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Today's Herald (Friday 25th February 2005) contains a new Section 7 notice
Lot 12, listing 117 properties which are contained below.

There are also today repeat listings of:
- Section 7 notices (Lot 12 one farm);
- Section 8 orders (Lot 23, 8 farms).
- Section 5 notices (Lot 162: 209 farms, Lot 163: 27 farms).

There is an anomaly in that Lot 12 (Section 7 notice) has now been used


SECTION 7 listing in Herald 25th February 2005:

Farmers are reminded that they have FIVE DAYS within which to lodge "Heads
of Argument" objections.




TAKE NOTICE that an application for the confirmation of the acquisition
order issued in respect of the following farms has been filed in the
Administrative Court at Harare and that the Respondent and any holder of
real rights over the said farm are required to lodge their objections
within 5 days after the publication of this notice failure of which the
matter shall be set down unopposed without any further notice.

A copy of the application is available for collection at Applicant's
undersigned legal practitioner of record's address between Monday to Friday
from 8 am to 4 pm.

Applicant's Legal Practitioners
2nd Floor, Block "A"
New Govt. Complex
Cnr Samora Machel Ave/Fourth St.

Minister of Special Affairs in
the Office of the President and Cabinet
Responsible for Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement


SECTION 7 listing in Herald 25th February 2005:


1., 3971/88, Manange P/L, Beitbridge, Lot 11 of Jopempi Block, 7 655.0404
ha., Case No. LA 1288/02.
2.,1522/89, threeways P/L, Beitbridge, Remainder of Bothasrus C of Nuanetsi
Ranch A, 335.9731 ha., Case 5307/05.
3., 3929/86, Sentinel Ranch P/L, Beitbridge, The Remainder of Mopani of
Nuanetsi Ranche A, 5 817.0291 ha., Case No. LA 3295/03.

4., 2765/94, Mckersie Enterprises P/L, Bindura, Bunaverty, 700.2400 ha.,
Case No. LA 3413/03.

5., 1394/92, John glendinning, Bubi, Maldon, 2 565.5385 ha, Case No. LA
6., 1052/84, J Joubert & son P/L, Bubi, The Remainder of Portwe, 2 099.5399
ha., Case No. LA 5306/05.,
7., 2958/83, Edmond Mathew Grenfell-Dexter, Bubi, The Remainder of Robert
block, 242.8934 ha., Case No. LA 5346/05.,
8., 455/56, Sommer Ranching P/L, Bubi, Kenelworth Block Estate, 144
357.9600 ha, Case No. LA 5324/05.

9., 2541/80, Conco P/L, Bulalimamangwe, Smith Block, 8 218.5976 ha., Case
No. LA 5377/05.

10., 3471/86, Kloof Poultry P/L, Bulawayo, Lot 23C Helenvale Farm, 860.7105
ha, Case No. LA 5359/05.
11., 1866/77, Alastair Arnold Kay, Bulawayo, S/D S South of the Helenvale
Block, 866.1938 ha., Case No. LA 5277/05.

12., 4276/67, Iris Mary O'Neill, Charter, Vlakfontein Estate, 4 709.9470
acres, Case No. LA 5174/04.
13., 1011/98, Adore Gold Insurance P/L, Charter, Remainder of Swartfontein,
1 127.8689 ha., Case No. LA 5380/05.

14., 4480/96, Packwood Investments P/L, Chipinga, Remainder of Dhleni of
Hartbeest Neck, 429.2876 ha., Case No. LA 4166/04.

15., 9789/97, Caithness Farming P/L, Darwin, Trossachs, 1 893.9778 ha.,
Case No. LA 3406/03.
16., 350/82, Barbara Ada Snook, Darwin, Bretten, 735.0402 ha., Case No. LA
17., 6409/90, Dunsburg Farm P/L, Darwin, Lot 1 of Dunsberry Hill, 413.2187
ha, Case No. LA 3433/03.

18., 843/71, Barend Hubertius vorster, Gatooma, Oddbit, 609.5800 ha, Case
No. LA 2105/02.
19., 1691/80, Claude Edwards son P/L, Gatooma, Tannach of Railway Farm II,
281.5760 ha, Case No. LA 3036/02.,

20., 4975/97, Darnall Investments P/L, Goromonzi, Lot 2 of Stuhm, 412.1091
ha, Case No. LA 5331/05.
21., 1918/70, A G Staunton & Sons P/L, Goromonzi, The Grove Estate, 2
684.7530 acres, Case No. LA 2090/02.
22., 2902/91, D R Reitz & Son Farming Enterprises P/L, Goromonzi, Good Hope
of Twentydale Estate, 40.4677 ha., Case No. LA 5285/05.
23., 4312/93, Dorisdale Farming P/L, Goromonzi, Wychwood, 348.5500 ha.,
Case No. LA 2410/02.

24., 8224/95, Bushmeat Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Drumwhirn of Silverstone,
487.55 ha., Case No. LA 2565/02.,
25., 7842/72, Berkeley Estate P/L, Hartley, Berkeley Estate, 5 129.440 ha.,
Case No. LA 2935/02.
26., 7410/86, Aitape Estate (1962) P/L, Hartley, Aitape, 1 320.7508 ha,
Case No. LA 584/01.
27., 4165/91, Impophoe Farm P/L, Hartley, Impofhoe, 705.8400 ha., Case No.
LA 811/01.
28., 3138/88, Canpac (1991) P/L, Hartley, Remaining Extent of Oldham,
712.9170 ha, Case No. LA 5276/05.
29., 1145/90, Wicklow Investments P/L, Hartley, Woodlands of Railway 20, 1
258.6600 ha, Case No. LA 1982/02.
30., 9573/02, Conjugal Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Lot 2A
Bedford, 328.2954 ha., Case No. LA 5357/05.
31., 2471/85, Andries Daniel Swart, Hartley, Lot 1 of Crown Ranch, 1
09.8265 ha, Case No. LA 5372/05.
32., 10743/89, Blandale Estates P/L, Hartley, Farm Greendale, 1 241.5615
ha, Case No. LA 449/01.
33., 5753/91, Spencer Estates P/L, Hartley, Spencer, 809.3500 ha., Case No.
LA 814/01.

