daily Dispatch

DA feels insulted after being denied entry into Zimbabwe
JOHANNESBURG - The Democratic Alliance trio prohibited from entering
Zimbabwe yesterday said this action undermined the protocol of the Southern
African Development Community (SADC).

On their return to Johannesburg International Airport chairman Joe Seremane
said Zimbabwe's heavy- handedness came at a time when the SADC was easing
passport requirements to promote the free movement of people between states.

Seremane, DA Chief Whip Douglas Gibson and researcher Paul Boughey flew to
Harare yesterday morning for a pre-election fact-finding visit, but were put
back on the same aeroplane for home. The trio said they would appeal to the
Zimbabwean authorities over their ejection from the country.

Speaking to journalists at the airport, Gibson said the DA's visit was
different from that of the Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu), which was
also recently prevented entry to Zimbabwe on a similar mission.

"Cosatu is a trade union. We are the official opposition," said Gibson.

The DA said they were insulted by their experience in Zimbabwe, but that the
authorities had treated them well.

Gibson added that their experience also called President Thabo Mbeki's
policy on Zimbabwe into question.

He said the matter would be reported to the SADC parliamentary forum, on
which Seremane is a representative, and to the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association, of which Gibson is a member.

Seremane called the matter petty and said he had "walked that road with

Reacting to African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) criticism of the
visit, deriding Seremane as a "coconut" (black outside, white inside) and
accusing the DA of favouring "mercenaries", Seremane said this was racism.

"But I have no hard feelings," he said, adding that they were still growing

Gibson said his own son had more sense than the ANCYL spokesman Zizi Kodwa,
who was probably wearing a Gucci outfit and would be a millionaire before
the age of 25.

Meanwhile the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), while
"dissociating itself from the policies and orientation of the DA", condemned
their ejection from the country.

In a statement, spokesman Mlamleli Sibanda said no citizen of the SADC with
a valid passport should be prohibited from visiting Zimbabwe.

The ZCTU recently invited Cosatu to Zimbabwe.

This delegation was also refused entry and the ZCTU had to travel to South
Africa for the meeting. - Sapa

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Financial Times

Editorial Comment

Mbeki's mistake
Published: February 23 2005 02:00 | Last updated: February 23 2005 02:00

Thabo Mbeki's attack on the US for labelling Zimbabwe an "outpost of
tyranny" reveals a worryingly wide gulf between Africa's most prominent
leader and the west over how to improve the lot of his long-suffering
continent. Both agree that Africa needs better governance as well as more
aid. But the South African president appears to believe it is possible to
champion good governance without denouncing the worst forms of
misgovernment. This is not a viable position, and it undermines those in the
developed world who argue that Africa deserves greater support because it is
doing all it can to help itself.

Zimbabwe is not North Korea or Burma. A number of other African countries
are in a worse state than Zimbabwe is today; more lives are threatened in
the Congo or in Darfur. Yet Zimbabwe stands out as the most ruinous example
of self-destruction in many years. Before Robert Mugabe, the president,
brought it to its knees Zimbabwe had a decent economy, functioning
institutions and a thriving, well-educated society. Such misrule must not be

Mr Mbeki leads a rainbow nation founded on principles of human rights. It
has worked to end conflicts and promote governance standards through the
African Union and the Southern Africa Development Community. Yet Zimbabwe
mocks this progress, and casts a cloud over the whole region, including
South Africa itself. Mr Mbeki is not alone: many other African leaders feel
the same way. But not all do. South Africa is the dominant state: its
leadership matters.

Mr Mbeki is understandably reluctant to break with custom and criticise a
fellow African leader, still less a hero of the liberation movement. Yet
South Africa's own union movement is now agitating for change in Zimbabwe.
Granted, past hectoring from Britain and the US achieved nothing. But years
have passed since Mr Mbeki promised George W. Bush, the US president, that
he would handle Zimbabwe. Since then the US and UK have tried to bite their
tongues. But Mr Mbeki has little to show for constructive engagement. This
reveals the inadequacy of the New Partnership for African Development, and
its voluntary peer review. If African leaders cannot take responsibility for
African problems, who can blame the US for intruding?