34., 8431/96, Heedcorn Enterprises P/L, Lomagundi, Tevrede, 877.9600 ha,
Case No. LA 3337/03.
35., 4824/90, Southend Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Southend, 6 350.8300
ha, Case No. LA 3329/03.
36., 5876/74, Rudi P/L, Lomagundi, Rocklands of Bowden, 446.7600 ha, Case
No. LA 2389/02.
37., 5184/85, Abraham Lodewickus Viljoen, Lomagundi, Chimanimani, 847.71
ha, Case No. LA 3277/03.
38., 1749/65, Firhill Farms P/L, Lomagundi, Firhill Extension of
Nidderdale, 1 045.4100 ha, Case No. LA 2674/02.
39., 7336/81, Lourens Abraham Coetzer, Lomagundi, Lot 4 of Kosana Ranch, 1
009.9178 ha, Case No. LA 3453/03.
40., 822/87, Nick Arkel P/L, Lomagundi, Junction, 756.7337 ha, Case No. LA
41., 1361/75, W Smith and Sons P/L, Lomagundi, Irenedale, 1 167.4053 acres,
Case No. LA 3650/03.
42., 7498/96, J M G Dawson, Lomagundi, Rainham, 2 119.0000 ha, Case No. LA
43., 2071/65, Hunter Coetzee, Lomagundi, Estelle of Alfa, 839.5388 acres,
Case No. LA 2112/02.
44., 4941/90, Shukelaw P/L, Lomagundi, Doonside, 946.6303 ha, Case No. LA
45., 2300/86, Kingston Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Mowe Flats, 397.3826
ha, Case No. LA 4799/04.
46., 871/87, Mutala Farms P/L, Lomagundi, Farm Zintafuli, 1 199.0239 ha,
Case 149/00.
47., 56/50, Western Park estates P/l, Lomagundi, Remaining Extent of
Weston Park, 605.487 morgen, Case No. LA 5394/05.
48., 4597/82, Chesdale Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Silverside, 2 488.1800 ha, Case
No. LA 3069/02.
49., 8140/72, J H Wessels and Company P/L, Lomagundi, Lot E of Farm
Donnington, 567.8715 ha, Case No. LA 3648/03.
50., 9514/98, Beaford Investments P/l, Lomagundi, Bakwe, 590.9975 ha, Case
No. LA 3610/03.
51., 166/71, John Hector Duffield, Lomagundi, Tennessee Ranch, 1 573.8969
ha, Case No. LA 3611/03.
52., 4473/57, Allan Wallace Williamson, Lomagundi, remaining Extent of
Manengas, 820 morgen, Case No. LA 277/00.
53., 2817/77, Natalia Farm P/L, Lomagundi, R/E of Sligo, 657.3515 ha, Case
No. LA 3049/02.

54., 5227/98, Luminagua P/L, Marandellas, Lot 6 of Cotter, 41.0509 ha, Case
No. LA 5374/05.
55., 8252/96, Frank Gerald Hill, Marandellas, Cloverholme of Longlands,
424.8300 ha, Case No. LA 15315/05.
56., 1949/81, Martin Gore Stewart, Marandellas, Membge of Carruthersville
E, 303.7255 ha, Case No. LA 5289/05.
57., 6785/87, Lynton Farm P/L, Marandellas, R/E Anstey, 699.7786 ha, Case
No. LA 5318/05.

58., 2313/74, Ian Ranken Pattullo and Joan Kirsteen ure Dodman, Matobo,
Bedza of Famona, 513.9108 ha, Case No. LA 5387/05.

59., 7972/98, Elgrey Management P/L, Mazoe, The Remaining Extent of Ndiri
of Moores Grant, 282.1486 ha, Case No. LA 5365/05.
60., 244/95, Bigburry Farm P/L, Mazoe, Sandown, 1 337.9711 ha, Case No. LA
61., 800819/97, Lomaz Sugar Mill P/l, Mazoe, Wood Brock North of Woodbroke,
754.23 ha, Case No. LA 1914/02.
62., 855/87, N H Bennet P/L, Mazoe, Nangura, 809.7400, Case No. LA 2042/02.
63., 6687/2000, Getthrough Investment P/L, Mazoe, Lot 3 of Mbebi jersey
Farm, 126.5410 ha, Case No. LA 5399/05.
64., 7341/95, Ansellia P/L, Mazoe, The Remainder of Oldbury, 815.8676 ha,
Case No. LA 2513/02.
65., '96/75, Holme Eden P/L, Mazoe, Holme Eden of Barwick Estate, 2
035.4700 ha, Case No. LA 2453/02.
66. 6140/72, R A Beatrice & Sons P/L, Mazoe, Lazy Seven of Baarwick Estate,
861.44 ha, Case No. LA 3379/03.
67., 3539/81, Douglas John Duncan, Mazoe, Kartu, 644 morgen, Case No. LA
68., 931/92, Fantail Farms P/L, Mazoe, Lot 1 of Springvale, 738.2173 ha,
Case No. LA 5292/05.
69., 7298/80, David Arnold Coleman, Mazoe, Lot 1 of Lot 1 of Lazy 7 Ranch
of Barwick Estate, 1 863.6256 acres, Case No. LA 3156/02.
70., 3879/83, James Mascwell Arrousell, Mazoe, Farm 15 of Glendale,
428.2600 ha, Case No. LA 3096/02.
71., 119/96, Nyongomo Investments P/L, Mazoe, Chelwey, 2 632.66 ha, Case
No. LA 3439/03.
72., 4232/96, Turrinton Investments P/L, Mazoe, burnleigh, 1 146.88 ha,
Case No. LA 1962/02.
73., 4734/79, R A Beattie & sons P/L, Mazoe, S/D L of Barwick Estate, 1
328.1200 ha, Case No. LA 3385/03.
74., 119/96, Nyongoro Investments P/L, Mazoe, Benridge Gate, 94.81 ha, Case
No. LA 3434/03.
75., 2531/95, Caldermill Enterprises P/L, Mazoe, wolfhill, 559.2492 ha,
Case No. LA 3625/03.
76., 5661/82, Jeremey Deacon Eastwood, Mazoe, Watchfield, 1 503.0 morgen,
Case No. LA 1650/02.
77., 1514/69, theore Sisters Farm P/L, Mazoe, S/D A of Omeath, 2 099.9600
ha, Case No. LA 3446/03.

78., 5855/72, Trico Tobacco Estate, Mrewa, Rupture, 1 332.7549 ha, Case No.
LA 5174/04.
79., 7167/95, P Robart Morgan and son P/L, Mrewa, Craigielea Estate,
768.2929 ha, Case No. LA 4213/04.
80., 1941/83, Hermanus Van Duren, Mrewa, Corbie, 572.6300 ha, Case No. LA

81., 6809/88, Peter Sourtherton Hingeston, Ndanga, Remainder of Lot 1A of
Triangle Ranch, 211.5373 ha, Case No. LA 5370/05.

82., 3208/95, David Gerald Hunt, Nyamandhlovu, Naseby North, 1 265.0129 ha,
Case No. LA 5362/05.
83., 1040/1970, R H Greaves P/L, Nyamandhlovu, Matabeleland Concession
Block, 15 873.7015 acres, Case No. LA 5373/05.
84., 1325/82, Junpor P/L, Nyamandhlovu, Porter Farm, 1 295.5393 ha, Case
No. LA 5322/05.
85., 2733/86, Quinton Ehlers, Nyamandhlovu, Mimosa Park East, 2 568.9403
ha, Case No. LA 5293/05.
86., 231/97, Merryfield Farming P/L, Nyamandhlovu, S/D A of Steven's Farm,
1 214.0344 ha, Case No. LA 5379/05.
87., 1628/49, the Administrators of The Estate of the late Alfred Jeffrey
Olds, Nyamandhlovu, S/D A of bongolo known as Rathlyn, 1 266 morgen, 266
square rods, Case No. LA 5375/05.

Que Que
88., 3263/80, William James Martin Henry Kaulback, Que Que, Dunlop Ranch, 7
229.6188 ha, Case No. LA 5188/04.

89., 1846/75, Nelson Estates P/L, Salisbury, Witham, 1 414.9700 ha, Case
No. LA 2850/02.
90., 3858/95, Cregg Conell P/l, Salisbury, Lot 1 of Somerby, 101.6557 ha,
Case No. LA 3899/04.
91., 2301/94, Allan Francis Munn, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of
Mashonganyika, 209.7241 ha, Case No. LA 3292/03.
92., 3912/84, game Trapper Pionners P/L, Salisbury, glenroy, 569.1500 ha,
Case No. LA 3993/04.
93., 632/90, Funden Hall P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Nyarungu S/D of S/D A
of Stoneridge, 113.8045 ha, Case No. LA 5025.
94., 7373/88, Peter John Moor, Salisbury, Delamore, 859.9441 ha, Case No.
LA 3775/04.
95., 1447/70, Aberfoyle Farming Company P/L, Salisbury, Kintre, 1 860.7181
acres, Case No. LA 799/01.
96., 1817/54, A L Millar & Sons P/l, Salisbury, Mackay, 2 070 morgen, Case
No. LA 1564/02.

97., 664/71, Morkel Reginald Philipps, Shamva, Remainder of Ceres, 1
157.3475 ha, Case No. LA 3435/03.

98., 6984/88, Alan Maclaggen jack, Sipolilo, Wama, 693.8200 ha, Case No. LA
99., 10724/89, Deborah Jane Laing; Hayley-Joy Laing; Charlene Dale Laing;
Paula Jane Laing, Sipolilo, gurungwe estates, 2 047.6641 ha, Case No. LA
100., 1351/73, Disi P/L, Sipolilo, Disi estate, 5 022.6218 ha, Case No. LA
101., 3610/91, NRE Farming P/L, Sipolilo, Mutendamambo, 1 288.7837 morgen,
Case No. LA 1475/02.
102., 7614/86, Peter Bernard Bowen, Sipolilo, Nyambwe, 1 224.6730 ha, Case
No. LA 505/01.
103., 19194/61, Michael Barry McGraath, Sipolilo, Siyalima, 1 916.2046 ha,
Case No. LA 1779/02.
104., 3102/82, David Frederick Dolphin, Sipolilo Mount Fatigue, 2 928.9089
acres, Case No. LA 1458/02.

105., 2725/74, Endersby Estate P/l, Umzingwane, Lot 34 o Essexvale Estate,
258.3515 ha, Case No. LA 1088/02.
106., 76/79, Cumming estates P/L, Umzingwane, Lot No 82 of Essexvale este,
2 014.1022 ha, Case No. LA 847/01.
107., 4110/88, Kenneth Micael Lee, Umzingwane, dagbreek of Lot 45B of
Essexvale Estate, 101.0409 ha, Case No. LA 3581/03.

108., 5224/86, Algehide HoldingsP/L, Urungwe, Lot 1 of woodlands, 364.0773
ha, Case No. LA 3631/03.
109., 7973/94, Dixie Farm P/L, Urungwe, Dixie, 931.0738 ha, Case No. LA
110., 4690/70, Brienne Farm P/L, Urungwe, Lot 1 of Strathyre, 1 020.8546
acres, Case No. LA 3663/03.
111., 4108/98, Edenbury Farming P/L, Urungwe, tengwe 121, 309.0666 ha, Case
No. LA 3473/02.

112., 2529/90, Harold Arthur Pateson, Victoria, Lamotte, 428.2590, ha, Case
No. LA 4436/04.
113., 8133/88, John Keith Brown, Victoria, the Remaining Extent of
Bannockburn Extension, 16.4019 ha, Case No. LA 4385/04.
114., 7714/96, Elsie Sunna coventry, Victoria, Greenhills estate, 3
037.1627 ha, Case No. LA 892/01.
115., 100/61, H G & P D Swart P/L, Victoria, Dompst, 933.47 ha, Case No. LA

116., 4106/02, Zimbabwe Development Bank, Wankie, Dett Valley A, 2 047.7735
ha, Case No. LA 5311/05.

117., 5102/70, Lamba Farms P/L, Wedza, Ifudu Estate, 3 278.07 acres, Case
No. LA 2812/02.

End LOT 12 Section 7 SCHEDULE


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- ZW's Impending Elections - What Other Countries Can Do, and Why - Roger
- US not threatening to invade Zim: Ambassador - ZWNEWS


FROM: For a webcast and information on the AEI symposium on Zimbabwe in
Washington, D.C. on February 23, 2005, please click on the following link:,filter.all,type.past/

Zimbabwe's Impending Elections - What Other Countries Can Do, and Why

by Roger Bate

Without pressure from outside nations, upcoming elections in Zimbabwe are
almost certain to hasten the country's slide into dictatorship under
longtime leader Robert Mugabe. Pressure must be brought to bear on
Zimbabwe 's Southern African neighbors to enforce the agreed election
protocols or they, and not just Zimbabwe, should face the withdrawal of
aid, trade deals, and other U.S. largesse.

His Excellency Comrade Robert Mugabe remains president of Zimbabwe because
he is a tyrant who stole two elections. The international community is
absolutely convinced of this, but South Africa and most of Zimbabwe's
neighbors have refused to condemn him. Instead, the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) is trying to cajole Mugabe into acting
decently. It is failing miserably.

Two years ago, South Africa's president, Thabo Mkebi, gave President Bush
the assurance that his "quiet diplomacy" would resolve the impending
problem of a complete lack of democratic process in Zimbabwe. Now that the
date of presidential and parliamentary elections has been announced as
March 31, the problem has become urgent. All signs indicate that Comrade
Robert intends to cheat and brawl his way to another "victory."