Zimbabwe is not all Africa: governance is improving in a number of states.
African leaders are right to demand the rich world differentiate between
them and come up with a single agreed plan to increase aid at the Gleneagles
Summit in July. Yet Zimbabwe is a test of commitment to good governance. Mr
Mbeki need not engineer regime change. But he should stand up and say that
what is happening there is unacceptable, and that South Africa will push for
a peaceful, democratic resolution. That would show that Africa is serious
about living up to its side of the bargain - and put the onus on others to
live up to theirs.

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New Zimbabwe

SW Radio Africa to broadcast on Medium Wave

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 02/23/2005 12:13:39
ZIMBABWE'S independent radio station -- SW Radio Africa -- has boosted its
radio coverage in Southern Africa by going on the Medium Wave (MW).

Station bosses believe broadcasting on the Medium Wave will solve
transmission problems for its Short Wave Zimbabwean listeners.

Starting Wednesday, Zimbabweans can tune into 1197Khz on the Medium Wave
band between 5am and 7am every morning for news updates and interviews, the
London-based station announced.

The station which has been broadcasting on Short Wave since its
establishment in December 2001 said the same morning broadcasts would also
air simultaneously on Short Wave on 3230Khz in the 75 metre band.

"Our evening broadcasts remain unchanged on Short Wave 6145Khz in the 49
metre band," a short statement released Tuesday said.

SW Radio Africa has its headquarters in London and its journalists are
banned from returning to Zimbabwe where the government has refused to open
up the airwaves, maintaining a monopoly by the state broadcaster in both
radio and television.

On its staff are top Zimbabwean journalists, some of them former employees
of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation. The journalists include Violet
Gonda, Tererai Karimakwenda, John Matinde, Lance Guma, Tichaona Sibanda and
station founder Jerry Jackson.

The station says it transmits to Zimbabwe through a "global communications

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New Zimbabwe


      Of dreams, traitors and weeping chiefs
      Last updated: 02/23/2005 08:14:07
      I HAD a bizarre dream. I think my mind had been pre-occupied by two
stories that emerged from Zimbabwe during the past few weeks.

      One of the stories that made me wonder sub-consciously was the story
of the chief who wept for clemency in front of Mugabe. We are told that the
chief was being investigated for some misappropriate representation he had
done in claiming from the war-benefit fund which targets some selected
people for financial inducement in order to bolster ZANU-PF's waning support
base. In the wailing chief's case, we gather that Mugabe's stone heart was
melted by the intense sobs of the chief to the point that he asked his
investigators to stop hounding the paramount chief.

      The other issue that seemed to trouble me during my sleep was the list
of dishonour which has been compiled by the ZANU-PF publications directorate
in an effort to name and shame those who believe in the individual's right
to practise alternative political persuasions.

      These two issues seem to have influenced the behaviour of my

      Without digressing further, I will tell the horrible nightmare I had.
I dreamt that I was standing at the tail-end of a very long queue. The queue
seemed to lead to the state-house in Harare. As if admonishing the rest of
the people on the queue, I found myself at the end of the queue. I tried to
figure out what was happening and no-one was willing to help me.

      I looked a few for someone who could tell me what was going on. A man
who was about ten to twelve paces ahead of me turned around. The face was
familiar. I spent more than five minutes trying to put a name and a place to
the face. Eureka! It was Sekai Holland, the MDC parliamentary candidate for
Mberengwa in the 2000 election. I decided to approach her and ask her why we
were queueing and why the head of the queue was leading into state house.

      I had hoped that she would tell me that the opposition had finally
made it to state-house and we were on our way to congratulate the victors.
Sekai Holland took me to the side and whispered to me in a subdued tone. She
told me that all the people in the queue were those whose names had been
published as sell-outs of the struggle as defined by ZANU-PF.