In August 2004, the leaders of SADC, an alliance of fifteen southern
African countries, agreed to adopt electoral guidelines intended to ensure
free and fair elections throughout the region. Part of the deal was that a
SADC team would be invited to visit each country prior to elections and
assess whether the guidelines were being implemented. When it came to
Zimbabwe, South Africa was confident that these arrangements would satisfy
critics who had accused SADC leaders of allowing Mugabe to rampage over
civil freedoms. But South Africa's foreign minister, Nkosozana
Dlamini-Zuma, was obliged to admit to a parliamentary media briefing that
the SADC team would be welcome only as part of a pan-African (African
Union) poll observer team, and not significantly in advance of the

Mugabe well understands that limited election monitoring is the absolute
minimum requirement that allows his regime to be internationally
recognized. By allowing the SADC a brief, sanitized glimpse at the
election process, Mugabe is shrewdly trying to use the organization as a
patsy for his legitimacy. It has worked well enough before, since SADC
ignored numerous reports of violence and ballot-rigging and laughably
declared the last two elections "largely free and fair." But will SADC yet
again play into Mugabe's hands and allow for this most recent snub to go
unpunished? If it does, then the SADC, and not just Zimbabwe, is not
serious about democratic reform.

Recent signs of tension between South Africa and Zimbabwe indicate that at
least SADC's most powerful member is growing nervous over the potential
damage to its reputation brought on by dawdling over another sham
election. Within the last month, a Zimbabwe court convicted three people
of selling state secrets to South Africa. Most recently, a pre-election
fact-finding delegation from South Africa's official parliamentary
opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, was expelled on arrival at
Harare International Airport. Zimbabwe has also twice barred the powerful
Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), allied to Mbeki's African
National Congress party, from sending fact-finding missions to the country
ahead of the vote.

Mugabe's views on his own country's trade union organization are made
plain on the website of the party he leads, Zanu PF:

The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has been exposed for what it
is, a front for employers and the opposition MDC. The ZCTU, which is
bankrolled by employers, the MDC and imperialist countries such as Britain
and the USA has for the past five years ignored the plight of workers and
concentrated on pursuing the agenda of the opposition party of trying to
topple the ZANU PF government.

When last October COSATU representatives visited Zimbabwe at the
invitation of the ZCTU, they were thrown out after spending only a few
hours in the country, since Zimbabwean officials described their visit as
"inappropriate and offensive." Undeterred, the general secretary of
COSATU, Zwelinzima Vavi, planned another trip, which was also blocked.
COSATU announced a protest blockade of the border crossings.

Opposition and Dissent

The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is Zimbabwe's only opposition
party, and the decision for the MDC to take part in the election was taken
only on Friday, February 12. After the announcement, Mugabe's government
wasted no time marginalizing MDC's participation. By the following
Tuesday, February 15, the Zimbabwean attorney general, Sobuza
Gula-Ndebele, ordered prosecutors around the country to revive charges
against MDC activists that long ago were dropped because of lack of
evidence. Unsurprisingly, the MDC sees this as a clear bid to hamstring
its election campaign. Legal challenges to the last elections have yet to
be heard. And though MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai was recently acquitted
of treason, another trial for treason is pending.

The stakes in these elections are high. The MDC is planning to put up 120
candidates, although several candidates did not succeed in registering at
nomination courts by the deadline of February 18. (The matter is still
pending as we go to press.) They currently have fifty-seven seats in
parliament and must retain at least fifty to veto constitutional
amendments. Should Zanu PF muster a constitutional majority, the limited
checks on Mugabe's power would all but disappear. Unsurprisingly, the
current regime is doing all it can to ensure such an outcome. Speaking on
February 17, MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube said that so far many
candidates had been unable to find an official in place to process their
applications, without which, of course, they cannot register. He adds, "We
have written to the Zimbabwe Election Commission repeatedly, but they
ignore us."

On February 16 the MDC started making preparations for the election by
holding a candidate training workshop at a hotel in the capital, Harare.
But the MDC is still under intense surveillance, and police soon arrived
to declare the workshop illegal and to demand that the candidates
disperse. The MDC election manager, Ian Makone, was arrested and later

Arrests of officials and candidates have been a daily occurrence since
Mugabe was shaken by the success of the MDC in the 2000 general election.
He has successfully strained to make the lives of party officials
uncomfortable. A survey taken a year ago among MDC members of parliament
(MPs) found that 42 percent claimed to have been assaulted in the previous
four years, most commonly by the police, while 24 percent said they had
survived assassination attempts. Three MPs had died following assaults.
Most MPs had been arrested. Only one had been convicted: Job Sikhala was
eventually fined $5 for assaulting a police officer, after having been
arrested seventeen times, stripped, bound, blindfolded, subjected to
electric shocks to his teeth and testicles, and urinated on by a

MP Roy Bennett is contesting his seat despite being in prison and serving
a ten-month sentence on a chain gang. Bennett's offense was to push
Patrick Chinamasa, the justice minister, during a heated debate in which
the minister branded Bennett's family "murderers and thieves." Bennett was
unconstitutionally sentenced by a parliamentary committee, but this means
that he is not a convicted prisoner and can stand for reelection. Despite
being white, he speaks the local language, Shona, fluently, is well liked,
and is certain to win.

In Mugabe's own tribal (Shona) heartland, Mashonaland, he expects
unquestioning support, rather than grudging acceptance. But unease is
growing as food supplies become dangerously low. And while in a recent
survey most agreed that life was getting harder and that the government
was to blame, most still said they would vote for the ruling Zanu PF
"because we fear that if we turn against the government, we will be
victimized," said one.

When addressing his people, Mugabe routinely portrays the MDC as
foreign-sponsored militants seeking to undermine the country's prosperity
and security, and against which he is bravely fighting: "The MDC is now a
timid and much frightened creature as it tries to create all sorts of
excuses to escape certain electoral defeat. . . . Let them be warned,
however, that we shall brook no violence or any act that may seek to
tarnish the country's image. Let them also be warned that our security
organs will show no mercy towards any aberration that detracts from our
peace, stability and tranquility. The situation of law and order must be
maintained," he exclaimed recently.

Repeals Required

So far Mugabe has shown no intention of complying with SADC protocols, but
if he was pressured to comply, he should start by repealing these damaging
laws: Public Order and Security Act (POSA) No. 1 of 2002; Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) No. 5 of 2002;
Non-Governmental Organizations Bill (NGO), still to be signed into law and
gazetted; and Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act (ZEC), No. 22 of 2004.

There are five key sections of POSA that must be repealed immediately for
there to be the least chance of a free and fair election in six weeks'

Sections 15 and 16 provide that imprisonment can result from publishing
anything prejudicial to the state and abusive of the president. Remarkable
even by Zimbabwe's despotic standards, this act was passed into law
despite being contrary to Section 20 of Zimbabwe's constitution, which
protects freedom of speech.

Sections 24, 25, and 26 also pack a punch. These establish that agreement
by the police and four days' notice are required before a political rally
and other meetings can occur. These sections effectively ban opposition
meetings. This is in direct contravention of Section 21 of the

Two sections of the NGO should be removed before it is enacted. Preferably
the bill should be completely abandoned and the perfectly serviceable
Private Voluntary Act reinstated.

Section 9 duplicates Sections 24-26 of POSA and imposes the same
restrictions on national and international bodies.

Section 17 makes it illegal to accept foreign funding for NGOs, including
from Zimbabweans living abroad. This notably restricts work on human-
rights protection, voter education, and monitoring voter fraud.

The whole purpose of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act seems to be to restrict freedom of the press. The entire Act should be
repealed since it has no redeeming qualities. Press freedoms in Zimbabwe
are virtually nonexistent; since the last independent daily newspaper, the
Daily News, was bombed out of its offices in 2003, the electronic media
are all controlled by Mugabe, and nearly all foreign journalists have been

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act is the most blatantly pernicious
specimen of this sorry collection of legislation. Five sections,
particularly, should be repealed. Sections 17, 51, and 83 respectively
allow the military to "supervise" elections, to decide the number and
location of polling stations, and to exclude MDC observers from polling

Section 21 allows the voters' roll to be in paper rather than electronic
form. Before this was enacted last year, the registrar-general could have
provided an electronic copy to all legitimate requesters--not that he ever
did, since Mugabe demanded limited access. Paper rolls can be stolen, and
when they have been one realizes why Mugabe limits access. Perhaps 400,000
deceased people are on the old roll--and the dead do not vote for the
opposition. The roll should be given electronically to the opposition to
help identify voting fraud.

Section 71 restricts postal ballots, effectively disenfranchising all
Zimbabweans (probably over 4 million of a current electorate of
approximately 11 million) living abroad, many of them as political exiles.

This last item is being legally challenged by a group of exiles living in
Britain, the Diaspora Vote Action Group. This is a group of six people,
but they represent perhaps close to 90 percent of the Zimbabweans living
outside the country. The group has pointed out that Section 71 is contrary
to the constitution and that both Botswana and Mozambique included
overseas residents in recent elections. These arguments are unlikely to
cut any ice with Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa. But they may be
useful to convince SADC leaders that Zimbabwe is an undemocratic pariah
that will harm the organization's reputation.

Socioeconomic Indicators and the Zimbabwean Diaspora

The Zimbabwean economy has halved in value in the past five years; money
is printed on one side only and is largely worthless since inflation is
rampant, unemployment is over 80 percent, and most people have given up
trying to find a job. Not surprisingly public services have collapsed.

The state education and health systems, the proudest achievements of
Mugabe 's early years in office, are imploding. In 2000, primary school
enrolment was 95 percent for boys and 90 percent for girls. Four years
later it was 67 percent for boys and 63 percent for girls. Ordinary
Zimbabweans are so broke that they cannot afford state school fees of $4 a
term. The middle classes still had the luxury of sending their children to
private school of very high quality--until the police brought notices
round to the schools commanding them to reduce their fees to nominal rates
that are too low to cover costs. As teaching standards fell, the pupils
were taken away, not just from school, but from the country.

AIDS and other infectious and opportunistic diseases are running riot in
Zimbabwe, helped along by malnutrition. Apart from lack of rains two years
ago, which caused Mugabe to request international famine relief, his
policy of reclaiming farmland "stolen by imperialists" has slashed food
production. While actual production figures are kept secret, the
U.S.-funded Famine Early Warning Systems network recently reported that
about half the population--5.8 million people--would need emergency food
aid before the next harvests in April. While MDC persistently claims that
its own supporters are denied government food handouts, the government
reacted angrily to the claims of shortage. Agriculture Minister Joseph
Made described the report as part of Western plans to destabilize Zimbabwe
ahead of the elections. The author witnessed food roadblocks preventing
maize from being transported into opposition areas in November.

The combined effect of food shortage and disease has been disastrous. In
1992, life expectancy in Zimbabwe was sixty; in 2002 it was thirty-three
and dropping. Infant mortality has doubled in a decade. The official
HIV/AIDS rate in 2002 was about 27 percent (the third highest in the
world), but the real rate is probably much higher, since sexual behavior,
both forced (notably in Mugabe's youth camps) and consensual, is likely to
spread HIV rapidly.

AIDS patients have no drugs and no future. Many are too sick to travel and
seek treatment abroad, but younger Zimbabweans, who are overtly healthy
though malnourished, leave if they possibly can. This is exactly the age
group that carries the highest HIV burden, and they take the virus with
them wherever they go--many of the women into prostitution.

The only good news is that the diaspora of Zimbabweans into neighboring
states may further encourage SADC leaders to act. In the short run
Southern Africa benefited from the influx of single, educated Zimbabweans,
but as the exodus continues those leaving have an undesirable
profile--lesser educated and probably carrying a higher burden of disease.
Neighboring African leaders will soon have to choose between strong action
against Mugabe or destabilizing health and economic situations in their
own countries. Acting now would demonstrate foresight and prudence.

Western Policy

The MDC has entered the upcoming election "without prejudice" and so
reserves the right not to comply with the outcome. If it sees evidence of
rigging when the vote occurs, and presuming it has some successful
candidates, the MDC could refuse to take up seats in parliament, and so
invalidate the result. After that, the best hope is that its neighbors
will finally refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the despotic regime
that is dragging them all down with it. But what can the West do?

So far policy has revolved around smart sanctions against the seventy-one
highest ranking Zimbabwean officials, from Mugabe to odious generals like
Vitalis Zsvinavasche, who has hundreds of deaths on his hands. These
sanctions, which prevent travel to the United States and to EU countries,
have apparently upset the hierarchy but have had little impact on policy
changes. No doubt diplomatic channels are open and must remain so, but so
far, inaction has been the order of the day. Quiet diplomacy--the "talk,
talk, and more talk" of South African president Thabo Mbeki--is changing
nothing in Zimbabwe, and the West's support of this strategy has done no

Unlike in the Darfur region of the Sudan or the regions ravaged by the
tsunami last December, the bodies are not piling up in Zimbabwe under the
scrutiny of a video-hungry media. Instead, apart from a steady but
relatively small number of victims of political murder, black Zimbabweans
are dying out of sight, in rural communities, of starvation and HIV.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to be commended for addressing
Zimbabwe. But the rhetorical battle has only just begun. She must convince
SADC leaders that U.S. aid, military support, and other diplomatic favors
such as trade deals hinge on their solving the problem on their doorstep.
They must believe that unless they enforce the election protocols agreed
to by Mugabe, the United States will withdraw support for the region.