      She assured me no-one was going to meet an abrupt end of their live,
making sure I understood that it was not final judgement day yet. On
prodding further, Sekai Holland told me that the queueing people, including
her and I, had decided to seek forgiveness from Mugabe for discrediting his
party and him through our association with the imperialists. I was told that
the people from the list of dishonour had taken the cue from the weeping
chief that after-all, Mugabe had a heart that could be softened by his
humble people.

      It was then clear to me that all the people in the queue were waiting
their turn to personally apologise to Mugabe for being cited in the black
book as sell-outs of his self-proclaimed revolution. Before I made an
informed decision on whether I would apologise for standing firm on my
political beliefs, I decided to check out who was there and who was not
there.They were all there; Pius Ncube, Welshman Ncube, Trevor Ncube,
Fletcher Dulini-Ncube and a hoard of other Ncubes who are accused by ZANU-PF
of shaming the Ncube name.

      Apart from the Ncubes, there were a lot more other people. On the
queue were most of the people whose names have been put down in the book of
dishonour as deemed by ZANU-PF.Some of those people who were known to have
died decades ago, yet there were others who still live on this day. It was
going to be a big apology!

      As if Mugabe had become a god, the dead had arisen to apologise; so
had the sick, the weak, the old and the young. The brave, the fearful, the
ugly and the beautiful wanted to apologise. I could see the tears trickling
down people's cheeks. The weeping chief's trick had come to play. I wondered
if it was worth the trouble. I could feel a lump choking me for being an
apologetic coward.

      My conscience told me that it was not the right thing to do. I felt
very much unease at the prospect of weeping, wailing, crying, mourning and
sobbing in front of Mugabe just to earn a reprieve from the book of
dishonour. I found it hard to betray my beliefs. I would not be able to live
with that horrible act of cowardice. It was the voices crying from the
shallow graves that made me no even contemplate coming eye-to-eye with

      I could not desecrate the mass graves of the people by succumbing to
his wishes and his murderous whims. Before I could shout obscenities to the
apologetic people on the queue, I had a nasty surprise when I made an
unplanned glance at the tail of the queue where I had been standing. There
he was, lanky, head balding and bespectacled. Professor Jonathan Moyo just
stood there like a messenger of sickness waiting to spread some contagion to
someone. He had also come to apologise.

      I wondered what crime he had committed against Mugabe to deserve such
humiliation. Here was a guy who had almost single-handedly plotted for
Mugabe queueing with quislings! I wondered what had changed his fortunes. I
could only conclude that political prostitution and political misfortunes
had turned his fortunes around.

      I started weeping. I know that I did not weep in order for Mugabe to
exercise his devilish clemency on me. I wept for the country and for the
children. I did not weep because I wanted my name struck off the black book
of dishonour but I wept because I could not face what I was seeing. It was
not me. It was not us. Sekai Holland could not possibly want to apologise
for being listed in Mugabe's black book. Pius Ncube, Welshman Ncube,
Fletcher Dulini-Ncube, Trevor Ncube and others Ncubes so made inglorious by
Mugabe could not want to apologise for being in his bad book. Most of the
people around could not wilfully apologise to Mugabe, not after the tirades,
the haranguing, the diatribe and the bizarre insults from him. Something was
terribly wrong here. May be I was dreaming!

      Then I woke up. I was sweeting and filled with anger and frustration.
I gasped for breath as I emerged from the confusion that was my dream. I am
sure I was passing a few unprintable expletives to the authors of the book
of infamy when I woke up. So much about the dream!

      The ungodly regime in Harare should be working up the nerves of many
people. What political party goes on to vilify citizens of a country just
because they belong to another political party or because they have beliefs
that are not agreeable to theirs? If the people have committed crimes
against the state, why are the courts not taking action? What madness is
this? To which god or Deity does Mugabe say amen to when he finishes his
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