The big question is whether Mbeki will finally stand up to the man who
supported him during the apartheid years by allowing ANC bases in
Zimbabwe. America can--and it should--make it too uncomfortable for Mbeki
not to. Business as usual should not be an option for this outpost of

Roger Bate is a resident fellow at AEI.


FROM: SABC News, 25 February 2005

US not threatening to invade Zim: ambassador

The United States did not threaten to invade Zimbabwe when it labelled
Robert Mugabe's regime an "outpost of tyranny", Jendayi Frazer, the US
ambassador to South Africa, said in Johannesburg yesterday. In last
month's speech to the US Congress, Condoleezza Rice, the US secretary of
state, named Zimbabwe alongside Iran, Cuba, Myanmar, North Korea and
Belarus as outposts of tyranny. However yesterday Frazer said: "We do not
seek to install a US-style democracy in Zimbabwe or anywhere else for that
matter. The United States has no fight, no right, no desire and no
intention to impose our form of government on anyone else." The ambassador
was speaking at an address on US foreign policy in Africa at the SA
Institute of International Affairs in Johannesburg yesterday. She said
Rice's comments on Zimbabwe were "not to threaten an invasion". Rice's
comments were "a statement of fact" about the way in which Mugabe's
government treated its people, she said."The United States will continue
to stand with the people of Zimbabwe in their struggle to return democracy
to their country."

The placing of Zimbabwe on Washington's list of six renegade countries has
drawn criticism from President Thabo Mbeki, who said Rice's comments
discredited her country's proclaimed policy of promoting political freedom
around the world. "I think it's an exaggeration," Mbeki said in this
week's interview with London's Financial Times. "I think that whatever
(the US) government wants to do with regard to that list of six countries,
or however many, I think it's really somewhat discredited," Mbeki said.
Frazer said Mbeki's views, which he explained to Frazer immediately after
making them, was that "Zimbabwe is not a tyranny like the other countries
in the category". "We would not agree with that. We think that Zimbabwe
and the Zanu PF government have created a repressive environment in which
there is no level playing field. From the lead-up to the 2002 election
through to today, the opposition cannot operate freely, they still have
laws ... that would not allow people to have freedom of assembly. We would
call it an environment of tyranny and repression. We will agree to
disagree," Frazer said. The US supported governments that answered to
their citizens and respected basic, fundamental human rights, she said.
"Where we see human rights abuses, we will say so publicly. We will speak
out and we will speak out loudly."


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Institute For War and Peace Reporting

Mugabe Henchmen on the Warpath

ZANU PF youth militias and activists launch campaign of beatings and

By Dzikamayi Chiyausiku in Rusape (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 10,

Violence and massive intimidation are wreaking havoc in Zimbabwe's rural
areas as the ruling party's and opposition's campaigns gather momentum ahead
of Zimbabwe's fifth parliamentary election on March 31.

ZANU PF youth militias, President Robert Mugabe's much feared stormtroopers,
known among the population as the Green Bombers, are currently behaving with
such menace in the Makoni West constituency that many villagers have fled
their homes.

Makoni West is a marginal constituency on the outskirts of Rusape, 135
kilometres southeast of Harare. The sitting ZANU PF MP has been replaced by
Zimbabwe's highly unpopular Minister of Agriculture Joseph Made, who is
opposed by Remus Makuwaza, for the main opposition party, the Movement for
Democratic Change, MDC, and Tendai Chekera of the small regional party

Villagers also allege they have been threatened with eviction from their
recently acquired farms - taken over in Mugabe's move against white
commercial farmer - if they do not vote for ruling party.

Matthew Ngoroma, 38, told IWPR that he fled his home after "some people told
me I would pay the price for supporting MDC". He said four men in Zanu PF
campaign shirts visited him three weeks ago and threatened to burn down his
house. "They said they would torch my house if I continued selling MDC
cards," said Ngoroma, who has moved his family to a place near Rusape town.
"I am not alone. There are others who have been beaten, threatened and
intimidated. It's a terror campaign."

Other villagers perceived to be MDC supporters have been denied food aid,
fertiliser and maize seed being distributed by government officials loyal to

"You have to be a Zanu PF supporter to get fertiliser, seed and food," said
another villager, Susan Rugoyi. "We have to show Zanu PF cards in order to
get a pack of maize meal being distributed by Zanu PF officials as food

The chiefs and village heads have also been roped into Zanu PF campaign
teams. Villagers said the chiefs are forcing their subjects to attend Zanu
PF rallies. Meanwhile, the chiefs are banning opposition rallies in their
areas while threatening to evict opposition supporters.

"We do have several cases of political violence that we are investigating,"
said a senior police officer who declined to be named. "But it would be
unfair to say categorically say that these violent incidents are being
perpetrated by Zanu PF. What if they are just rogue elements abusing Zanu PF

The violence is not just isolated incidents. It is on a national scale.
Fifty soldiers assaulted three MDC candidates returning from the launch of
the party's election campaign in Masvingo in the southeast on February 20.
MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi said, "The soldiers first assaulted Gabriel
Chiwara, our candidate for Makoni West, and his election candidate, Josphat
Munhumumwe, accusing them of selling the country to the British.

"They were kicked and punched and sustained injuries all over their bodies.
They were taken to hospital for treatment and later released. The assault
was reported to the police, but no arrests have been made."

Nyathi said the MDC was particularly concerned about this assault because it
repeated a pattern of army violence against the opposition in places many
hundreds of kilometres apart. MDC candidate for Mutare West, Gabriel
Chiwara, who is trying to topple Transport Minister Christopher Mushohwe in
a constituency 250 km southeast of Harare, was assaulted by soldiers
together with his campaign manager.

Reports are also coming in of violence by soldiers, Green Bombers and ZANU
PF activists against MDC candidates in the south of the country in Gwanda
and Beitbridge constituencies.

In Norton, 40 km west of Harare, a stronghold of ZANU PF MP Sabina Mugabe,
the president's sister, ruling party supporters waylaid and severely beat an
eleven-strong MDC campaign team who were putting up party posters. The
posters and party regalia the MDC activists were wearing were confiscated
and burned.

Hilda Mafudze, the MDC candidate for Manyame constituency, neighbouring
Norton, said, "This cannot be a free and fair election. How can the whole
process be fair when one's campaign team is beaten up and their regalia
burnt by these thugs who belong to a party which claims it supports a free
and fair election?"

Wellington Chibebe, secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions, said, "We want to state very clearly that as much as the politicians
are saying the elections will be violence-free, the reality on the ground is
that ordinary men, women and children are going to be subject to untold

Reginald Matchaba-Hove, chairman of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network,
ZESN, a group of 40 civic organisations supporting democratic elections,
said, "For many opposition supporters, fear of violence means they would
rather not go to vote than vote and face the recriminations.

"The penalty for voting for the opposition can be expulsion from the
village, physical violence, withdrawal from the local food aid registers, or
all of them combined. Past experience has taught them that such threats are
eventually carried out, and they fear a repeat of 2000 and 2002 [legislative
and presidential elections marred by widespread violence and intimidation]."

Rural areas in Zimbabwe's majority ethnic Shona regions have traditionally
voted ZANU PF, with the chiefs, who maintain government food registers,
beneficiaries and loyal supporters of the ruling party. According to
southern Africa's Famine Early Warning System Network, five million
Zimbabweans, nearly half the population, are in need of food aid.

President Mugabe, in an interview on ZANU PF-controlled state television,
said he wanted this election campaign to be peaceful. His interior minister,
Kembo Mohadi, said organisations alleging violence and human rights abuses
were "subversives who are western-funded".

Responding to the allegations that chiefs are forcing their people to attend
ZANU PF rallies and vote for Mugabe's party, Mohadi said, "Ours is a
peaceful party. Our people hold their chiefs in high regard and, naturally,
get worried when such accusations are made against them. We cannot deny our
people the right to choose their own leaders when we fought so hard [in the
1970s liberation war] to bring them human rights, freedom and social

Inspector Wayne Bvudzijena, Zimbabwe's national police spokesman, said the
national force had not received any reports of violence or intimidation by
political parties. "I am surprised to hear these reports," he said. "But I
can assure you that the campaign remains peaceful."

Dzikamayi Chiyausiku is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe
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Institute For War and Peace Reporting

President's Mansion an "Affront" to His People

New home most visible symbol of how Mugabe and his acolytes have prospered,
while half the population on point of starvation.

By Chipo Sithole in Harare (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 10,

Construction has been completed of Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe's
controversial eleven million dollar Chinese-style mansion in Harare's leafy
northern suburbs, IWPR can reveal.

The 25-bedroom private house, built by a Serbian construction company
Energoproject to a Chinese architectural design, has two lakes in its 44
acre landscaped grounds and is protected by a multi-million pounds radar
system. Approach roads to the mansion, topped by a Chinese-style roof clad
in midnight blue tiles from Shanghai, are off limits to the general public.

IWPR understands that some 50 crack police riot response officers guard the
Mugabe palace on a 24- hour basis in cooperation with the much-feared
Central Intelligence Organisation, CIO.

Sources in the president's office told IWPR that chemical and biological
sensors are strategically positioned on all approaches to the mansion,
around 30 kilometres north of the centre of Harare.

"The sensors are supplemented with radiological detection equipment,
including radiation pagers on the belts of some of the law enforcement
officers," the presidential source said. "CAAZ (the Civil Aviation Authority
of Zimbabwe) is policing the area above the house [by helicopter and spotter
plane] to ensure that it is a no-fly zone. In addition, the CIO is providing
dogs that can sniff out explosives."

The project, which took three years to complete, is the most visible symbol
of how Mugabe and his acolytes have prospered while more than five million
of his 11.5 million people are near starvation and will need food aid this
year, according to the World Food Programme.

Some 80 per cent of Mugabe's fellow countrymen are unemployed and those with
factory jobs earn an average wage equivalent to about 11 dollars a month.

The size of the house dwarfs by three times the size of State House, the
home of the head of state and earlier British governors. Its interior
decoration by South African, Arab and Chinese designers is being supervised
by 81-year-old Mugabe's 40-year-old wife, Grace. Its size and expense raises
the question of how Mugabe paid for it, since his annual salary until
recently was only the equivalent of 44,000 dollars a year.

Opposition MPs have unsuccessfully asked in parliament where Mugabe got the
foreign currency to import materials from Europe, the Middle East and China.
Zimbabwe has suffered a foreign exchange crisis as a result of the country's
economic collapse, which has seen gross domestic product drop for each of
the past seven successive years.

The president was clearly agitated when, in an interview with Sky News
reporter Stuart Ramsey broadcast in Britain last year, he denied that the
mansion had been built with Zimbabwean taxpayer's money.

He said the Serbian company had donated material and labour at cost,
supplemented by gifts of fine timber from Malaysian prime minister Makathir
Mohammad and roof tiles from China. "You say it is lavish because it is
attractive," Mugabe told Ramsey. "It has Chinese roofing material which
makes it very beautiful, but it was donated to us - the Chinese are our good
friends, you see."

The source declined to confirm whether Mugabe and his wife have moved into
the house, but added that residents in the area of the palace are being
subjected to regular security checks.

No extravagance has been spared on the three-storey palace. Marble has been
imported from Italy. The finest European crystal, sunken baths with Jacuzzi
fittings and oriental rugs are all part of the décor. The soaring ceilings
were decorated by Arab craftsmen.

There is a sprawling entertainment area, a master bedroom suite, apartments
for each of the three Mugabe children, servants' quarters, a helicopter pad,
extensive garage systems and swimming pools. Mugabe professes to be a
Marxist, and on one website which has followed the construction of his new
home, a contributor comments, "Marxism is very profitable indeed for those
who run it."

The justice spokesman for the opposition MDC, David Coltart, said, "Until a
few years ago it had been assumed that Mugabe himself had not been corrupt.
The size of this house suggests otherwise. He must explain to the nation
where he got the money from."

"The palace is an affront to the suffering people of Zimbabwe," said John
Makumbe, a political science lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe and a
member of the anti-corruption group, Transparency International. "It shows
that Mugabe will need a further push to convince him that he really must
negotiate an end to his reign."

Chipo Sithole is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe.
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Institute For War and Peace Reporting

MDC Faces Uphill Task

Opposition's tactical and strategic shortcomings mean it will struggle to
win over voters in upcoming poll.

By Pius Nkomo in Harare (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 10,

The opposition Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, finally launched its
campaign this week for Zimbabwe's March 31 parliamentary elections - but it
faces an uphill task to convince a cowed electorate that it offers a viable
alternative to President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party.

The launch, at a rally attended by about 5000 people in the central Zimbabwe
town of Masvingo, came after months of dithering about participation in what
is already a ballot rigged heavily in favour of the government.

"We are damned if we do take part, and damned if we don't," MDC leaders
lamented, as their provincial organisations debated at interminable length
whether to boycott the election.

Having decided to contest, the MDC's first hurdle is now time. With just
five weeks to go before polling day, the news of the party's participation
is still only trickling through to rural folk, the crucial section of the
electorate who, among the majority Shona ethnic group, are the bedrock of
ZANU PF's continuing political success.

In Zimbabwe, it takes months for important opposition news to filter into
the countryside, large swathes of which have anyway been declared "no-go"
areas by Mugabe's equivalent of the Nazi Germany-era Brownshirts, the
thuggish youth militias, known as the Green Bombers after their bottle green
uniforms and also a particularly unpleasant blowfly.

The militias, supported by aggressive local ZANU PF committees and the
police, also prevent Zimbabwe's last two independent newspapers, the
Financial Gazette and The Independent, both weeklies, from circulating in
ZANU PF traditional rural strongholds.

Because of the late decision to participate, the MDC manifesto was also
late, and to some extent it reads like ZANU PF's, promising similar manna
from heaven - economic revival, jobs for a populace experiencing an
unemployment rate approaching 80 per cent, boosted agricultural production
and the restoration of such essential but rapidly deteriorating public
services as health.

The MDC's tactical shortcomings are nothing new. Strategically also, it has
failed to develop effectively from being a vigorous protest movement into a
strong political party with a clear ideology and carefully worked out ideas.

Formed in 1999, around the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai, the unassuming
secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trades Unions, the MDC was a
loose coalition of workers sinking into poverty because of Mugabe's
disastrous economic policies; an urban middle class whose quality of life
had been eroded; employers whose business faced various threats; white
farmers who were losing their land and Ndebele peasants who bore the brunt
of massacres by Mugabe's North Korea-trained Fifth Brigade in 1983-84.

The party won 57 out of 120 directly elected seats in the last 2000
parliamentary elections. Two years later, despite massive voter
intimidation, Tsvangirai lost a presidential election only narrowly to

But after 2000 and 2002, Tsvangirai and the MDC failed to consolidate their
dramatic gains. Infighting has seen it lose in by-elections six of the seats
to ZANU PF it had won in 2000.

Although it has been handicapped by heavy government oppression, it failed
to develop beyond its early anti-Mugabe appeal. Its MPs also made some
critical mistakes - for example, when one of its MPs told the BBC that an
MDC government would return properties to white farmers that had been taken
in Mugabe's land grab campaign.

That caused uproar. Mugabe and his ministers pounced on the statement and
called MDC leaders traitors who had sold out to rich whites and British
prime minister Tony Blair. "The people gradually began to doubt the party,"
said Margaret Dongo, a former ZANU PF MP who staged a revolt and became a
celebrated independent. "Its land policy was unclear and the MPs spent
little time in their constituencies. Half the time they are either in their
town houses or out of the country."

The MDC rightly claims it has faced terrible harassment under the infamously
repressive AIPPA (Access to Information and Privacy Act) and POSA (Public
Order and Security Act) legislation. POSA requires the MDC to apply to the
police, now completely loyal to Mugabe, for permission to hold meetings,
while AIPPA has effectively muzzled the independent press.

However, these are near-universal problems faced by opposition parties in
Africa. Opposition on this continent is a thankless and often dangerous
task. No ruling party concedes easy victory to its opponents without a tough
and dirty fight first. The MDC dismally and naively failed to realise and
plan for that.

Tsvangirai thought the walk into State House, given the deep unpopularity of
Mugabe in 2000, would be straightforward. It was never going to be that way,
and in the meantime the MDC has failed to establish a formidable think-tank
tasked to design workable strategies to unseat ZANU PF.

Denford Magora, a columnist with the Financial Gazette, commented, "The
opposition party has deceived itself into thinking that keeping attention
focused on ZANU PF is a strategy. The thinking in the MDC is that all it
needs to get into power is for ZANU PF to misgovern the country.

"Democracy's lessons are very easy to learn. Whenever your opponent puts a
foot wrong, you must be immediately there - not only pointing out that your
opponent has lost the plot, but convincing people that you would have done a
better job because you have real ideas anchored in a passion for developing
the lives of people you seek to lead. When ZANU PF bungles, the MDC rarely
succeeds in capitalising on the situation."

In Zimbabwe's harsh political landscape, some of the criticisms targeted at
Tsvangirai - that he lacks charisma, power-broking skills and political
sophistication - are looking increasingly true.

It is a picture denied by his loyalists. Eddie Cross, the MDC's justice
spokesman, said, "You cannot buy integrity, humility or wisdom. Morgan has
all these characteristics. He has survived several assassination attacks,
has a brutal work schedule and has worked under intense pressure for years -
yet he remains a pillar of strength to those who work with and for him."

Pius Nkomo is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe.
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New Zimbabwe

Fourth Zimbabwe paper shut down

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 02/26/2005 08:33:53
THE Weekly Times newspaper has been forced off the streets after Zimbabwe's
media watchdog -- the Media and Information Commission -- decreed that it
had "a lot of political stories".

Tafataona Mahoso, the chairperson of the MIC, also dubbed Zimbabwe's media
"hangman", announced Friday that the paper which started publishing in
January had been banned for a year.

"The core values, convictions and overall thrust were narrowly political,
clearly partisan and even separatist, in contrast to what had been pledged
in the registration papers," said Mahoso in a statement.

There was no immediate comment from the paper's publishers -- Mthwakazi
Publishing House (Private) Ltd -- but industry sources told New
it was almost certain the paper would file a challenge.

Mahoso's annoyance was evident when the first edition of the Weekly Times
hit the streets. The paper carried interviews with outspoken Roman Catholic
cleric, Pius Ncube, and Professor Welshman Ncube, secretary general of the
opposition MDC.

Mahoso accused the publishers of the Weekly Times of lying that their paper
would be a general news product when it was "running political commentary
through and through".

"The commission regrets to report that all this was a hoax. It therefore
announces, unfortunately, the cancellation for one year of the publishing
licence for Mthwakazi Publishing House, publishers of The Weekly Times,"
said Dr Mahoso in a statement.

The Weekly Times is the FOURTH paper to be shut down inside a year following
the enactment of the widely condemned Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy Act (Aippa).

The Daily News and its sister paper, The Daily News on Sunday were the first
to be shut down. The Tribune followed shortly after. The Daily News has
filed a constitutional challenge of Aippa.

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